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Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School

2012 "The Solution Lies with the American Women": as an Advocate for Violinists, Women, and American Music Catherine C. Williams

Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF MUSIC

“THE SOLUTION LIES WITH THE AMERICAN WOMEN”:

MAUD POWELL AS AN ADVOCATE FOR VIOLINISTS, WOMEN,

AND AMERICAN MUSIC

By

CATHERINE C. WILLIAMS

A Thesis submitted to the College of Music in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Music

Degree Awarded: Summer Semester, 2012 Catherine C. Williams defended this thesis on May 9th, 2012. The members of the supervisory committee were:

Denise Von Glahn Professor Directing Thesis

Michael Broyles Committee Member

Douglass Seaton Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and

certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

ii For Maud

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank my parents and my brother, Mary Ann, Geoff, and Grant, for their unceasing support and endless love. My entire family deserves recognition, for giving encouragement, assistance, and comic relief when I needed it most. I am in great debt to Tristan, who provided comfort, strength, physics references, and a bottomless coffee mug. I would be remiss to exclude my colleagues in the musicology program here at The Florida State University. The environment we have created is incomparable. To Matt DelCiampo, Lindsey Macchiarella, and Heather Paudler: thank you for your reassurance, understanding, and great friendship. Special thanks to Megan MacDonald, my partner-in-crime, for all of the bizarre study hours, conversations, and general flailing. We took this journey together. My outstanding advisor, Denise Von Glahn, has contributed time, effort, and invaluable discussion throughout this thesis process. I am grateful for her confidence and sincere interest in my work. I would also like to recognize my committee, Douglass Seaton and Michael Broyles, for their enthusiastic reviews and contributions to this thesis. I am truly honored to have the opportunity to work with such esteemed scholars.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Musical Examples ……………………………………………………………………… vi Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………………… vii 1. FRAMEWORK OF STUDY ……………………………………………………………… 1 2. A CONCISE BIOGRAPHY OF MAUD POWELL ………………………………………… 5 3. MAUD POWELL, PERFORMANCE, AND AMERICAN MUSIC ………………………. 16 4. ’S ROMANCE FOR AND , OP. 23, AND ’S UP THE OCKLAWAHA: TONE PICTURE FOR VIOLIN, OP. 6 …………………………………………………………………………………… 29 5. SUPPORTING GREAT AMERICAN WORKS ……………………………………………. 39 APPENDIX ……………………………………………………………………………………. 42 BIBLIOGRAPHY …………………………………………………………………………… 49 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH …………………………………………………………………. 56

v LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES

Example 1: Excerpt from Amy Beach, Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23. : Arthur P. Schmidt, 1893, mm. 5-12 ……………………………………………………………………… 32

Example 2: Excerpt from Marion Bauer, Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6. Boston: Arthur P. Schmidt, 1913, mm. 1-4 …………………………………………………… 37

Example 3: Excerpt from Marion Bauer, Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6. Boston: Arthur P. Schmidt, 1913, mm. 3-10 ………………………………………………… 37

vi ABSTRACT

Maud Powell was recognized as among the best violinists at home and abroad during her lifetime. She believed that women should play the violin and that American women could be professional musicians – performers, educators, and composers. Powell’s status as a great artist allowed her the freedom to program and promote music that was not established in the canon of “great works.” Her choices in performance impacted important violin repertoire and gave exposure to composers whose works might otherwise go unheard. Powell brought awareness to American music by performing it and labeling it on her programs as “American.” As an advocate of American music she was adamant that this music needed to be of the same caliber as European “great works.” She did not perform a piece simply because it was American, although she was sure to bring attention to a great work of American music. She performed world premieres of American works, many of which were dedicated to her, as American composers realized the impact that Maud Powell could have. Her influence was justified by her work as a professional performer and the success of her career. Powell was also interested in promoting works by American women. Both Amy Beach’s Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23, and Marion Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6 were dedicated to Powell. Though she was outspoken in written remarks regarding the capability of American women as composers, Powell did not perform these pieces consistently throughout her career. Among her many achievements, Powell is important to our nation’s because she was the first American-born professional violinist, she was the first instrumentalist to record for the Red Seal Label of Victor Records, she attempted to dissolve gender and racial barriers, and she premiered and recorded many contemporary American works at a time when these works had few advocates of her caliber. The little scholarship on her work as a great artist does not reflect her presence as a celebrated figure in American music during her lifetime. Powell’s place in history and the importance of her career resonates beyond herself or individual women performers or composers. It highlights the significance of great performers in music history and their influence on how music history is written.

vii CHAPTER 1 FRAMEWORK OF STUDY

This thesis discusses the ways the American violinist Maud Powell (1867-1920) promoted music by American composers. It considers two pieces dedicated to and performed by Powell: Amy Beach’s Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23, and Marion Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6. In order to determine Powell’s specific motivations for advocating certain works by American composers, I consider critical reception and Powell’s personal observations as recorded in letters, articles, and program notes. Primary sources for this thesis are housed in the Archive of the Maud Powell Society, located in Brevard, North Carolina, and in the Public Library. The Archive contains letters, scrapbooks (in hard copy format, printed from microfilm copies found in the New York Public Library), recordings and transcriptions, and photographs. In preparation for this thesis I traveled to Brevard, conducted research in the Maud Powell Society Archive, and established a working relationship with the archivist and Powell biographer Karen Shaffer. The Maud Powell Society has a useful website, http://www.maudpowell.org, with easy navigation that is helpful when looking for basic biographical information, such as a personal chronology or birth and death dates. The website is run and regularly updated by Karen Shaffer. Due to the limited bibliography of secondary writings pertaining to Powell, archival research has been crucial to my project. The information that resides in the Maud Powell Society Archive is a result of the research conducted for the only Maud Powell biography in existence, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, by Karen Shaffer and Neva Garner Greenwood. The 530-page biography, published in 1988, consists of a detailed account of Powell’s life. Greenwood did not actively begin to collect information on Powell until the 1970s. She searched the to locate Powell’s scattered memorabilia and managed to collect a large quantity of these materials. Her work on the Powell biography came to an end in 1980, when, due to poor health, she passed the project on to Karen Shaffer (a former violin student of her own). Shaffer finished the manuscript of the biography in 1986, three months before Greenwood’s death. Due to Greenwood’s deep investment in the Powell biography project,

1 Shaffer included her as a co-author of the biography, although it was published after Greenwood’s death. The tone of the biography tends to be more journalistic than scholarly, but this does not necessarily reflect the quality of the research.1 While the contents of Shaffer’s work have been helpful in constructing my own biographical sketch of Powell, the best sources remain Powell’s personal documents and memorabilia. Two pieces by American women dedicated to Powell are Amy Beach’s Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23, and Marion Eugénie Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6. While Beach has a relatively significant place in music history (see Adrienne Fried Block’s biography, Amy Beach, Passionate Victorian: the Life and Work of an American Composer, 1867-1944, or Jeanell Wise Brown’s Amy Beach and Her : Biography, Documents, Style), Bauer’s life is less well known. Sources on Bauer include Ellie M. Hisama's Gendering Musical : The Music of Ruth Crawford, Marion Bauer, and Miriam Gideon, and a chapter in Denise Von Glahn’s forthcoming book Music and the Skillful Listener: American Women Compose the Natural World. Familiarity with the lives and works of both Beach and Bauer, and their relationships with Powell, will provide important context. Material available in the Florida State University Libraries and through Internet resources is limited to that found in several magazines and early American music periodicals, such as articles on Powell published in Etude, Cosmopolitan, and . The Maud Powell Society Archive has supplied more sources of this type to provide cultural context and perceptions of Powell in American society. Naxos Historical Records re-issued Powell’s Complete 1904-1917 Recordings in 2001. As Powell was the first instrumentalist to record for the Red Seal label of Victor Records, these recordings are also pertinent.2 Her recordings are discussed in Chapter 3. Additional modern recordings of music championed by Powell may be found on ’s CD American Virtuosa: Tribute to Maud Powell and Pine’s personal podcast Violin Adventures with Rachel Barton Pine. Pine has performed music from Powell’s repertoire across the country in an effort to educate today’s audiences about Powell’s life and influence.

1 It should be noted that neither author is/was a musicologist.

2 Karen A. Shaffer, and Neva Garner Greenwood, Maud Powell, Pioneer American Violinist (Arlington, VA: Maud Powell Foundation, 1988), 175.

2 In addition to violin recitals and formal concerts, Powell is known to have stopped in small towns and given impromptu performances in order to reach Americans who had never heard a violin recital.3 Programs, program notes, and reviews of these recitals are important in recording the frequency of Powell’s performance of American music. A wealth of Powell’s photographs exists in the Maud Powell Society Archive and the New York Public Library. In addition to photographs, Karen Shaffer and Rachel Barton Pine’s Maud Powell Favorites (a collection of the music dedicated to, transcribed by, and performed by Powell) includes advertisements and publicity. These documents provide insight into the strategies used to advertise a female solo violinist. For example, one English critic described Powell’s playing as “the arm of a man, the heart of a woman, and the head of an artist.”4 This phrase was used by Powell throughout her career on advertisements and business cards. As Susan McClary states in her discussion of music and gendered language, in sexist formulations “the ‘feminine’ is weak, abnormal, and subjective; the ‘masculine,’ strong, normal, and objective.”5 The description of the English critic used by Powell as a marketing tool promotes her as both masculine, feminine, and as an androgynous “artist.” Thus, this project also looks at the use of language in regard to gender, and how masculine and feminine stereotypes were applied to Powell, or by Powell, or were avoided altogether. A brief review of late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century social constructs of gender (in music and in general) has been necessary in order to understand the context of the lives and careers of Beach, Bauer, and Powell. Feminist scholarship is important to this endeavor, including works such as Gender and the Musical Canon by Marcia J. Citron; Women Making Music: The Western Art Tradition, 1150-1950, edited by Jane M. Bowers and Judith Tick; Julie Des Jardins’s Women and the Historical Enterprise in America: Gender, Race, and the Politics of Memory, 1880-1945; Rita Felski’s The Gender of Modernity; Susan McClary’s Feminine Endings; Christine Ammer’s Unsung: A History of Women in American Music; Ralph

3 Karen Shaffer, “Maud Powell, A Pioneer’s Legacy,” The Maud Powell Society, http://www.maudpowell.org (accessed January 5, 2012).

4 Karen A. Shaffer, and Rachel Barton Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 4 vols. (Brevard, NC: The Maud Powell Society for Music and Education, 2009), 17.

5 Susan McClary, Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, and Sexuality (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1992), 10.

3 P. Locke and Cyrilla Barr’s Cultivating Music in America: Women Patrons and Activists since 1860; and Suzanne Cusick’s article “Gender, Musicology, and Feminism.” Additionally, historical sources that focus specifically upon women violinists have provided contemporary perspectives, such as Henry C. Lahee’s Famous Violinists of To-day and Yesterday, or women musicians, such as George P. Upton’s Woman in Music. In addition to researching the performer, Maud Powell, I have learned both pieces from the case study in order to grasp the significance of these pieces in the violin repertoire. As a performer studying a performer, it has been helpful figuratively to “step into her shoes.” In other words, I have experienced the music through the act of performance, as Powell would have experienced it. This thesis includes a condensed biography of Powell, a discussion of contemporary ideas concerning gender and societal norms at the time, performance as a career during Powell’s lifetime, and consideration of her advocacy of American music through performance, using Beach’s Romance and Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha as case studies.

4 CHAPTER 2 A Concise Biography of Maud Powell

Maud Powell was born on 22 August 1867 in the small town of Peru, Illinois, to William Bramwell Powell and Minnie Paul Powell. William Powell (1836-1904), born in Castile, New York, was an educator, best known for his work as superintendent of public schools, first in Peru, then for the East Side public schools in Aurora, Illinois, and later in Washington, DC.6 Minnie (1843-1925), was born Minnie Bengelstraeter in the Westphalia region of what was then Prussia. She emigrated from Prussia with her family to the United States in 1849, first to New Orleans and then to LaSalle, Illinois. Not long after arriving in LaSalle, both of Minnie’s parents fell ill with cholera and died. Minnie and her two surviving siblings were split among adoptive families, and Minnie came under the care of William and Caroline Paul of Peru, Illinois.7 Minnie and William Powell were married on 28 May 1865.8 Minnie was an amateur pianist and composer, who desired a musical career for herself, but it never came to fruition. According to Maud, “she [Minnie] often said to me, ‘I have achieved through you what I was never able to do myself.’ It was my mother who, so to speak, first ‘tried music on me’ to find out if I was musical.”9 Powell’s father began his work as superintendent in Aurora in 1870, when his daughter was three years old. Five years later in the same city Powell began her musical education with William Fickensher, initially studying the piano and shortly thereafter the violin. Fickensher was a German immigrant to Aurora, an amateur luthier, and head of the district music department. His daughter, Emma Fickensher, helped teach Powell piano.10 In studying piano, Powell followed in the footsteps of many young women. According to Christine Ammer, piano and harp were popular instruments for young American women to study in the nineteenth century, because

6 Shaffer and Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 2.

7 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 3-4.

8 Ibid., 9.

9 Ibid., 11.

10 Ibid., 12.

5 “they could be played in a demure seated position.”11 But more girls were also taking up violin. In 1899 American musicologist Henry C. Lahee observed that “in the past forty or fifty years the violin has become a fashionable instrument for ladies.”12 Powell started her violin studies with -based teacher William Lewis (1836-1902) in 1876, and she made early public appearances performing duets with him at the age of nine.13 Five years later Lewis encouraged Powell to seek training in . In July of 1881, at just shy of fourteen years old, Powell traveled with her mother and younger brother Billy (William Paul Powell, 1871-1935) to , to take up study with violinist Henry Schradieck (1846-1918) at the Conservatory. After one year of study Schradieck determined that he had no more to teach Powell. She graduated from the Conservatory in October 1882 and moved on to the Conservatory to study with Charles Dancla (1817-1907). Six months later, at the recommendation of both Dancla and Schradieck’s teacher, Belgian violinist Hubert Léonard (1819-1890), Powell withdrew from the Conservatory to pursue a concert tour in England. Settling in London in May of 1883, Powell performed in that city throughout the next year. She also toured in Scotland during September of 1883. In 1884 Powell traveled to for study with violinist (1831-1907) at the Königliche Hochschule für Musik.14 Powell’s study with Joachim at the Hochschule culminated in her debut with the in March of 1885, when she performed Bruch’s in G Minor. Travel to Europe for musical education was common among Americans in the late nineteenth century, even for women. Though women were admitted to schools such as the Leipzig Conservatory, their fields of study were often limited to voice, piano, or harp. Composition and theory were not among classes available to women; they were expected to become private teachers or performers rather than composers. Powell falls into this category.

11 Christine Ammer, Unsung: A History of Women in American Music (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001), 22.

12 Henry C Lahee, Famous Violinists of To-day and Yesterday (Boston: The Page Company Publishers, 1899), 300.

13 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 22.

14 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Joachim, Joseph," (by Beatrix Borchard), http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed January 31, 2012). In 1868 Joachim had established the Königliche Akademie der Künste, an instrumental music school. It was renamed the Königliche Hochschule für Musik in 1872.

6 Returning to the United States, Powell felt unsure whether social constraints might limit her opportunities to perform professionally: “At the time I finished my studies abroad and returned to this country … girl violinists were looked upon with suspicion, and I felt that I had a hard road to travel in my native land …”15 Taking matters into her own hands, Powell attempted to contact the famous American conductor Theodore Thomas to request a chance to perform with his in the Chicago Summer Night Series. When Thomas ignored letters written on her behalf by William Lewis, Powell traveled to with her mother to confront Thomas in person. She politely requested that he listen to her, and he immediately booked her American debut with him in July of that year. On 30 July 1885 the seventeen-year-old Maud Powell appeared on a Chicago stage in her American debut with the Chicago Summer Night Concert Series. Performing Max Bruch’s Violin Concerto No. 1 in G Minor, Op. 26, with Thomas’s orchestra, she began her American career as a professional musician. Based upon her performance, critics claimed that Powell had the potential to be a great American violinist.16 Despite the expectations of her sex, a common topic of interest for critics throughout her career, Powell proved with this first performance that she had the talent to be considered at the forefront of American violin performers. Additionally, Powell earned the respect of Thomas, who valued talent and intelligence in women.17 Thomas personally presented Powell her first paycheck.18 Powell’s skill thus helped her to overcome certain boundaries determined by society’s assumptions regarding her sex and paved the way to a career as the first American-born woman professional violinist.19 Although Powell was the first American-born professional violinist, male or female, she was preceded in her American career by several important immigrant violinists. One of them provided a model for her. Camilla Urso (1842-1902) was the first immigrant woman violinist to

15 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 81

16 Ibid., 82.

17 Rose Fay Thomas, Memoirs of Theodore Thomas (New York: Moffat, Yard, and Co., 1911), 31. According to Rose Fay Thomas, Theodore Thomas said, “I do not care for so-called ‘pretty women.’ What I admire is character and intelligence.”

18 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 98 and 83.

19 Adrienne Fried Block and Nancy Stewart, “Women in American Music, 1800-1918,” in Women & Music: A History, ed. Karin Pendle (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2001), 206-207.

7 perform professionally in the United States. Urso was born in Nantes, . In 1849 she was the first female student admitted to the Paris Conservatory; at age seven she was a year younger than the minimum age for admission. Through her admittance to the Conservatory, Urso opened the first of a series of doors for female violinists. In September of 1852 she travelled to the United States and made her American debut in a set of three concerts in New York with singer . Over the next several years Urso toured the United States with Alboni and later with the Germania Musical Society and Henriette Sontag. Urso settled in Nashville with her family in 1855 and did not perform publicly for eight years. In 1863 she returned to France, where she married Frederic Luère. Urso kept her already famous name, and Luère became her concert manager – a marriage model followed by Powell just over forty years later. An important step for Urso’s career and for women musicians in Boston was her 15 February 1867 performance of Mendelssohn’s Violin Concerto in E Minor, Op. 64, and Vieuxtemps’s Ballade et Polonaise at a concert sponsored by the Harvard Musical Association. Her performance was so well received that the Harvard Musical Association penned a testimonial in Dwight’s Journal of Music, explaining that it was their “duty as brethren (who it may be admitted are the more thoroughly capable of recognizing skill in this department of the art)”20 to bear witness to Urso’s great ability. For the sixty-one musicians who signed the document Urso’s performance of the Mendelssohn concerto was exceptional. In their opinion, “it is not enough today to say that it was a wonderful performance for a woman; it was a consummate rendering, which probably few living men could improve upon.”21 Urso had proven to this fraternity of the Boston musical elite that she could hold her own in performance. In this sense, and in the year of Powell’s birth, she set the stage for Powell’s success as a professional violinist in the United States.

20 “Mme Camilla Urso: Testimonial to the Violinist,” Dwight’s Journal of Music 27/1 (30 March 1867), 7.

21 Ibid.

8 After her Chicago debut Thomas booked Powell to perform the Bruch Violin Concerto with the in November of 1885. In response to this performance influential New York music critic Henry Krehbiel wrote, by last night’s performance she established a right of domicile wherever good music is cultivated. She is a marvelously gifted woman, one who in every feature of her playing discloses the instincts and gifts of a born artist… It is delightful to meet a young American artist who has in her the ability to give so much present pleasure, and who promises so much for the future…22

In 1887 she again performed the Bruch Violin Concerto, this time with the Boston Symphony Orchestra under the direction of Wilhelm Gericke. Powell turned her talents to other works when she performed the American premiere of Tchaikovsky’s Violin Concerto in D major, Op. 35, on 19 January 1889 with the New York Symphony directed by Walter Damrosch. Two years later, on 14 February 1891, she performed another American premiere, this time the Saint-Saëns Violin Concerto No. 2 in C Major, Op. 58, with Theodore Thomas and the Philharmonic.23 Over the next few years Powell performed in a number of different musical settings. In 1891 she toured the United States with the Gilmore Band under the direction of the Irish- American conductor and composer Patrick S. Gilmore (1829-1892). After emigrating to the United States in 1849, Gilmore had begun to conduct American bands in the 1850s. He established his own ensemble, the Gilmore Band, in 1858.24 Of the seven soloists who toured with the Band in 1891, Powell was the only instrumentalist but not the only woman – opera singers Ida Klein, Louise Natali, and Anna C. Mantell were also on the tour. In 1892 Powell returned to Europe for the first time since her years of study. She toured Germany and Austria with the New York Arion Society, a male choir directed by Frank van der Stucken (1858-1929).25 Powell and German pianist Franz Rummel were the only instrumentalists to tour with the Society that season. Van der Stucken arranged for professional to

22 Henry Krehbiel, “Philharmonic Society Concerts,” New York Tribune (15 November 1885), 4.

23 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 100, 112, 118.

24 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Gilmore, Patrick S.," (by Frank J. Cipolla), http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed January 31, 2012).

25 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Stucken, Frank van der," (by Michael Steinberg), http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed January 31, 2012).

9 perform with the group at each stop on their tour. Their final concert occurred back in the United States, in on 30 October 1892, and Powell was inducted as an honorary member of the Arion Society following the performance. The next year, Powell was featured at the Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition, as both a performer and a presenter. The 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition commemorated the four hundredth anniversary of Christopher Columbus’s arrival in the New World. It was an international spectacle. On 1 May 1893 the Woman’s Building at the Chicago World's Columbian Exposition was opened with appearances, speeches, and performances by women. In her address to the opening festivities for the Woman’s Building, President of the Board of Lady Managers Bertha Palmer stressed the need for proper education for women.26 Adrienne Fried Block describes Palmer’s impact: She advanced a program for “the thorough education and training of woman to fit her to meet whatever fate life may bring.” In order to demonstrate women’s competence, Palmer declared that the board has brought together “evidences of her skill in various industries, arts, and professions as may convince the world that ability is not a matter of sex.”27

The Woman’s Building, according to Stanley Applebaum, was a venue “in which it was shown that women were capable in just about every department …”28 The Women’s Musical Congress, chaired by Elizabeth Curtis Green (Mrs. George B. Carpenter), began on Wednesday, 5 July 1893, and lasted three days. It was one of 224 congresses held during the Exposition. Each congress focused on various aspects of art, technology, philosophy, science, religion, or activism. The Women’s Musical Congress included papers and performances by women. Powell was the only female violinist to perform with Thomas’s orchestra in the Exposition concerts, performing the Bruch and Mendelssohn violin concertos. Additionally, she served on the Advisory Council of the Women’s Branch of the World’s Congress Auxiliary on

26 “Bertha Palmer,” in The Cyclopaedia of American Biography, ed. John Fiske et al. (New York: Press Association Compilers, 1918), 136-38.

27 Adrienne Fried Block, Amy Beach, Passionate Victorian: The Life and Work of an American Composer, 1867-1944 (New York: , 1998), 82.

28 Stanley Applebaum, The Chicago World’s Fair of 1893: A Photographic Record (New York: Dover Publications, 1980), 69.

10 Music, which organized the Women’s Musical Congress.29 While attending the Women’s Musical Congress, Powell performed with Amy Beach and delivered a speech on “Women and the Violin.” Powell’s speech encouraged women to take up the violin, while candidly observing that prejudice against women as violinists arose not from gender alone but because women rarely played the violin “with the intention of making of it a life work.”30 The text of her speech, a version of which was printed in The Ladies’ Home Journal in February of 1896, may be found in the Appendix. The Musical Congress also featured speeches by other notable women in music: “The Piano,” by Amy Fay; “The Work of Woman’s Amateur Musical Clubs in America,” by Rose Fay Thomas; “Women on the Lyric Stage,” by Lillian Nordica; and “Women Violinists as Performers in the Orchestra,” by Camilla Urso.31 Powell’s performance with Amy Beach will be discussed in Chapter 4. After the Women’s Musical Congress, Powell continued to present American premieres of important works. On 7 April 1894 she introduced Dvořák’s Violin Concerto in D Minor to New York audiences with and the New York Philharmonic. In that year she also formed a professional , the Maud Powell String Quartet. Her colleagues in the quartet were all men: violinist Josef Kovarik, violist Franz Kaltenborn, and cellist Paul Miersch. Over the next three months the quartet performed throughout the New England area with Powell in the first violin position. According to Karen Shaffer, Powell was the first American woman to form her own string quartet.32 The only known woman to lead a quartet before her was Madame Wilma Norman Neruda, later Lady Hallé, in England, though Neruda stepped in as leader of Ludwig Straus’s already established quartet.33

29 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 136-37.

30 Ibid., 141.

31 W. S. B. Mathews, “The Musical Congresses at Chicago,” Freund’s Weekly (July 1893), 5.

32 Ibid., 143.

33 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Neruda," (by John Clapham), http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed March 14, 2012).

11 In 1903 Powell was invited to tour Europe with the “March King” John Philip Sousa (1854-1932) and his band.34 As a child Sousa had studied violin, piano, and flute, and at thirteen he was an apprentice for the United States Marine Band. In 1875 Sousa left the Marine Band to work as a conductor and violinist in various positions throughout Washington, D.C., and . Five years later, in 1880, Sousa became the fourteenth conductor of the U.S. Marine Band.35 Powell was one of two soloists to tour with the Sousa Band in 1903; the other was American soprano . It was on this tour that Powell met London native H. Godfrey Turner, the English manager of the Sousa band. Turner, nicknamed “Sunny” or “Sunny Jim” by friends because of his good humor, got to know Powell as they toured Europe together. By mid-1904 Powell had announced her engagement to Turner, though she was sure to clarify that her professional career would not end with her marriage.36 That she made a point of saying this tells us something about the expectations of the time. In fact, Powell had once advised young women who wanted to become professional violinists to avoid marriage, writing in an 1891 issue of The Ladies’ Home Journal: In addition to the fatigues caused by the long hours of practice and study – back of which must be a genuine love for the work – devotion and sacrifice are necessary. Many social pleasures must be denied, and intense must be the application of the girl who would become proficient. And to her who would become a professional artiste, let me say with “Punch” when addressing those about to marry – “Dont.” [sic.]37

In another interview in 1891 Powell had reiterated her sentiments on marriage, explaining, “I do not intend ever to marry–at least that is the way I feel now. Art is a jealous mistress. She will not tolerate a divided allegiance.”38 When she married Turner in 1904 she did not officially take his last name, but rather asked to be called “Madam Powell.” She also wore her wedding ring on her right hand rather than her left, to avoid interference with her violin playing. After their marriage,

34 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Sousa, John Philip," (by Paul E. Bierley), http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed January 31, 2012).

35 Ibid.

36 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 194, 198.

37 Maud Powell, “Violin Playing for Women,” The Ladies’ Home Journal (February 1891) 7.

38 “Chat of an Artiste,” The Chicago Times (17 May 1891), 94.

12 Powell and Turner moved to an apartment in New York City.39 Although married, Powell continued to work and did not allow her new status to impede upon her career as a professional violinist. As early as 1901 Powell’s name began to be associated with the idea of musical genius. Hobart H. Burr observed, “no woman either of this or any other country has exhibited genius in violin-playing in addition to high execution. Miss Powell, however, is the greatest violinist America has produced, and is the foremost girl-violinist of the world today.”40 By 1913 Powell was recognized as a genius, without the stipulation of gender, as in this observation from the Daily Republican Herald in Winona, Minnesota: “Between what an ordinary person can do and the feats of a genius like Maud Powell the gulf is immeasurable.”41 Though she broke ground as a great violinist who was a woman, Powell did not actively campaign for the rights of women outside of violin performance. Powell never claimed to be part of the Women’s Rights Movement, perhaps because her opinion of the movement fluctuated. Her only constant regarding women’s rights or opportunities was that women can and should play the violin. When Gladys Livingston Olmstead asked “with a touch of mischief” if Powell would join the Suffragettes on her next trip to London in 1912, after an outburst of “No indeed!” from her husband Powell replied: I think it’s a form of obsession with English women, but the laws are so abominably unjust it’s no wonder they lose their heads. Oh, I believe in equal opportunities for women, co-education and all that … I know that women musicians receive less pay than those of the opposite sex although they are often far superior. I confess injustice like that is most annoying, but personally I am too busy to do any suffragetting!42

39 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 201, 203.

40 Hobart H. Burr, “American women musicians,” The Cosmopolitan: A Monthly Illustrated Magazine (1886-1907) 31 (August 1901), 361.

41 “Maud Powell a Genius,” Daily Republican Herald (11 December 1913), 4.

42 Gladys Livingston Olmstead, “Maud Powell,” The Lyre of Alpha Chi Omega (April 1912): 220.

13 The next year she expanded on her opinion regarding the right to vote. When asked if she was opposed to women’s suffrage: Certainly not. I don’t have any particular desire for the vote, but the withholding of it seems unfair. It is true that many women are not ready for it. But many men are quite as unfit.43

Powell cast her vote in the November 1919 elections in New York, where voting rights for women had been established in 1917, but she died seven months before women could participate in a national election. Powell’s first health problems began to show in early 1913. After her performances in the winter of 1912 on the west coast she spent the Christmas holiday resting in Hawaii, with the exception of two recitals on 27 December 1912 and 2 January 1913. In April of 1913 Powell fell ill with appendicitis. Her determination to perform three days after her surgery had her onstage for a recital in Grand Rapids, Michigan on 5 May and a concert at the Syracuse Music Festival on 7 May. She traveled a remarkable distance in a short amount of time throughout her recovery from surgery. She agreed to cancel appearances scheduled for June, and after failing to recuperate, she underwent a second surgery for an unknown cause in July.44 After this operation, her health rebounded and she returned to performing. Between 1909 and 1919 Powell made annual concert tours of the United States. In 1914 she changed her views on American music education. In the past, she had advised that American musicians go to Europe for musical training. In her speech on “Women and the Violin” in 1896, Powell noted, Excellent teachers and the best of music are to be found in America, and pupils can secure the best instruction in the world in this country. But the musical atmosphere is lacking… the student must go abroad. It is in Germany, to my mind, that the embryo musician will secure the best musical foundation. There she will acquire breadth and virility of style, earnestness of intention and truth of sentiment. Before completing her work, however, the young worker should get from the French or Belgian teachers a knowledge of their exquisite finish and polish, grace, smoothness and delicacy.45

43 “Miss Maud Powell at Home,” New York Evening Sun (21 October 1913), 19.

44 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 341-42.

45 Maud Powell, “Women and the Violin,” The Ladies’ Home Journal (February 1896), 12. See Appendix.

14 By 1914 her stance altered, perhaps because she had performed music herself for so long and so successfully in the United States: “It is certainly not necessary to go to Europe to find splendid musical instruction.”46 Another factor clearly contributed to the need for good American music education: the Great War. The outbreak of in July 1914 restricted Americans' travel in Europe, although the United States did not enter the war until 1917. The war not only kept American musicians at home but also forced some European musicians to take refuge in the U.S.47 From 1915 on Powell and Turner relaxed during the summer months at their country home outside of Whitefield, New Hampshire. Turner believed time away from the city would be good for Powell’s health. In 1917 Powell was among several artists, including dancer and choreographer Isadora Duncan, who performed for American troops in training camps around the country. Powell’s health in the next two years ranged from glowing to dangerously unwell. She wrote her will on 5 November 1919 at age fifty-two. Several weeks later, on 27 November, Powell collapsed on stage from a heart attack. She was in St. Louis at the Odeon theater performing the Mendelssohn Violin Concerto, Brahms’s Sonata in D Minor, Op. 108, and her transcription of J. Rosamund Johnson’s spiritual “Nobody Knows the Trouble I See.” At the conclusion of the final piece, Powell laid her violin on the piano and subsequently collapsed in the arms of her accompanist, Axel Skjerne. Powell survived the heart attack but was hospitalized. The majority of her December engagements were cancelled, but she returned to work with two recording sessions at the end of that month. Apparently restored, she announced that she would resume her concertizing in January. On Tuesday, 7 January, Powell, Turner, and Skjerne travelled to Uniontown, , for a performance at the Penn Theatre. Just before the concert Powell collapsed once again, this time in the dressing room. She died the following morning. She was fifty-two years old.

46 “Maud Powell: One Artist Who is Thoroughly American,” Fort Worth Star Telegram (11 February 1914), 2.

47 Among the refugees were violinists Fritz Kreisler, Jacques Thibaud, , and Jascha Heifetz.

15 CHAPTER 3 Maud Powell, Performance, and American Music

Until the last quarter of the twentieth century women’s engagement in musical culture was not considered systematically. Women had been involved in music, but their activities were overshadowed by a historical narrative that focused upon great works and great men.48 Maud Powell’s work as a professional violinist earned her recognition as a great musician of her time, but traditional historical narratives have obscured her importance. Music is not only composition; it is also, equally, performance. There are occasions where composer and performer are one and the same, and the line between them blurs. But this is not always the case. Music is heard through the translation of the notes written by the composer to the fingers or voice of the performer. Without devaluing the role of the composer in music history, I would like to consider a music history that acknowledges multiple participants, rather than singling out composers. Through the eighteenth century women were not generally allowed access to musical training that took place in the church or in the courts. Until the nineteenth century, with the creation of public conservatories, women’s roles in music were rather limited. The few women who were involved in music professions before the nineteenth century were often members of the nobility or of musical families (for example, Francesca Caccini and Elisabeth-Claude Jacquet de la Guerre, both from musical families), but these were few and far between in comparison to their male colleagues. Most of these women were opera singers, not instrumentalists. Noble women were confined to practice within their homes and performing privately among their social circles. In the nineteenth century public conservatories and other academies of music in Europe began to admit women into their classrooms. The Paris Conservatory opened in 1795 and offered women classes separate from men. The Royal Academy of Music in London followed the same model when it opened in 1823. As discussed in Chapter 2, these classes were generally intended to prepare students for performance or teaching.

48 Jane Bowers and Judith Tick, “Introduction,” Women Making Music: The Western Art Tradition, 1150-1950 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1986): 3.

16 Music history has traditionally focused upon compositions and composers in part because compositions leave behind documentary evidence. Performers such as Powell are the link between the musical document and the audience. Marcia Citron points out in this context that typically the score has been presented as the musical work itself rather than as a “visual representation of an aural experience in time.”49 The need for sounding music makes performers necessary. Scholars can gather evidence regarding performing careers before the advent of recording technology by examining reviews, letters, and other documents. Despite these limitations on the historiography of performance, it is an essential part of music-making. In Gender and the Musical Canon, Citron devotes a chapter to the consideration of professionalism in music. Her discussion focuses almost entirely on professionalism in relation to compositions and composers, both female and male. However, Citron dedicates a brief yet important section to the idea that performance and composition are not so far removed from each other as writers of music history might suggest. Citron explains, “As a counter to the traditional emphasis on the composer, the approach [of studying performance] reveals that women were quite active in music … It also underscores the sociological proximity between composing and performing.”50 The establishment of a musicological canon is affected by this emphasis on composition. Citron explains that canons have “a great affinity for a written tradition.”51 In fact, canons are governed by a written tradition. The canon is dependent upon those great works and composers that represent change in music history, or that embody a certain technique, genre, or time period. As writers of history, we are easily misled by the weight of the canon. A comprehensive history requires us to search beyond those already established as great musicians. If we are to write a history incorporating of representative people and works, it should include those who were representative performers of a technique, genre, or time period in addition to composers. Maud Powell belongs in this history of great musicians. Powell’s concerts promoted a particular repertoire. Her recordings reinforced this repertoire and enlarged the range of her

49 Marcia J. Citron, Gender and the Musical Canon (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 37.

50 Ibid., 209.

51 Ibid., 38.

17 impact. She was the first instrumentalist to record for Victor Records’ Red Seal label. This important milestone will be discussed further in the following chapter. Performance has not been entirely absent from scholarship. However, musicological study involving performance has largely focused on performance practice, rather than performance itself. While the study of performance practice is important for understanding historical performance environments, performers themselves have not been the focus. A study of Maud Powell clarifies the important roles performers can play in musicology. As Powell encouraged women violinists to take up the instrument with no regard for their sex, she also encouraged American audiences to accept American as equal to European classical music.52 She did not strive for special consideration regarding the nation’s music, but rather for acceptance. When Edith Winn asked why Powell performed American music, the violinist answered, I have been criticized for this … but I invariably say that American artists owe it to their country to play the best examples of American music. How can we expect to have any national music, if someone does not play these works publicly? Foreign artists come over here and take enormous sums of money out of the country. They have not really served us vitally. They are not in sympathy with our institutions. They rarely play works by American composers. I must try to do what I can for American music.53

Powell devoted herself to the promotion of American music through her performances, programming, recordings, and remarks. In 1904 Powell became the first instrumentalist to record for the Celebrity Artist series on the Red Seal label of Victor Records.54 The Victor Talking Machine Company had been established in 1901 by Eldridge Reeves Johnson, a businessman and early pioneer of the recording industry. In April of 1903 Italian tenor became the first artist to record for Victor’s newly established Red Seal label. At the time, Caruso was singing for the Metropolitan Opera in New York, and the recording was made in a studio in Carnegie Hall. Red Seal records were created by Victor as part of a campaign to educate the American public. In

52 For Powell’s remarks directed towards women violinists and their potential as professional musicians, see Appendix.

53 Edith L. Winn, “Maud Powell as I Knew Her – A Tribute,” The Musical Observer 19/3 (March 1920), 58-59.

54 Shaffer and Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 13.

18 addition to introducing music to listeners, Victor also sought to encourage discipline, literacy, and performance. The Red Seal label was initially dedicated to operatic vocal recordings, but Victor expanded the range of the recordings when the Company added Powell in 1904. Powell recorded for the Red Seal label from 1904 to 1919, including a large collection of her repertoire, from the third movement of Felix Mendelssohn’s Violin Concerto in E Minor, Op. 64, to her own transcription of J. Rosamund Johnson’s spiritual “Nobody Knows the Trouble I See.” 55 Other American works on her recordings included, in order of recording date: Hermann Bellstedt, Caprice on Dixie (25 May 1910); Samuel Coleridge-Taylor, “Deep River” (15 June 1911); Hart Pease Danks, “Silver Threads Among the Gold” (24 June 1914); Nelson Kneass, “Ben Bolt” (18 June 1915); Victor Herbert, Petite Valse (5 June 1916); Four American Folk Songs (arranged by Powell): “My Old Kentucky Home” and “Old Black Joe” (Stephen Foster), “Kingdom Comin’” (Henry Clay Work), and “Shine On” (Luke Schoolcraft) (6 June 1917); and Charles Wakefield Cadman, Little Firefly (Wah Wah Taysee) (7 June 1917). The wide range of Powell’s recordings represents a conception of American music that includes classical, folk, and popular musics, with an emphasis on the latter two. In the late nineteenth century, music in America was a source of “two sets of tensions: one between a populist and an elitist attitude toward music, and another between a conceptualization of music as entertainment and music as a moral force.”56 Musicologist Michael Broyles notes that the lines between these divisions were often blurred and crossed.57 Powell’s recordings demonstrate that she was involved in this interchange and crossover of these three types American music. In 1917 Powell performed a program of seventeen of her recorded works at Carnegie Hall.58 Richard Aldrich of the New York Times noted that Powell was “a pioneer in a new line at Carnegie Hall last evening, when she frankly went back to the most popular favorites for the

55 For a chronology of Powell’s recording sessions, see Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 428-32. For a complete discography of Powell’s recordings, both published and unpublished, see Ibid., 432-46.

56 Michael Broyles, “Music of the Highest Class”: Elitism and Populism in Antebellum Boston (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 2.

57 Ibid.

58 Shaffer and Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 13.

19 violin.”59 The works were popular favorites in large part, however, because of Powell’s performances and recordings. Powell’s violin-playing was immortalized in her recordings for Victor Records’ Red Seal label. Her intonation, exacting technique, and warmth can be heard in these recordings, a technological luxury afforded to modern scholars. As the first instrumentalist to record for a label dedicated to educating American listeners, Powell achieved a wide influence. For the first time, students of the violin had access to music performed by a professional that they could listen to repeatedly. Additionally, Powell had the opportunity to establish a concert repertoire. The pieces she chose would become familiar to American audiences through the distribution of her recordings. On the concert stage Powell was devoted to introducing new American works, along with performing the best of the European violin repertoire. She played world premieres of works by American composers. Powell’s first premiere of an American work took place on 26 March 1890 with the New York Arion Society conducted by Frank Van der Stucken: Henry Holden Huss’s Romance and Polonaise for Violin and Orchestra. Huss (1862-1953) was an American composer and toured as a concert pianist in the 1880s; he later became a piano teacher, publishing several articles on piano pedagogy. In April of 1906 Powell played the world premiere of Huss’s Violin Concerto in D Minor, Op. 12, with the Russian Symphony Orchestra of New York conducted by Modest Altschuler. The concerto was also dedicated to Powell. That same year she played the American premiere of Sibelius’s Violin Concerto in D Minor. Sibelius had only finished the concerto in 1904 and revised it in 1905. Sibelius, also a violinist, had sent Powell a signed photograph of himself before she performed the work in November of 1906, addressing her as “the Violin Queen.”60 Powell never returned to Europe after 1907. Instead, between 1907 and 1919 she toured the United States annually, and she particularly enjoyed playing recitals for audiences in the western part of the country.61 Powell performed with the newly formed Maud Powell Trio in the

59 Richard Aldrich, “Maud Powell in Novelty,” The New York Times (9 January 1917).

60 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 238.

61 Ibid., 255.

20 winter months of 1908 through 1909. Her fellow musicians were English cellist May Mukle and her sister, pianist Anne Mukle Ford. After the Trio’s performance season ended, Powell returned to her work as a solo artist touring the United States. She continued to premiere works and played the world premiere of Samuel Coleridge-Taylor’s Violin Concerto in G Minor, Op. 80, on 4 June 1912. As had many composers before him, he dedicated his work to Powell. Powell often performed works dedicated to her by American composers. It was an honor to be a dedicatee. These composers also understood her ability to reach a wide audience in America through her recordings and recitals. In addition to those previously discussed, American works dedicated to Powell include Cecil Burleigh’s Four Rocky Mountain Sketches, Op. 11; Harry Gilbert’s Marionettes (Scherzo); Edwin Grasse’s Scherzo capriccioso, Op. 19, Waves at Play, In a Row Boat, and Polonaise No. 1 in C Major; William Humiston’s Suite for Violin and Orchestra in F-sharp Minor; Max Liebling’s Fantasia on Sousa Themes; Arthur Loesser’s California; Henry Rowe Shelley’s Concerto in G Minor; and Carl Venth’s Aria. Of the above- mentioned American works recorded by Powell, Hermann Bellstedt’s Caprice on Dixie and Samuel Coleridge-Taylor’s “Deep River” were dedicated to her. Hermann Bellstedt (1858-1926) was a cornettist and composer born in , Germany. When he was nine years old, his family emigrated to , , where he studied cornet and made his public debut at the age of fifteen. In 1889 he became a member of the Gilmore Band. Bellstedt met Powell when she toured as a violin soloist with the Gilmore Band in 1891. Bellstedt joined John Philip Sousa’s band in 1904, just in time for the European tour that featured that group and soloists Powell and Estelle Liebling. During this tour Bellstedt wrote Caprice on Dixie for Powell. “I Wish I Was in Dixie’s Land” was a song written by Daniel Emmett, a minstrel performer from Mount Vernon, Ohio. Emmett’s group, the Virginia Minstrels, performed the first full-length minstrel show in Boston in 1843. Emmett’s “Dixie” was first performed in New York in 1859, but it was mostly successful in the south after an 1860 performance in New Orleans. The minstrel song became so popular in the south during the Civil War that it was largely associated with the Confederacy.62

62 Richard Crawford, An Introduction to America’s Music (New York: Norton, 2001), 126, 163-66.

21 Powell premiered the Caprice on Dixie, which also featured excerpts from Stephen Foster’s “My Old Kentucky Home,” as an encore during her summer 1905 tour in , though for these performances she called the work “An American Sketch.” She recorded the work on 25 May 1910, in her own arrangement, in which she eliminated Bellstedt’s version of “My Old Kentucky Home,” creating a Caprice that solely featured “Dixie.” As she chose to record the work in this arrangement for Victor Records in 1910, it is likely that this is the version Powell performed in public. Her arrangement was never published, but a transcribed version of her recording is included in Shaffer and Pine’s Maud Powell Favorites.63 Powell also championed works by African-American composers or pieces based on African-American music. While on tour in South Africa in 1905 Powell was disturbed that black South Africans were barred from her performances. In response to this she stood at her window in various hotels across the country and played to the black South Africans in the streets. After this experience Powell made an effort to support African-American music in her home country. Powell worked closely with Samuel Coleridge-Taylor after meeting him in London in 1898. Coleridge-Taylor had been raised in England by his English mother and father from Sierra Leone. In the mid-1890s Coleridge-Taylor befriended African-American poet Paul Laurence Dunbar, and the two collaborated on works and performances in 1898. As Powell and Coleridge- Taylor developed a friendship, Powell used her family connections to the Smithsonian Bureau of Ethnology through John Wesley Powell to aid Coleridge-Taylor in his work.64 Additionally, she added his Gipsy Song and Gipsy Dance to her repertoire, performing the two works in recitals across the United States in 1901. In 1903 Coleridge-Taylor was commissioned by Boston publisher Oliver Ditson to create a collection of African-American music for piano, despite his being a British citizen. Relying in part on the songs made popular and collected by the Fisk Jubilee Singers, Twenty-Four Negro

63 Shaffer and Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 57.

64 Donald Worster, A River Running West: The Life of John Wesley Powell (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), xi, 204, 404, 440. Maud Powell was not the only influential American advocate in her family. John Wesley Powell, Maud’s uncle, was well-known for his work in American exploration. In 1869 he led the first white expedition down the Colorado River into the Grand Canyon. He was the second director of the US Geological Survey (1881-1894), one of the founders of the National Geographic Society (1888), and the founding director of the Smithsonian Bureau of Ethnology (1879).

22 Melodies, Op. 59, was published in 1905.65 Coleridge-Taylor was commissioned to transcribe these spirituals in a “classical art form.”66 Powell transcribed “Deep River,” one of the Twenty- Four Melodies, in 1910. Thereafter she included “Deep River” on the majority of her short recital programs. Powell’s performance of “Deep River” was the first time that a white, classically-trained musician had performed an African-American neo-spiritual.67 Showing rare sensitivity to racial issues at the time, Powell acknowledged that under a white hand this music is a poor imitation of an actual spiritual.68 Powell’s recording of “Deep River” on 15 June 1911 was the first recording of this song in any format. Later in life, when asked for her favorite recorded piece, she cited “Deep River”: “it’s a real American tune.”69 In her way, through classical music, she was attempting to overcome racial barriers and create an environment of openness. The piece was, according to Henry Krehbiel, the “most effective bit of music based on American folk song.”70 In other reviews of Powell’s performance of the work, critics observed that the audience was moved to tumultuous applause or to sing the song along with her playing. Powell arranged several popular American works for her own performance.71 She also arranged a set of songs, which she alternately called Four American Folk Songs or Plantation Melodies, to be performed together. The four songs were “My Old Kentucky Home” and “Old Black Joe,” by Stephen Foster, “Kingdom Comin’,” by Henry Clay Work, and “Shine On,” by

65 Judith Tick and Paul Beaudoin, Music in the USA: A Documentary Companion (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 506-9. In 1934 Zora Neale Hurston, author of Their Eyes Were Watching God, would argue that spirituals written in this format, for this kind of performance, or performance at all, were not genuine. Spirituals were meant to be sung with a congregation. For Hurston, “there never has been a presentation of genuine Negro spirituals to any audience anywhere.” Rather, these performances were based on spirituals, and they should be called “neo-spirituals.” Hurston challenged stereotypes of black spirituals and did not believe in performing them as art- song arrangements or in concert settings.

66 Shaffer and Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 69.

67 Ibid., 70.

68 Ibid., 66.

69 Ernest John, “An Original Interview with Maud Powell,” The Music Lover 1/4 (August 1915).

70 Henry Krehbiel, “Maud Powell’s Recital,” New York Tribune (1 November 1911).

71 In addition to Coleridge-Taylor’s “Deep River” these include J. Rosamund Johnson’s “Nobody Knows the Trouble I See” and Hart P. Danks’s “Silver Threads Among the Gold.”

23 Luke Schoolcraft. With the exception of “Nobody Knows the Trouble I See,” Powell recorded all of these works. On 15 December 1912 Powell premiered Marion Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6, at the Scottish Rite Auditorium in San Francisco; American pianist Harold Osborn Smith accompanied her. Up the Ocklawaha was one of five short pieces at the end of the program. There was one other American work in that group, Coleridge-Taylor’s “Deep River.” Powell wrote program notes for the Bruch Concertstück and Up the Ocklawaha. Those for Up the Ocklawaha included a short description of Bauer, details about the piece’s origins, and a summary of a poem Powell had written about the Ocklawaha River based on her personal experience. Powell’s poem had, in fact, been part of Bauer’s inspiration for Up the Ocklawaha. Further discussion of the poem and its relation to Bauer’s piece may be found in Chapter 4. Powell was vocal about her opinion of American music. In 1910 she wrote an article for the New York Tribune titled “America’s Musical Future.” Echoing ideas similar to those that had been expressed by Dvořák during his American residency in the 1890s, Powell explained that an American style will be founded “in the melodies of the Southern negro”: It is only in this country we hear the assertion that there is no such thing and never can be any such thing as characteristically American music. Europeans enjoy our ragtime and Sousa marches more than most of us would believe … But we have in view a higher achievement in American music than this. It will be attained only when our composers realize the value of the material afforded by the history, the literature, the folklore, and the wonderful natural beauties of their own country. Of such material there is an abundance and a variety to create the poetic mood, which will induce the vitalizing and transforming touch of artistic inspiration. Music thus created will be characteristically American in content as well as expression. It will be genuine American music.72

Less than two years later, Powell departs from the Dvořákian conception of music in the United States. In 1912, in an interview for the The Lyre of Alpha Chi Omega, Powell explains: Music here is still in its swaddling clothes. We have everything to learn. Before we produce anything great our musicians must travel; know their country and people thoroughly; know all types of our music, Negro, Indian–all sorts. The national music will not be based on Indian or Negro themes alone–(themes must come from the heart)–not from one section or another but on the assimilation of music of every kind.73

72 Maud Powell, “America’s Musical Future,” New York Tribune (26 June 1910), 18.

73 Gladys Livingston Olmstead, “Maud Powell,” The Lyre of Alpha Chi Omega (April 1912), 219.

24 Instead of depending entirely upon the “Southern negro” for American music, Powell notes that American music should constitute many different styles and backgrounds. As reflected in her recordings, she chose a wide variety of American works. In the same article, Powell notes that women should play a key role in the cultivation of American music: I for one feel the solution lies with the American women. If they would teach their daughters to think more about the Arts and less about dress, and their sons to consider these things to be at least as important as the pursuit of the Almighty Dollar, our national music would arrive that much sooner.74

Powell also believed women were vital to American musical growth. In reporting a 1911 interview with Powell for Musical America, H. F. Peyser explained, [Powell] has been observing the musical growth of the country in a very literal sense. She has made observations on the spot. And after duly noting conditions from Maine to she reports that all’s well. And who is to be thanked for this? “The women,” says Miss Powell, emphatically. “The women are making the musical wheels revolve.”75

Peyser provoked Powell at this point, mentioning that this idea is “not quite in accordance with the Lambertian hypothesis.”76 In response Powell asserted her opinion, with a biting aside on the social environment of New York City. Peyser observed, She smiled blandly and insisted even more firmly that the women of America deserved the largest slice of credit for the land’s musical awakening and advancement. “Maybe not in New York,” she said, “but then you know that you can’t judge by this city. As long as women continue to spend their money on those absurd and hideous Spring bonnets one cannot look to them for undivided support of artistic matters. Besides that, New York is full of nouveaux riches and is so different from the rest of the country! But get outside of it and you will find that women are not wasting their money on their Spring hats. They deserve a tribute for encouraging not only music but every form of culture.77

74 Ibid., 218.

75 H. F. Peyser, “Women are Making our Musical Wheels Turn, Says Maud Powell,” Musical America (April 1911): 2.

76 Grant W. Petty, A First Course in Atmospheric Radiation (Madison, WI: Sundog Publishing, 2006), 103. “As a crude approximation, one often assumes the flux of upward reflected radiation is equally distributed over all angles, irrespective of the direction of the source. Reflection obeying this rule is called Lambertian.” In physics, Lambert’s cosine law explains that a Lambertian surface reflects the same level of radiance when viewed from any angle. By referring to this hypothesis Peyser may be implying that Powell is not assessing women and men equally.

77 Peyser, “Musical Wheels,” 2.

25 Powell’s opinions about the establishment of an American national music is not entirely new. Nearly sixty years earlier, William Henry Fry had called for a “Declaration of Independence in Art”: Until this Declaration of Independence in Art shall be made–until American composers shall discard their foreign liveries and found an American School–and until the American public shall learn to support American artists, Art will not become indigenous to this country, but will only exist as a feeble exotic, and we shall continue to be provincial in Art.78

Powell expressed her support of American music not only in her interviews but also in her programs. During her later concert tours she often dedicated entire sections of her programs to American composers. In 1912, after validating Powell as “an artist who stands by the side of the greatest violinists living,” The Musical Leader claimed that Powell “has given much attention to the American in composition and she believes that very much is to be expected from this country in the way of creative ability.”79 Later that year, in an article for the San Francisco Examiner, Thomas Nunan reiterated that point: American composers have a good friend in Madame Powell, who exploits their work as much as is consistent with concert requirements. Her own place as the foremost American instrumentalist is established and secure, and she is helping and encouraging American writers all she can. For that in addition to her musical attainments, she deserves the applause of this country’s music-lovers.80

Powell was determined to note that she did not sacrifice quality for the sake of performing American music: I do not believe in playing things just because they are American, if they do not happen to be good music. There is no use in that. The standard must be rigidly preserved. But any American music that attains the standard of value set by the world’s classics ought to be frequently presented. There are many exquisite works by American composers.81

78 Quoted in Irving Lowens. Music and Musicians in Early America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1964), 217-18.

79 “Maud Powell Who is Now Finishing Tenth Consecutive Season in America Tells of American Composers and Their Works,” The Musical Leader 16 (16 May 1912), 29.

80 Thomas Nunan, “Maud Powell Gives Farewell Concert,” San Francisco Examiner (16 December 1912), 7.

81 “Big Talent at Meade,” Baltimore Evening Sun (28 June 1918), 10.

26 Additionally, Powell tried to educate the American audience on proper behavior at her recitals. She had no problem breaking the fourth wall during a performance. Powell described an incident with a vocal baby in the audience: Before beginning I noticed a baby in the audience. It was “goo-gooing” considerably, and I had my misgivings as to what might happen during the Brahms sonata. Strangely enough it kept remarkably quiet and the sonata went off well. Then I started Schumann’s “Träumerei.” No sooner had I played the first ten bars than there arose loud “goo-goos” from the baby. I was disconcerted and I stopped and addressed the audience, telling them that I had them in the hollow of my hand and did not want to lose them, that the baby was undoubtedly a dear one but that I could not continue while it “goo-gooed.” Still the mother did not make the slightest attempt to leave. I played a little further and the same performance began again. I came to an abrupt halt in anger and told the audience very emphatically that the concert hall was not a nursery.82

In addition to teaching concert etiquette, Powell expressed an awareness of the musical preferences of American audiences. In 1915 she described American taste: Oh–I think the public still rather likes to be dazzled; but it seems to differ somewhat in different communities. Some like the brilliant things, some the emotional, and some the spiritual-dainty. It’s largely a question of putting them in the right mood. A great deal depends on the art of compiling programs–I mean that things must be led up to properly; creating the proper contrasts and so on. The American public doesn’t like long, meandering introspective things, but they like things with a definite idea; things that are short and can be grasped in their entirety. They think rather too much about just going from one bar to another and enjoying it as they go along, instead of thinking of a composition as a whole.83

She had faith, however, that American audiences were capable of understanding the music she performed and deserved to be treated as such. In an interview with the Musical Courier a year earlier she explained: I play everywhere, from the largest cities to the smallest towns. My programs? No, I never suit them to any particular audience. I never “play down to the public taste.” The American public is the most discriminating and the most grateful that it is possible to imagine.84

82 Peyser, “Musical Wheels,” 2.

83 Ernest John, “An Original Interview with Maud Powell,” The Music Lover 1/4 (August 1915).

84 “Maud Powell Interviewed,” Musical Courier (16 September 1914): 35.

27 Powell encouraged American audiences to listen and be aware of their musical surroundings. She performed and recorded a variety of works, including many American works, to expose her audiences to as much music as possible. In her programming, published remarks, and recordings she promoted American music.

28 CHAPTER 4 Amy Beach’s Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23, and Marion Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6.

Amy Beach and Marion Bauer were important women composers during Maud Powell’s lifetime, and she had connections with both of them. Amy Beach’s Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23, and Marion Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6 were dedicated to Powell, and she premiered the two works. As demonstrated in Chapter 3, Powell supported American music through her programs, interviews, articles, and recordings. In this chapter I consider the significance of her programming these two works.

Amy Beach’s Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23

Amy Marcy Cheney Beach (1867-1944) was born on 5 September 1867 in New Hampshire – fifteen days after Maud Powell. Beach was raised in Massachusetts by Charles Abbott Cheney, a paper manufacturer, and Clara Imogene Cheney, an amateur musician and a Congregationalist Christian. The belief system of Clara’s religion maintained that children’s souls must be saved through early teachings of piety and strict discipline. One recommendation was to restrict a child’s deepest craving. For Amy, this was the piano.85 Amy showed early signs of being a musical prodigy. She not only asked her mother and grandmother to sing to her constantly, but if a song was sung differently from her first hearing, she would ask them to “‘sing it clean.’”86 Clara’s limitation on Amy’s access to music was perhaps an attempt to hinder her prodigal development. Despite Clara’s resolution, however, Amy continued to progress as a musician. By age seven Amy was performing in public, playing programs that included her own works.87

85 Block, Amy Beach, 6.

86 Ibid., 4.

87 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Beach, Amy Marcy," (by Adrienne Fried Block), http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed September 16, 2011).

29 Unlike Powell, who went to Germany at age thirteen, Amy did not train in Europe. Instead, she studied piano with Ernst Perabo and Carl Baermann in Boston. When she was fourteen she spent one year studying and counterpoint with Junius W. Hill at Wellesley College. After this initial study Beach taught herself composition.88 Her auto-didactic technique included attending symphony rehearsals with scores in order to study orchestration. Amy Cheney debuted in Boston at the age of sixteen in October of 1883 at the Music Hall – two years before Powell would debut in Chicago. With an orchestra conducted by Adolf Neuendorff, Amy performed Frédéric Chopin’s Rondo in E-flat and Ignaz Moscheles’s Concerto in G minor. Until her marriage to Henry Harris Aubrey Beach (1843-1910) in 1885 Amy Beach performed throughout Boston as a piano virtuoso.89 After her marriage Amy Beach significantly reduced her performance schedule, “in respect of his [Henry Beach] wishes … giving only annual recitals, with proceeds donated to charity.”90 Beach was no longer earning income as a professional performer. Powell’s previously noted concerns about women performers and marriage relate to Beach’s situation. Beach was able to continue a career as a musician, but as a composer rather than a performer. Henry, an amateur musician and member of the Harvard Musical Association, encouraged Amy to compose, as he believed that she had a great gift in that regard.91 Henry persuaded Amy to pursue her musical career in private. Not only was she kept from the public stage, but Henry did not allow her to study composition. She was self-taught through vigorous score study. Additionally, he urged her to compose in large musical forms such as the Mass, as he believed this represented compositional mastery.92 Henry allowed Amy to keep the money she earned from royalties. Henry’s actions reflected societal conventions that valued composition over performance.

88 Jeanell Wise Brown, Amy Beach and Her Chamber Music: Biography, Documents, Style (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow, 1994), 20.

89 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Beach, Amy Marcy," (by Adrienne Fried Block), http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed September 16, 2011).

90 Ibid.

91 Block, Amy Beach, 47-48.

92 Ibid.

30 Beach was the first American woman to compose in the large forms of Western classical music. In 1892 the Handel and Haydn Society performed her Mass in E-flat (1889) – the first work by a woman to be performed by that group. The performance was well received by critics, and Beach began to emerge as an important composer within the Boston circle.93 Her career was enhanced when she was asked to compose for the 1893 Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition. The President of the Board of Lady Managers, Bertha Palmer, wrote to Beach in March of 1892, asking her to compose a work for the opening of the Woman’s Building, though Beach would not be compensated for her work due to limited funding. Beach set to work, and in six weeks she composed the Festival Jubilate, Op. 17, for chorus and orchestra.94 The Theodore Thomas Orchestra performed the Festival Jubilate at the opening on 1 May 1893. Additionally, three of her works were performed at the Women’s Musical Congress. Amy Beach performed on the first morning program of the Congress.95 Of the six works performed at that program, Beach’s were the only instrumental ones. On the second day of the Women’s Musical Congress, Powell and Beach premiered Beach’s Romance Op. 23, for violin and piano. Of the six musical groups of works on the evening program, there were only two instrumental performances. The other was pianist Adele Lewing performing her own compositions.96 The disproportionately small number of women instrumentalists on these programs reflects the numbers of women vocalists and instrumentalists in the professional field. Altogether, there was a total of fifteen performances of works by women at the Women’s Musical Congress. Beach composed the Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23, specifically for the Columbian Exposition and dedicated the work to Powell. The program published in Freund’s Weekly listed a Mrs. A. H. Burr as the accompanist for the premiere performance of the Romance. This was likely a mistake, as both newspaper reviews and a letter addressed to Amy

93 Brown, Amy Beach, 37.

94 Block, Amy Beach, 78-80. As with all Jubilate works, the piece featured Psalm 100, “Oh, be joyful in the Lord, all ye lands.”

95 Official Programme of the Department of Music, The Woman’s Branch of the Auxiliary, The World’s Congress Auxiliary (Chicago: The Chicago Historical Society, 1893), 8. Beach’s pieces were not specified on the program.

96 W. S. B. Mathews, “The Musical Congresses at Chicago,” Freund’s Weekly (July 1893), 5.

31 Beach from Maud Powell clarify that the composer was the accompanist on that occasion.97 In the letter, Powell writes, The dainty artistic edition of your charming Romanza was sent me yesterday. Please accept my gracious thanks. I am using the Romanza this winter and shall hope to have the pleasure of playing it in Boston some time during the season. Our meeting in Chicago and the pleasure of playing together made a most delightful episode in my summer’s experience. I trust it may soon be repeated.98

Arthur P. Schmidt published the Romance later in 1893. The Romance featured a melody based on Beach’s own song “Sweetheart, Sigh No More,” which Beach also performed with singer Jeannette Dutton on the final day of the Congress. According to Block, the connection between the two works went unnoticed by newspaper reviews.99

Example 1. Romance for Violin and Piano, violin entrance mm. 5-12, with “Sweetheart, Sigh No More” motive highlighted.

97 See Block, Amy Beach, 82 and Brown, Amy Beach, 166.

98 Maud Powell, Letter to Amy Beach (December 1893).

99 Block, Amy Beach, 82-83.

32 The Romance is in ternary form. The outer sections of the form resemble “Sweetheart, Sigh No More,” while the B section has a thicker, more orchestral accompaniment in the piano under a virtuosic melody. In a review of the performance for the Boston Post one critic noted that Beach’s fashionable clothing and young face were unexpected for such a genius.100 Another review in Harper’s Weekly, a Boston-based magazine, called Beach “the shining light among American women composers.” The same article observed, There certainly seems no adequate reason why women, who have attained eminence in all the other arts, should not compass a like eminence in music; possibly the woman’s exposition will succeed in proving that they have already done so. A dramatic overture by a Miss Lang was recently played in Boston by the Symphony Orchestra with great success; but, on the whole, the record made by women in music hitherto is not brilliant, and we must look to the future rather than to the past to justify their claims as musicians.101

Similar to Powell’s assessment, the author of this observation believed that the advent of notable music by American women was imminent but had not yet occurred, despite the success of Margaret Ruthven Lang, another Boston composer, and the “shining light” of Amy Beach. In her letter to Beach, Powell had noted her hope to perform the Romance during the upcoming performance season, but there is no evidence that she did so. Though Powell supported American music, and she called the work “artistic” and “charming,” the Romance does not appear to have become one of the regular works in her repertoire. The reasons for this may be the abstract nature of the piece. Beach’s Romance does not have a program, narrative, or specific musical imagery, and Powell seems to have preferred such works because of their appeal to audiences. Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha, on the other hand, is referred to as “picture drawing in music.”102 Up the Ocklawaha creates images of an American river in Florida through both the

100 Ibid., 83.

101 Reginald de Koven. “Music and Drama.” Harper’s Weekly 37/1897 (29 April 1893), 406.

102 Denise Von Glahn, Music and the Skillful Listener: American Women Compose the Natural World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, forthcoming), 89-90.

33 music and the poem included in Powell’s program notes. This kind of imagery appealed to Powell as a means of engaging her audience.

Marion Bauer’s Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6

Marion Eugénie Bauer (1882-1955) was born in Walla Walla, Washington, the youngest of seven children. Her father, Jacques Bauer, was a shopkeeper and amateur musician. Her mother, Julia Heyman Bauer was a teacher at Whitman College. Marion received her first music instruction at home with her sister, Emilie, and then at the St. Helen’s Hall Girls School in Portland, Oregon.103 In 1903, at age twenty-one, Bauer moved to New York to live with Emilie. In the city Emilie worked as a music critic for The Musical Leader. Marion studied harmony with American composer and pianist Henry Holden Huss (1862-1953). In 1906 Bauer moved to France to study with pianist and composer . While Bauer was in France, she met French composers Lili (1893-1918) and (1887-1979). When Bauer agreed to teach English to the Boulangers, Nadia offered her lessons in composition and harmony.104 In 1907 Bauer returned to New York, where she earned her living as a composer, teacher, and performer. She spent time at the MacDowell Colony, a retreat for artists created in 1907 at the site of the summer home of composer Edward MacDowell in Peterborough, New Hampshire.105 Many of Bauer’s compositions were shaped by her experiences at the MacDowell Colony, where she summered a total of twelve times between 1919 and 1944.106 She also taught music history at from 1926 to 1951 and was well known as a lecturer on music.107

103 Ibid., 76-79.

104 Ibid., 80-81.

105 Grove Music Online, s.v. "MacDowell Colony," (by Arnold T. Schwab and David Macy) http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed February 2, 2011).

106 Von Glahn, Music and the Skillful Listener, 73n.

107 Grove Music Online, s.v. "Bauer, Marion Eugénie," (by J. Michele Edwards) http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed September 16, 2011).

34 In 1912 Powell and Bauer lived in the same building in New York and the two women formed a friendship as neighbors and musicians. Bauer spoke of their friendship in an interview with The Musical Leader in 1920: Maud Powell lived across the hall from us a few years ago, and we became very good friends. She had great faith in my ability and often said, “I want you to do for the American composer what I have tried to do for the American woman violinist.” She always urged me to write something for her, and I always demurred, saying, “Wait until I have the inspiration.”108

Though Powell was fifteen years older than Bauer, the two women had similar attitudes about gender at the time. Bauer explained that she did not “listen to the sly remarks of intolerant men regarding women composers … if given a reasonable chance for development, an individual talent, regardless of sex, can progress and grow.”109 Powell’s “great faith” in Bauer’s ability as a composer is evident in her patronage of Bauer’s work. Powell commissioned Bauer to compose Up the Ocklawaha after Powell took a steamboat tour up the Ocklawaha River in Florida’s central highlands in February of 1912. The Ocklawaha was known for its connection to Silver Springs, the largest artesian spring in the United States.110 Powell wrote a poem about her experience, titled Up the Ocklawaha (An Impression), which was published in the San Francisco Examiner in December of that year. She depicted the imagery of the river: A stream of bark-stained waters, A swift and turgid river. A restless, twisting, tortuous river, Bankless, through a cypress swamp, Escaping to the sea.111

108 Erminie Kahn, “The Aims of Marion Bauer,” The Musical Leader 39/23 (3 June 1920), 550.

109 Ellie M. Hisama, Gendering Musical Modernism: The Music of Ruth Crawford, Marion Bauer, and Miriam Gideon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 124.

110 Jeff Sowards, “Oklawaha River Aquatic Preserve,” Florida Department of Environmental Protection, http:// www.dep.state.fl.us/coastal/sites/ocklawaha (accessed January 30, 2012). The Ocklawaha is one of the oldest rivers in Florida, home to over one hundred species and is currently protected by the Oklawaha River Aquatic Preserve. It borders the Ocala National Forest, established in 1908.

111 Shaffer and Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 106.

35 Upon hearing Powell describe her trip upriver, Bauer imagined a musical picture: “I was deeply impressed with the picture which had been forming itself into the musical images in my mind ever since she had begun to talk.”112 Within hours of starting, Bauer had nearly completed sketches for Up the Ocklawaha. She took the piece to Powell: I went back to her and showed her the almost completed sketches. There were tears in her eyes when she handed it back to me and said, “It is just as though you had been there.” So she played it and it was really hers.113

Later that year a critic for The Musical Leader called Powell “an artist who stands by the side of the greatest violinists living,” and claimed that Powell “has given much attention to the American in composition and she believes that very much is to be expected from this country in the way of creative ability.”114 The article also discussed the now-complete Up the Ocklawaha in detail, and stated that Powell would include it on her upcoming concert season. As mentioned in Chapter 3, Powell premiered the work with American pianist Harold Osborn Smith on a San Francisco recital on 15 December 1912. Powell performed Up the Ocklawaha multiple times during the 1912-1913 recital season. She often placed the piece in a group of American works at the end of her programs. Perhaps Up the Ocklawaha was only performed for one season due to her perceptions of the needs of American audiences. According to Powell, they wanted dazzling, picturesque works, but this work was likely difficult to understand. Critics called the work a “tone painting in ultra modern style.”115 Example 1 displays the opening of the piece, with slow, quiet chordal motion in the piano. The chords in the right hand are accompanied by a low, dissonant bass in the left:

112 Kahn, “The Aims of Marion Bauer,” 550.

113 Ibid.

114 “Maud Powell Who is Now Finishing Tenth Consecutive Season in America Tells of American Composers and Their Works,” The Musical Leader 16 (16 May 1912), 29.

115 Shaffer and Pine, Maud Powell Favorites, 103.

36 Example 2. Up the Ocklawaha, mm. 1-4

In the beginning of 1914 Powell performed Up the Ocklawaha in Florida for the first time. In a review for the Orlando Morning Sentinel, one critic remembered the performance: The violinist warned the audience that it would not enjoy the number, as it represents the ultra in Futuristic music. But interpreted by Miss Powell the music became a reality for those who have had a similar experience on the famous stream and the number was loudly applauded.116

Although Up the Ocklawaha had an American subject, it was easier for audiences to understand more direct and tuneful pieces such as “Deep River” as definitively American works. According to her warning for the Lucerne audience, Powell believed that Bauer’s piece would not be well- received for this reason. Example 2 displays the beginning of the violin part. The melody, while distinct in its harmonics, chromaticism, and large leaps, is not easily sung.

Example 3. Up the Ocklawaha, violin part, mm. 3-10.

116 “Maud Powell Recital at the Lucerne,” Orlando Morning Sentinel (29 January 1914), 8.

37 Additionally, Up the Ocklawaha provided Powell the opportunity for virtuosic display through octave double-stops, quick travel up and down the fingerboard, and false harmonics. Powell attempted to aid her audience in appreciating Up the Ocklawaha despite its “futuristic” tendencies. Several programs from the 1912-1913 season included an excerpt from Powell’s poem: A boat glides up a swift and tortuous river. The bark-stained waters rush darkly through a mighty swamp Giant cypresses stand knee-deep in noisome ooze, losing their birthright in the vampire clutch of the deadly Tillandsia (Spanish moss). The trees seem shrouded in death rags. The mournful swish of the dying branches against the Hiawatha as she pushes up-stream, is the primeval forest’s last whispered appeal to humanity for release from its awful fate.117

The poem was likely included to help Powell’s audience understand the moody, “ultra-modern” work. Though Powell performed Beach’s and Bauer’s pieces, neither work remained in her repertoire, and she did not record either one. While she certainly encouraged American women to become professional musicians, she did not give precedence to their works in her repertoire simply because these works were by women. As observed in Chapter 3, Powell believed in performing great works, without privileging any single composer, nationality, or gender. Just as she maintained that she was a great artist, regardless of sex, she performed great music, regardless of composer.

117 Ibid., 10.

38 CHAPTER 5 Supporting Great American Works

Maud Powell was recognized as among the best violinists at home and abroad during her lifetime. She was called “America’s greatest violinist,”118 a “genius,”119 and “the Violin Queen.”120 She also believed that women should play the violin and that American women could be professional musicians – performers, educators, and composers. Her own career was her best argument. Powell’s status as a great artist allowed her the freedom to program and promote music that was not established in the canon of “great works.” Her choices in performance impacted important violin repertoire and gave exposure to composers whose works might otherwise go unheard. Powell brought awareness to American music by performing it and labeling it on her programs as “American.” As an advocate of American music she was adamant that this music needed to be of the same caliber as European “great works.” She did not perform a piece simply because it was American, although she was sure to bring attention to a great work of American music. She performed world premieres of American works, many of which were dedicated to her, as American composers realized the impact that Maud Powell could have. Her influence was justified by her work as a professional performer and the success of her career. Though in her prose Powell was adamant about promoting American women in music, she did not give precedence to the pieces by Amy Beach and Marion Bauer in her programming. She was outspoken in written remarks regarding the capability of American women as composers, but this was not reflected in her performances. Neither piece appears in her recordings either, although this might be explained by doubts on RCA Victor’s part that the works would sell, rather than by Powell’s evaluation of the music itself. Perhaps Powell believed that the best influence she could have on American women composers was her own career as a successful music professional.

118 Eliza Archard Conner, “Maud Powell, America’s Girl Violinist: Genius and Hard Work Both,” Macon Telegraph (February 1893), 6.

119 Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer American Violinist, 152.

120 Ibid., 238.

39 A music history that includes women’s music careers should involve performers, patrons, educators, institutions, and music clubs. Powell was aware of women’s work in these musical activities: Women are daily becoming more serious in their motives, more earnest in making their studies something to outlast their girlhood. It is to be expected that the near future will see them availing themselves more and more of the opportunities which are before them as violinists … The field of instruction is naturally theirs …

The value of amateur musicians and their work was never more evident that at present. Already scores of towns in the United States have their music clubs of amateurs who, meeting fortnightly or monthly, study and interpret the works of the great composers… They create musical centres which are far-reaching in their influence, and which promise much for the future development in our country of the divinest of all arts–music.121

Participants in these various musical occupations must be considered in order to create an accurate picture of music history, as composition is only one aspect of music-making. Powell’s place in history and the importance of her career resonates beyond herself or individual women performers or composers. It highlights the significance of great performers in music history and their influence on music historiography. The lack of documentary evidence will always be an issue for scholars studying performers in music history. Scholars do not have access to the performance as an object, whereas composers have provided documentation of their work through scores. Performers have only had access to recording technology since the turn of the twentieth century. It is difficult to determine style, technique, and tone without hearing the performer firsthand. Musicologists may depend on secondary documents to discover and study the career of a performer before recordings were available. Study of performers has benefited greatly from the arrival of recording technology. Today there is no reason why important performers after the turn of the twentieth century should be overlooked. In Chapter 3 I discussed the musical canon and the importance of representative musicians. These musicians either denote a significant change in music history or they embody the style of a particular period in music. As Powell’s career illustrated, she was a harbinger of change. She was a musician of “firsts.” Among her many achievements, Powell is important to

121 See Appendix.

40 our nation’s music history because she was the first American-born professional violinist, she was the first instrumentalist to record for the Red Seal Label of Victor Records, she attempted to dissolve gender and racial barriers, and she premiered and recorded many contemporary American works at a time when these works had few advocates of her caliber. The little scholarship on her work as a great artist does not reflect her presence as a celebrated figure in American music during her lifetime. Maud Powell’s achievements as an exceptional violinist, her progressive opinions on the capabilities of women in music, and her advocacy for great American music prove her place as a significant musician in American music history.

41 APPENDIX Powell, Maud. “Women and the Violin.” The Ladies’ Home Journal (February 1896): 12.

42 “There is no good reason why women should not play the violin, it having been proved that they are capable of attaining as high a degree of proficiency in that accomplishment as are men. Women are especially qualified by nature to be interpretive musicians. They are endowed with fine sensibilities, have keen intuitions and are subtly sympathetic. They, therefore, have a special faculty for discerning a composer’s meaning and spirit, and for merging their own individuality in an interpretation according to his idea. The reasons for the choice of the violin as an instrument for women are many. It is not only the most perfect of all instruments, ranking second only to the human voice, but it is also the most graceful, both in itself and its manipulation. That the proportional number of successful women violinists is small is not because woman is endowed with a poorer quality of talent than man, or that she is inferior to him in mental equipment, but is rather due to the fact that she rarely takes up the study of the violin with the intention of making of it a life work. She regards it usually as a temporary occupation to be abandoned whenever she shall assume the duties of wifehood and motherhood. This means a lack of earnestness and thoroughness, and of intensity of purpose, essential to the achievement of success and vital to its accomplishment.

But even these essentials would be of no avail without the requisite musical talent together with adequate physical endowment. Musical talent means, at its least, a perception of tune, a sense of rhythm, and especially when applied to the violin, the absolute essential of a true and sensitive ear, capable of cultivation to an appreciation and distinction of the nicest differences of pitch and tone color. The requisite physical qualities are perfect health, strength and endurance–conditions imparted by a good constitution. Strength and endurance are necessary, for the many long hours of daily practice are both a great physical tax and an intense intellectual and emotional strain. The hands must be strong, supple and properly shaped for the handling of the instrument. They should be rather broad, having a wide span between the thumb and forefinger. Long fingers are not a disadvantage, especially if they thus overcome their usual accompaniment, a narrow hand, but the moderately broad hand with fingers of medium length and thickness is the better.

43 The instrument should be placed in the hands of the beginner at an early age–between six and nine years, according to the child’s size and strength–so that the little arms and hands may gradually adapt themselves to the difficult positions while the muscles and sinews are still soft, pliable, and adaptable.

The mere manipulation of the violin is so difficult that it demands, in the beginning, an almost undivided attention. This the child can give only after having acquired the rudiments of music: a knowledge of the tone intervals in scale and melody combinations, the simpler keys and their scales, also the simpler time values, together with representations on the treble and bass clefs of these tone and time relations. These may be learned at the piano six months or a year before the violin is taken up. Piano practice should be continued with the violin study, although the work of the latter should occupy the greater part of the student’s time. As the pupil advances she should begin the study of the theory of music, as thereby she not only gains a knowledge of the science of music but also derives great benefit from the mental training which such study gives. The selection of a violin for a beginner is second in importance only to the choice of an instructor. A good instrument is a necessity for the production of a good quality of tone and for the education and training of the ear, but it is a mistake to put into the hands of a young player a violin of very great value, as a child can neither produce from such an instrument the best that is in it, nor appreciate it sufficiently to give it proper care. A good bow is also a necessity. Both violin and bow should be kept with great care and attention. Both should always be wiped off after use, and all traces of rosin dust removed. The violin should be wrapped in a handkerchief of soft silk before being places in its leather or wooden case. The case with its precious burden should be kept in a room of moderate temperature and dry atmosphere, extreme cold and dampness being deadly foes to a violin’s well-being. When exposure to cold or dampness is unavoidable a silk-line wrap of eiderdown flannel should be used. The bow should never be rosined violently, as much friction causes the rosin to melt and consequently clot. The surface of the rosin should be kept flat and smooth, and not worn in grooves. While a very valuable

44 instrument, such as “one of the old master’s,” worth from eight hundred dollars to four thousand dollars, is not a necessity to the beginner, a good instrument is absolutely essential.

The best instructors are, of course, desirable at all periods of the pupil’s development, but they are indispensable at the beginning, when the foundations of all future endeavors are being laid. The amount of daily practice must, necessarily, vary according to the nature of the child’s talent and intelligence. It is of paramount importance that she work regularly and that she imbue her practice with a healthy, hearty spirit. Regularity of hours, combined with intelligent, thoughtful effort, achieves very much better results than savage, intermittent spells of practicing, or than countless hours of happy-go-lucky, absent-minded "fiddling." From two to three hours’ practice every day is sufficient for the little child, while an average of four hours for the older worker will suffice. To this, however, may be frequently added an hour or two of ensemble playing. The position to be assumed during practice hours, at least when the student is not walking to and fro, is one in which the weight of the body is thrown equally on the two feet. A sitting position is to be used occasionally so that the pupil will feel at ease in playing chamber music, for which a sitting position is the only correct and usually the only possible one. The position to be acquired for solo playing before an audience is that in which the weight is thrown on the right foot, which should be somewhat in advance of the left. Most teachers will instruct pupils to throw their weight upon the left foot, but I have found, from practical experience, that throwing the weight upon the right foot is much better. This leaves the left side relaxed, giving advantageous freedom to the left arm, hand and fingers, for the manipulation of the finger-board, while to the right arm, through the firmness given the entire right side by the body’s weight, are added greater power and vigor for the wielding of the bow.

Practicing should be done occasionally before a mirror, where one can watch the position

45 and detect errors of manipulation; one even listens more critically, the image seeming like another player, whom it is always easier to criticise than one’s self. The pupil should seek every opportunity to hear good music, and especially to hear the great violinists. To hear a master in his art is indeed a liberal education and of value equal with instruction and daily practice. To hear even a mediocre performer is sometimes valuable as a lesson in what not to do. Music of all grades, classic, romantic and popular, and of all nationalities, German, French, Russian, Scandinavian, etc., should be heard and played, to secure catholicity of taste. Of course the greatest amount of time must be given to classics, for above all must a love for the best and purest be inculcated. The student should also be encouraged to play with other students, and with musicians when possible, to the accompaniment of the piano, or in duets, trios, etc., of different combinations of instruments. The training derived from this ensemble practice is of inestimable value. The performer’s sense of rhythm is thus developed. She learns to yield herself to other instruments, and the relation of one instrument to another, while her intonation becomes more acutely correct and she in every way gains in courage and consequent facility of expression. The student should learn to memorize her music. Her repertoire will thus be always available. She will, when not confined to the printed sheet, give more thought to the content of the music and its reproduction, thus learning to play with greater freedom and authority. The pleasant effect on the listener will also be enhanced. Moreover, should the student go to Europe for further study she will certainly command greater respect and attention than she would were she a "slave to her notes."

Excellent teachers and the best of music are to be found in America, and pupils can secure the best instruction in the world in this country. But the musical atmosphere is lacking. To get this, to be surrounded by busy, ambitious fellow-students, to escape the home and social duties, to have no mistress save art, to hear more music–not better music but more and at less cost–in short, to be in a musical atmosphere conducive to profitable work, and much of it, the student must go abroad. It is in Germany, to my mind, that the embryo musician will secure the best musical foundation. There she will acquire breadth and virility of style, earnestness of

46 intention and truth of sentiment. Before completing her work, however, the young worker should get from the French or Belgian teachers a knowledge of their exquisite finish and polish, grace, smoothness and delicacy. I do not believe that a pupil should remain too long under the guidance of teachers. Ordinarily eight years of uninterrupted work will suffice. As the budding artist develops in mind and character, independent study, together with the technique already attained, will secure an individuality of expression. By means of incessant mental and physical effort the technique or mechanism of the art will become so much a part of the performer that she will be able to give unhampered thought and attention to the meaning and mood (that is, to the interpretation) of the composer’s work. The growing artist must give her individuality of expression every opportunity for development. Work independent of the teacher will tend to the cultivation of a critical judgment, while the performances and interpretations of others will assume a new and personal interest. She will watch her own work more closely, experimenting with awkward passages and difficult phrasings, learning thus how and what to select in order to achieve the best.

Women are daily becoming more serious in their motives, more earnest in making their studies something to outlast their girlhood. It is to be expected that the near future will see them availing themselves more and more of the opportunities which are before them as violinists. The concert stage is as open to them as to women singers. The field of instruction is naturally theirs, as they are usually more sympathetic and conscientious than men, and they possess, moreover, an intuition maternal in its nature, in the treatment of young minds and in the imparting to them the rudiments of any art or science. Their art opens, thus, various professional doors. For those women to whom it is merely a delightful accomplishment their art may be of as perfect proportions and development as is their love for it. Thus they may not only secure the selfish pleasure of enjoyment but also give to others many moments of exquisite delight while adding perceptibly to the music and musical atmosphere of their country. The value of amateur musicians and their work was never more evident that at present. Already scores of towns in the United States have their music clubs of amateurs who, meeting

47 fortnightly or monthly, study and interpret the works of the great composers. Generally a desire to hear better performances than their own leads to the engagement of artists, who give vocal and instrumental "recitals," and thereby open the minds and stir the intelligence of their listeners, still further raising their standard and increasing their enjoyment and appreciation. They, on their part, encourage the artists by their interest, inspire them with their attention, and by their patronage make their art existence possible. They create musical centres which are far-reaching in their influence, and which promise much for the future development in our country of the divinest of all arts–music.”

48 BIBLIOGRAPHY

LITERATURE

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______, and Gary A. Greene. "Huss, Henry Holden." In Grove Music Online. http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/13608 (accessed February 2, 2012).

Ammer, Christine. Unsung: A History of Women in American Music. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2001.

Applebaum, Stanley. The Chicago World’s Fair of 1893: A Photographic Record. New York: Dover Publications, 1980.

“Bertha Palmer.” In The Cyclopaedia of American Biography, ed. by John Fiske et al., 136-38. New York: Press Association Compilers, 1918.

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“Big Talent at Meade.” Baltimore Evening Sun (28 June 1918).

Block, Adrienne Fried. Amy Beach, Passionate Victorian: The Life and Work of an American Composer, 1867-1944. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

______. "Beach, Amy Marcy." In Grove Music Online. http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/02409 (accessed September 16, 2011).

______, and Carol Neuls-Bates. Women in American Music: A Bibliography of Music and Literature. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1979.

Borchard, Beatrix. "Joachim, Joseph." In Grove Music Online. http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/14322 (accessed January 31, 2012).

Bowers, Jane M. and Judith Tick. Women Making Music: The Western Art Tradition, 1150-1950. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986.

49 Braine, Robert. “Maud Powell’s Violin.” Etude 39/10 (October 1921), 686.

Brower, Harriette. “A Personal Interview with Mrs. H. H. A. Beach.” The Musical Observer (May 1915): 273-274.

Brown, Jeanell Wise. Amy Beach and Her Chamber Music: Biography, Documents, Style. Composers of North America, no. 16. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow, 1994.

Broyles, Michael. “Music of the Highest Class”: Elitism and Populism in Antebellum Boston. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992.

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“Chat of an Artiste.” The Chicago Times (17 May 1891): 93-94.

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Citron, Marcia J. Gender and the Musical Canon. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

______. “Gender, Professionalism and the Musical Canon.” The Journal of Musicology 8/1 (Winter 1990): 102-17.

Clapham, John. “Neruda.” In Grove Music Online. http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/19739pg3 (accessed March 14, 2012).

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Cook, Nicholas and Mark Everist, eds. Rethinking Music. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Cook, Susan C. “Women, Women's Studies, Music and Musicology : Issues of Pedagogy and Scholarship.” College Music Symposium 29 (1989): 93-100.

______and Judy Tsou. Cecilia Reclaimed: Feminist Perspectives on Gender and Music. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994.

50 Crawford, Beverly. Folk Elements in the Music of Amy Beach. Thesis (M.M.), Florida State University, 1993.

Crawford, Richard. America's Musical Life: A History. New York: Norton, 2001.

______. An Introduction to America’s Music. New York: Norton, 2001.

Cusick, Suzanne G. “Gender, Musicology, and Feminism.” In Rethinking Music, ed. by Nicholas Cook and Mark Everist, 471-98. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Des Jardins, Julie. Women and the Historical Enterprise in America: Gender, Race, and the Politics of Memory, 1880-1945. Gender & American Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003.

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Elson, Arthur. Woman's Work in Music. Boston: L.C. Page, 1904.

“Fiddle and the Fiddler: A Story of Maud Powell’s Transition from the Baby Instrument up to the ‘Strad’ Period.” The New York Times (20 March 1898).

Frisken, Amanda. Victoria Woodhull's Sexual Revolution: Political Theater and the Popular Press in Nineteenth-Century America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004.

“Growing Opportunities for American Violinists.” Etude 34/8 (August 1916): 602. Hisama, Ellie M. Gendering Musical Modernism: The Music of Ruth Crawford, Marion Bauer, and Miriam Gideon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Hyman, Paula, Deborah Dash Moore, and Phyllis Holman Weisbard. Jewish Women in America: An Historical Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge, 1997.

Jezic, Diane, and Elizabeth Wood. Women Composers: The Lost Tradition Found. New York: Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1994.

John, Ernest. “An Original Interview with Maud Powell.” The Music Lover 1/4 (August 1915).

Kahn , Erminie. “The Aims of Marion Bauer.” The Musical Leader 39/23 (3 June 1920): 550.

Kelley, Mary. Learning to Stand & Speak: Women, Education, and Public Life in America's Republic. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006.

51 ______. Private Woman, Public Stage: Literary Domesticity in Nineteenth-Century America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1984.

Kenney, William Howland. “The Gendered Phonograph: Women and Recorded Sound, 1890-1930.” In Recorded Music in American Life: The Phonograph and Popular Memory, 1890-1945, 88-108. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

Koven, Reginald de. “Music and Drama.” Harper’s Weekly 37/1897 (29 April 1893): 406.

Krehbiel, Henry. “Maud Powell’s Recital.” New York Tribune (1 November 1911).

______. “Philharmonic Society Concerts.” New York Tribune (15 November 1885): 4.

Lahee, Henry C. Famous Violinists of To-day and Yesterday. Boston: Page, 1899.

Locke, Ralph P., and Cyrilla Barr. Cultivating Music in America Women Patrons and Activists since 1860. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.

Lowens, Irving. Music and Musicians in Early America. New York: W.W. Norton, 1964.

Martens, Frederick Herman. Violin Mastery: Talks with Master Violinists and Teachers, Comprising Interviews with Ysaye, Kreisler, Elman, Auer, Thibaud, Heifetz, Hartmann, Maud Powell and Others. New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1919.

Mathews, W. S. B. “The Musical Congresses at Chicago.” Freund’s Weekly (July 1893): 5.

“Maud Powell a Genius.” Daily Republican Herald (11 December 1913): 4.

“Maud Powell Gives New Delights to Audience.” San Francisco Chronicle (16 December 1912): 10.

“Maud Powell Interviewed.” Musical Courier (16 September 1914): 35.

“Maud Powell One Artist Who is Thoroughly American.” Fort Worth Star-Telegram (11 February 1914): 2.

“Maud Powell Recital at the Lucerne.” Orlando Morning Sentinel (29 January 1914): 8.

The Maud Powell Society. Last modified 2009. http://www.maudpowell.org.

“Maud Powell Who is Now Finishing Tenth Consecutive Season in America Tells of American Composers and Their Works.” The Musical Leader 16 (16 May 1912): 29.

52 McClary, Susan. Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, and Sexuality. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1992. “Miss Maud Powell at Home.” New York Evening Sun (21 October 1913): 19.

“Mme Camilla Urso: Testimonial to the Violinist.” Dwight’s Journal of Music 27/1 (30 March 1867): 7.

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Petty, Grant W. A First Course in Atmospheric Radiation. Madison, WI: Sundog Publishing, 2006.

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Pine, Rachel Barton. “Episode 5” and “Episode 11.” Violin Adventures with Rachel Barton Pine. 2007. Podcast.

Powell, Maud. “America’s Musical Future.” New York Tribune (26 June 1910): 5, 18.

______. Letter to Amy Beach. December, 1893.

______. “Program Notes.” The Concert Bulletin 2/7 (12 December 1912): 9-10.

______. “Violin Playing for Women.” The Ladies’ Home Journal (February 1891): 7.

______. “Women and the Violin.” The Ladies’ Home Journal (February 1896): 12.

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53 ______. “Women and the Violin.” The Strad 83 (March 1973), 551-63. Sage, Jack et. al. “Romance.” In Grove Music Online. http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/23725 (accessed January 30, 2012).

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Shaffer, Karen A., and Rachel Barton Pine. Maud Powell Favorites, Four Volumes. Brevard, NC: The Maud Powell Society for Music and Education, 2009.

______, and Neva Garner Greenwood. Maud Powell, Pioneer American Violinist. Arlington, VA: Maud Powell Foundation, 1988.

Smith, Catherine Parsons. “‘A Distinguishing Virility’: Feminism and Modernism in American Art Music.” In Cecilia Reclaimed: Feminist Perspectives on Gender and Music, ed. by Susan C. Cook and Judy S. Tsou, 90-106. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994.

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______and Paul Beaudoin, ed. and assistant ed. Music in the USA: A Documentary Companion. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. Thomas, Rose Fay. Memoirs of Theodore Thomas. New York: Moffat, Yard, and Co., 1911.

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54 “‘Violinists Shackled,’ Cries Miss Powell.” The New York Times (4 March 1912).

Von Glahn, Denise. Music and the Skillful Listener: American Women Compose the Natural World. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, forthcoming.

Wilson, James Grant, and John Fiske. Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography. New York: Appleton, 1898.

Winn, Edith L. “Maud Powell as I Knew Her – A Tribute.” The Musical Observer 19/3 (March 1920): 58-59.

Worster, Donald. A River Running West: The Life of John Wesley Powell. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.

RECORDINGS

Pine, Rachel Barton, et al. American Virtuosa: Tribute to Maud Powell. Chicago: Cedille Records CDR 90000 097. 2007. Compact disc.

Powell, Maud, et al. The Complete 1904-1917 Recordings Vols. 1-4. Naxos Historical 8.110961, 8.110962, 8.110963, 8.110993. 2001. Compact disc.

SCORES

Bauer, Marion Eugénie. Up the Ocklawaha: Tone Picture for Violin, Op. 6. Boston: Arthur P. Schmidt, 1913.

Beach, Amy. Romance for Violin and Piano, Op. 23. Boston: Arthur P. Schmidt, 1893.

55 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Catherine C. Williams is from Raleigh, North Carolina. In May 2010 she received her Bachelor of Music in violin performance, summa cum laude, from Appalachian State University in Boone, NC. While pursuing her Master of Music degree in Musicology at the Florida State University, she continues to perform as a classical violinist and Irish fiddler throughout Tallahassee. She plans to attend the Florida State University to pursue a Ph.D. in Musicology in 2012.

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