Macro Report August 23, 2004
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Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016
Journal of US-China Public Administration, August 2016, Vol. 13, No. 8, 499-517 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2016.08.001 D DAVID PUBLISHING Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016 Chung Fun Steven Hung The Education University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong, politicization inevitably followed democratization. This paper intends to evaluate how political parties’ politics happened in Hong Kong’s recent history. The research was conducted through historical comparative analysis, with the context of Hong Kong during the sovereignty transition and the interim period of democratization being crucial. For the implementation of “one country, two systems”, political democratization was hindered and distinct political scenarios of Hong Kong’s transformation were made. The democratic forces had no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which caused a decisive fragmentation of the local political parties where the establishment camp was inevitable and the democratic blocs were split into many more small groups individually. It is harmful. It is not conducive to unity and for the common interests of the publics. This paper explores and evaluates the political history of Hong Kong and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation. Keywords: election politics, historical comparative, ruling, democratization The democratizing element of the Hong Kong political system was bounded within the Legislative Council under the principle of the separation of powers of the three governing branches, Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. Popular elections for the Hong Kong legislature were introduced and implemented for 25 years (1991-2016) and there were eight terms of general elections for the Legislative Council. -
Formation of Legco -Eng
LC Paper No. CB(2)1971/05-06(02) Legislative Council Panel on Constitutional Affairs Discussion regarding the formation of the Legislative Council by universal suffrage Introduction This paper provides relevant information for Members’ reference on the following discussion items proposed by the Democratic Party: (a) method for forming the Legislative Council (LegCo) by universal suffrage and the future of functional constituencies (FCs); and (b) delineation of geographical constituencies and the system of voting when all LegCo Members are returned by universal suffrage. Method for forming LegCo by universal suffrage and the future of FCs 2. Article 68 of the Basic Law provides that “the LegCo of the HKSAR shall be constituted by election. The method for forming the LegCo shall be specified in the light of actual situation in the HKSAR and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress. The ultimate aim is the election of all members of LegCo by universal suffrage.” In accordance with the Decision made by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) of April 2004, the ratio between members returned by FCs and members returned by geographical constituencies (GCs) through direct elections, who shall respectively occupy half of the seats, is to remain unchanged. 3. At its meeting in November 2005, the Committee on Governance and Political Development of the Commission on Strategic Development (CSD) explored preliminarily the possible models for forming the LegCo when the ultimate aim of universal suffrage is attained (including the unicameral and bicameral systems) and the issues to be considered. The CSD Secretariat has provided to LegCo the relevant discussion paper (CB(2)519/05-06(2)). -
The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster
Mainstream or Alternative? The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster so Ming Hang A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Government and Public Administration © The Chinese University of Hong Kong June 2005 The Chinese University of Hong Kong holds the copyright of this thesis. Any person(s) intending to use a part or whole of the materials in the thesis in a proposed publication must seek copyright release from the Dean of the Graduate School. 卜二,A館書圆^^ m 18 1 KK j|| Abstract Theoretically, public broadcaster and commercial broadcaster are set up and run by two different mechanisms. Commercial broadcaster, as a proprietary organization, is believed to emphasize on maximizing the profit while the public broadcaster, without commercial considerations, is usually expected to achieve some objectives or goals instead of making profits. Therefore, the contribution by public broadcaster to the society is usually expected to be different from those by commercial broadcaster. However, the public broadcasters are in crisis around the world because of their unclear role in actual practice. Many politicians claim that they cannot find any difference between the public broadcasters and the commercial broadcasters and thus they asserted to cut the budget of public broadcasters or even privatize all public broadcasters. Having this unstable situation of the public broadcasting, the role or performance of the public broadcasters in actual practice has drawn much attention from both policy-makers and scholars. Empirical studies are divergent on whether there is difference between public and commercial broadcaster in actual practice. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. -
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’S Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’s Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗ Carole J. Petersen† and Alvin Y.H. Cheung†† I.!!!!!!Introduction .............................................................................. 2! II.!!!!The “One Country, Two Systems” Model: Formal Autonomy but with an Executive-Led System ...................... 8! III. Legal Protections for Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong’s Constitutional Framework ............ 13! IV. University Governance: The Impact of Increased Centralization and Control ................................................... 20! V. !Conflicts between The Academic Community and the Hong Kong and Central Governments ................................ 28! VI. Beijing’s Retribution: Increased Interference in Hong Kong Universities ................................................................ 40! VII. The Disapearing Booksellers ............................................... 53! VIII. Conclusion ........................................................................... 58! *Copyright © 2016 Carole J. Petersen and Alvin Y.H. Cheung. The authors thank the academics who agreed to be interviewed for this article and research assistants Jasmine Dave, Jason Jutz, and Jai Keep-Barnes for their assistance with research and editing. This is an updated version of a paper presented at a roundtable organized by the Council on Foreign Relations on December 15, 2015, and the authors thank the chair of the roundtable, Professor Jerome A. Cohen, and other participants for their comments. The William S. Richardson School of Law at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa supported Professor Petersen’s travel to Hong Kong to conduct interviews for this article. † Carole J. Petersen is a Professor at the William S. Richardson School of Law and Director of the Matsunaga Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, University of Hawai’i at Manoa. She taught law at the University of Hong Kong from 1991–2006 and at the City University of Hong Kong from 1989-1991. -
C O N T E N T S President's Foreword Group Photo Of
C O N T E N T S PRESIDENT'S FOREWORD GROUP PHOTO OF MEMBERS MAJOR EVENTS IN PICTURES CHAPTER 1 The Legislative Council Powers and Functions Composition CHAPTER 2 Legislative Council Meetings Tabling of Subsidiary Legislation and Other Papers Questions Statements Bills Motions Policy Address Debate Budget Debate Other Debates Chief Executive's Question and Answer Sessions Address by the Chief Executive CHAPTER 3 Committees Finance Committee Public Accounts Committee Committee on Members' Interests House Committee - Other Subcommittees of the House Committee Committee on Rules of Procedure Bills Committees and Subcommittees on Subsidiary Legislation Panels CHAPTER 4 Redress System Analysis of Significant Cases Dealt With Other Significant Cases CHAPTER 5 Liaison Parliamentary Liaison Subcommittee Luncheons with Consuls-General Contact with District Councils Contact with Heung Yee Kuk Visitors CHAPTER 6 Support Services for Members The Legislative Council Commission The Legislative Council Secretariat A P P E N D I C E S APPENDIX 1 Composition of the Legislative Council APPENDIX 2 Members' Biographies APPENDIX 3 Bills Passed APPENDIX 4 Motion Debates Held APPENDIX 5 Membership of Legislative Council Committees (By Committtees and By Members) APPENDIX 6 Statistical Breakdown of all Concluded Cases under the Legislative Council Redress System in the 2007-2008 Session APPENDIX 7 The Legislative Council Commission and its Committees APPENDIX 8 Organization Chart of the Legislative Council Secretariat P R E S I D E N T ' S F O R E W O R D The 2007-2008 session of the Third Legislative Council was meaningful and memorable. Not only was it the last legislative year of the term, it was also the last for me as President of the Legislative Council. -
The Brookings Institution Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES The 2004 Legislative Council Elections and Implications for U.S. Policy toward Hong Kong Wednesday, September 15, 2004 Introduction: RICHARD BUSH Director, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Presenter: SONNY LO SHIU-HING Associate Professor of Political Science University of Waterloo Discussant: ELLEN BORK Deputy Director Project for the New American Century [TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM A TAPE RECORDING.] THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES 1775 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE, NW WASHINGTON, D.C. 20036 202-797-6307 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. BUSH: [In progress] I've long thought that politically Hong Kong plays a very important role in the Chinese political system because it can be, I think, a test bed, or a place to experiment on different political forums on how to run large Chinese cities in an open, competitive, and accountable way. So how Hong Kong's political development proceeds is very important for some larger and very significant issues for the Chinese political system as a whole, and therefore the debate over democratization in Hong Kong is one that has significance that reaches much beyond the rights and political participation of the people there. The election that occurred last Sunday is a kind of punctuation mark in that larger debate over democratization, and we're very pleased to have two very qualified people to talk to us today. The first is Professor Sonny Lo Shiu-hing, who has just joined the faculty of the University of Waterloo in Canada. -
The Public Sector in Hong Kong
THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG IN HONG PUBLIC SECTOR THE THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG his book describes and analyses the role of the public sector in the T often-charged political atmosphere of post-1997 Hong Kong. It discusses THE PUBLIC SECTOR critical constitutional, organisational and policy problems and examines their effects on relationships between government and the people. A concluding chapter suggests some possible means of resolving or minimising the difficulties which have been experienced. IN HONG KONG Ian Scott is Emeritus Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia and Adjunct Professor in the Department of Public and Social Administration at the City University of Hong Kong. He taught at the University of Hong Kong between 1976 and 1995 and was Chair Professor of Politics and Public Administration between 1990 and 1995. Between 1995 and 2002, he was Chair Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University. Over the past twenty-five years, he has written extensively on politics and public administration in Hong Kong. G O V E P O L I C Y Professor Ian Scott’s latest book The Public Sector in Hong Kong provides a systematic analysis of Hong Kong’s state of governance in the post-1997 period Ian Scott R and should be read by government officials, politicians, researchers, students and N general readers who seek a better understanding of the complexities of the city’s M government and politics. E — Professor Anthony B. L. Cheung, President, The Hong Kong Institute of Education; N T Member, Hong Kong SAR Executive Council. -
The 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in Chinese Fiction and Film
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Making the Censored Public: The 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in Chinese Fiction and Film A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature by Thomas Chen Chen 2016 © Copyright by Thomas Chen Chen 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Making the Censored Public: The 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in Chinese Fiction and Film by Thomas Chen Chen Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Kirstie M. McClure, Co-Chair Professor Robert Yee-Sin Chi, Co-Chair Initiated by Beijing college students, the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests—"Tiananmen"— shook all of China with their calls for democratic and social reforms. They were violently repressed by the Chinese state on June 4, 1989. Since then, their memory has been subject within the country to two kinds of censorship. First, a government campaign promulgating the official narrative of Tiananmen, while simultaneously forbidding all others, lasted into 1991. What followed was the surcease of Tiananmen propaganda and an expansion of silencing to nearly all mentions that has persisted to this day. My dissertation examines fiction and film that evoke Tiananmen from within mainland China and Hong Kong. It focuses on materials that are particularly open to a self-reflexive reading, such as literature in which the protagonists are writers and films shot without authorization that in their editing indicate the precarious ii circumstances of their making. These works act out the contestation between the state censorship of Tiananmen-related discourse on the one hand and its alternative imagination on the other, thereby opening up a discursive space, however fragile, for a Chinese audience to reconfigure a historical memory whose physical space is off limits. -
I. Definition, Methodology and Background
Political Groups/Organizations CHAPTER 6 POLITICAL GROUPS/ORGANIZATIONS Yan Yan YIP and Jennifer LEE I. Definition, Methodology and Background Definition of the Sector 1 The definition of political groups/organizations applied in this study follows the elaborated International Classification of Non-profit Organizations (ICNPO) adopted by John Hopkins University, with slight modifications to suit the local environment. The elaborated ICNPO groups law, advocacy and politics into one sector. However, these subgroups possess quite distinct features in Hong Kong and thus are split into three separate groups in this study: “Law and Legal Services”, “Civic and Advocacy Organizations” and “Politics”.1 Nonetheless, the description of political organizations used by ICNPO largely remains unchanged and is applied to this study. 2 The term political groups in this study refers to groups that mainly organize activities and provide services to support putting candidates into political office, for example, into the Legislative Council and/or the National People’s Congress. According to the above classification, political groups include all political parties and other political organizations in Hong Kong that perform the functions stated above. It is noteworthy that councillors’ offices and the activities organized by the offices will not be counted even if the councillors have political affiliation because they are public office holders. Also, independent politicians and their offices are not examined in this study as they are not a group. 3 There may be a general impression that a number of labour unions, trade unions and some civic or advocacy groups should also belong to the political sector. However, not all unions and civic groups support candidates into political office. -
The Line Hardens Tougher Stance on Civil Rights Threatens Freedom Of
Freedom of Expression in Hong Kong: 2002 Annual Report 1 The Line Hardens Tougher Stance on Civil Rights Threatens Freedom of Expression in Hong Kong 2002 ANNUAL REPORT JOINT REPORT OF THE HONG KONG JOURNALISTS ASSOCIATION AND ARTICLE 19 JUNE 2002 2 The Hong Kong Journalists Association and ARTICLE 19 Contents Introduction Mak Yin-ting, Chairperson, Hong Kong Journalists Association Andrew Puddephatt, Executive Director, ARTICLE 19................................................ 2 Conclusions and recommendations ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Section 1 A MORE ASSERTIVE SECOND TERM..................................................................... 5 The threat of anti-terror laws ......................................................................................... 6 Another China controversy at major daily..................................................................... 7 Detention of journalists working on the mainland ........................................................ 9 China activist barred from Hong Kong.......................................................................... 9 Government gets tough on protesters .......................................................................... 10 Heavy-handedness in Macau ....................................................................................... 12 Falun Gong faces marginalisation .............................................................................. -
Six-Monthly Report on Hong Kong July-December 2005
Six-monthly Report on Hong Kong July-December 2005 Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by Command of Her Majesty March 2006 Cm 6751 £ 6.00 © Crown copyright 2006 The text in this document (excluding the Royal Arms and departmental logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the title of the document specified. Any enquiries relating to the copyright in this document should be addressed to the Licensing Division, HMSO, St Clements House, 2-16 Colegate, Norwich NR3 1BQ. Fax 010603 723000 or e-mail: [email protected] FOREWORD This is the eighteenth in a series of reports to Parliament on the implementation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong. It covers the period from 1 July to 31 December 2005. During the reporting period, constitutional reform and progress towards full universal suffrage once again dominated the political debate in Hong Kong. The SAR Government put forward proposals to reform the methods to elect the Chief Executive in 2007 and Legislative Council in 2008. We considered these proposals offered an incremental step in the right direction. However, the Legislative Council rejected the proposals on 21 December. Nevertheless, the British Government remains firmly committed to democratisation in Hong Kong. We believe that Hong Kong should advance to a system of universal suffrage, as envisaged by the Basic Law, as soon as possible.