Analysis and Report: Radhika Hettiarachchi

Editing: Sanayi Marceline and Deshini Liyanaarachchi

Research Team: Saman Gunatilake (Sinhala Print) Subramanium Nayanaganeshan (Tamil Print) Jean Godlieb (English Print) Sisira Kannangara (Sinhala Electronic) Rajaratnam Ramanan (Tamil Electronic)

Data Entry: Chanaka Krishantha

Filing: Supun Madhusanketha

Introduction

This media report attempts to illustrate the possible impact of the media on opinion-creation in the Sri Lankan populace at present. The ‘present’ situation in the country is one of deep political and historical importance: The third year anniversary of the ceasefire agreement and the future of the peace process, which includes the possibility of an interim authority are compounded exponentially by the devastating Tsunami which struck on the 26th of December 2004. Thus the ‘present’ is a precarious time period for the future of Sri Lanka and its peace process, which is now indissolubly linked to the way in which both the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE handle the influx of international aid, donor visits, humanitarian relief, rehabilitation, recovery and rebuilding in the wake of a natural disaster. All this, in an environment of unprecedented international concern and scrutiny about the internal workings of Sri Lanka in a ‘post- Tsunami’ situation which has incidentally affected key areas of political importance (North, East and South), let alone the social, humanitarian and economic status of these areas. As such the impact of the mediai in disseminating information, in the least, and making political commentaries, at most, can be crucial when the country is still emerging from over two decades of civil warii. This report is a quantitative (content analysis) and qualitative (textual analysis) examination of how the media in general reports on key issues of interest in the ‘post-Tsunami’ environment during the month of March 2005. The areas of interest identified for the above purpose are, • donor relations and international community (excluding iNGO) involvement in the post-Tsunami relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction through aid and pressure on GoSL and the LTTE to work together • Tsunami aid distribution and disparities thereof, ensuing public protests and the impact of the above on a possible joint mechanism for post-Tsunami relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction and the long-term effects of such a collaboration on the peace process in general • human rights and ceasefire violations by the LTTE and the GoSL as they might impact the peace process, possibilities of federalism and an interim authority

1 This report provides an analysis of the Sinhala, Tamil and Englishiii print mediaiv to establish general trends in how a particular subject of interest is depicted, if it is a positive or negative impression that is implied or createdv. The frequency or repetition of a particular subject may also identify basic ‘trends’ in reporting. A further analysis of textvi with comparisons of how similar stories are depicted in the three language groups may provide an indication of the media content to which the Sri Lankan public may be exposed which may influence their opinionsvii. It must be acknowledged that there is no direct and absolute link created at a theoretical level on the ‘impact’ of the media in opinion creation. Thus this report makes no assumption on the direct impact of any media on peoples’ behaviour and/or opinion as what might be theoretically termed a ‘magic bullet’ or ‘hypodermic needle’ effect (Lasswellviii). In other words, this report does not prove that media content directly affects the opinions and behaviour of those that consume it. It only attempts to indicate the possibility of indirect or partial influence of the media in aiding the creation of opinions and ideas as one of the many factors, including personal political affiliations, income levels and education levels. It must be further noted that the ‘two-step’ or indirect model of communication theories claim that information is first processed and assimilated by opinion leaders and then passed onto people influenced by these opinion leaders. As consumers of media ourselves, and as media monitors it is imperative to note that the media is not an indicator or a reflection of public opinion. As such this media report is only able to provide the direction, patterns or trends in reporting which may indicate the affiliations or possible intentions of various media only.

Donor Involvement

A common trend in the reporting of donor relief, in terms of donor visits to the country and provision of relief by donor organisations is that most media in all three languages generally provide a positive impression of donor activityix. The English media is relatively favourable towards the donor involvement at 68.67% of articles. The Sinhala media is almost equal in its praise at 65.6% although the number of articles in the English media (both positive and negativex) is significantly higher than the number of articles in the Sinhala media. The Tamil mediaxi shows overwhelming support for donor relations, Norwegian mediation, donor aid and international community pressure on the joint mechanism at 83.2%. In the English media the numbers indicate that the state-owned newspaper, is most favourable at 87% followed by (67.3%) while is the harshest critic of the three at 58.8%. The numbers in the Sinhala media indicate that (81.8%), (68.2%) and (78.8%) are clearly in support of donor involvement while the sister paper of the Island, proves to be the only dissenting voice at 61% against or in criticism of donor involvement, most of which is focused on donor pressure for a joint mechanism and Norwegian mediation. In terms of the numbers, it appears that in general, the Sinhala, Tamil and English media report that there is little or no disparity in the provision of donor aid to the North, East and South of Sri Lanka. One of the very few issues of disparity is reported by the Island (6/3) as ‘ethicized’ aid where the U.A.E offers to rebuild a village in the predominantly Muslim district of Ampara. The Tamil dailies generally do not

2 report disparity in donor aid to a particular region of Sri Lanka. Thus the general trend in reporting on donor aid is that there is almost no disparity in how it is allocated to the Tsunami devastated regions of Sri Lankaxii.

Donor English Media Tamil Media Sinhala Media Activity Positive %* negative % positive % Negative % positive % negative % Donor 41 55 34 45 85 84 16 16 52 64 29 36 visits + pressure for J.M. Norwegian 7 54 6 46 27 84 5 16 16 55 13 45 mediation Donor Aid 66 85 12 15 7 70 3 30 16 89 2 11 * In the above table all percentages shown are positive or negative articles as a percentage of the total in each language group

In particular, two incidents are notable in terms of donor relations. The first is the World Bank country representative, Peter Harold’s alleged statement to the Sunday Times (6/3) that the LTTE controlled areas in effect constitute an “unofficial state”xiii. The public uproar in the south of the country, along with the outcry of the JVP for Mr. Harold to be expelled, is depicted in the three languages in starkly different ways. The English papers remain neutral on the issue in general. A feature article in the Sunday Island (13/3) acknowledges that a man in the position of Mr. Harold should not say such a partial statement, but echoes his alleged sentiments by stating that there is in effect, a separate area under LTTE control that does not abide under the jurisdiction of the GoSL. The Sinhala media portray the issue through articles about JVP instigated protests against Mr. Harold without much editorial comment on the issue. Lakbima (20/3) carries an article which claims that the issue of Peter Harold has been ‘covered up’, without resolution, or has not been given the importance it deserved, perhaps leaning on the side of the JVP. However, the most interesting portrayal of the issue is seen in the Tamil Media. A front page article in Veerakesari (8/3 – page 1) downplays the issue and offers a defense for Peter Harold by attributing the supposed statement of Peter Harold to the JVP as something the JVP and the PNM have ‘created’ into an issue because the intention of the JVP is to stop aid from going into LTTE controlled areas. The author of the article thus says that the JVP is taking the Peter Harold statement out of context, while the paper suggests that what was meant by Peter Harold was simply ‘the LTTE controlled areas’. The editorial carried by the same paper, suggests that Peter Harold actually has full knowledge of the internal workings of Sri Lanka if he thus acknowledges the LTTE controlled areas while the entire raucous created after the article in the Sunday Times (6/3) was published is in reality, a ‘vicious campaign’ organised by the JVP to prevent the ‘Tamil-speaking’ people from getting any aid. This disparity in reporting the alleged Peter Harold statement presents several interesting clues as to the type of opinion the media (or the three language groups) would like to instill in its readership. For example, using the words ‘Tamil-speaking people’ includes Muslims living in the East as well, establishing the LTTE as the legitimate representative of the North and the East, including its Tamil speaking Muslim population. It is also important to note that none of

3 the other language media, so clearly linked the JVP protests against Peter Harold, and his alleged statement to donor aid. The second incident of note involves the visit of Ms. Benita Ferrero-Waldner the EU representative for external relations and neighborhood policy. The English media, especially the Island applauds her hard-line policies about the LTTE, child conscription and other ceasefire violations. The editorial in the Island (11/3) clearly condemns the LTTE for not meeting Ms. Ferrero-Waldner by calling in ‘sick’ because of her critical view on the organization’s modus operendixiv. It goes on to offer the impression that the LTTE boycotted the meeting by using the suggestive phrase ‘hora ledaxv’. However, Veerakesari (9/3) ‘tucked away’ an article on page 12 to state that Ms. Ferrero-Waldner expressed interest in visiting Killinochchi but was not granted permission by the government. The state owned Tamil daily, (9/3) merely states ‘unfortunately’ she could not meet with the LTTE, although the article quotes her desire for a joint mechanism between the LTTE and GoSL. The privately-owned Thinakural (9/3) quotes Mrs. Ferrero-Waldner in saying that although she wished to meet the LTTE she could not due to ‘time constraints’. The headline of the above article, a lead story, pushes towards a joint mechanism between the LTTE and the GoSL, implying that the failure of a joint mechanism might affect EU aid coming into Sri Lanka in the future. It must be noted that the LTTE has been actively asking for a joint mechanism for Tsunami aid management (as seen by the topic of discussion during the European tour of LTTE political wing leader Tamilchelven on 6/3). The nationalistic JVP, PNM and Sihala Urumaya have been actively opposing such a joint mechanism. Thus the selective inclusion of Ms. Ferrero- Waldner’s statement on the joint mechanism with the complete omission of the actual statements critical of the LTTE made by Ms. Ferrero-Waldner as released by the English language papers in the Tamil media points to a filtering of information. The Tamil media consumers therefore will be given a favourable impression of the above donor visit without highlighting the LTTE’s CFA violation or human rights abuses. Thus although the English media take note of the LTTE’s alleged reluctance to meet with those donors that are critical of their CFA violations and child recruitment, the Tamil dailies do not acknowledge her hard-line policies as the cause of the LTTE alleged reluctance to meet with her.

LTTE/ GoSL Joint Mechanism and Muslim Inclusion

The many donor visits raised other issues of concern and international pressure, especially with reference to the joint mechanism between the LTTE and GoSL in post- Tsunami aid management. The general trend in portraying the proposed joint mechanism has been in a favourable light in all three media. The English media shows favour at 76.25%xvi. The Island carries the most criticism, although most are statements and statement of fact articles detailing the JVP opposition to the joint mechanism published ‘as is’ (without interpretation). The Sinhala media also maintain a favourable (marginally) impression of the joint mechanism at 55.7%xvii. The Divaina stands out at 57.7% against the joint mechanism, given its nationalist stance, as opposed to the more subdued (in terms of nationalistic fervour) English language sister paper which is 65% in favour of the joint mechanism. The Tamil media is cautious but supportive towards the

4 joint mechanism at 66.7%xviii, especially the state-owned daily Thinakaran which is overly optimistic at 100% in favour.

English Media Sinhala Media Tamil Media Actual % of Eng. Actual % of Sin. Actual % of Tam. Joint Mechanism Positive 61 76.25 * 44 55.69 46 66.67 Negative 19 23.75 35 44.31 23 33.33

Muslim Positive 10 90.91# 8 88.89 4 100 Inclusion Negative 1 9.09 1 11.11 0 0 * Percentages shown are against the total of positive and negative in each language group for JM # Percentages shown are against the total of positive and negative in each language group for MI

Thus the privately owned Divaina also displays a pattern of being more nationalistic in its depiction of issues relating to donor aid, issues of disparity of government relief and the joint mechanism much more than the Island. It must be noted that in articles where an editorial comment is offered in both the English and the Sinhala media, the authors are critical of the JVP threat to leave government if the GoSL agrees to the joint mechanism or their opposition to the interim authority. An article in the Divaina, reports (without substantiation of source) that the majority of the Sri Lankan public show strong opposition to any form of joint mechanism (20/3). It is imperative to note however, that the repetition of articles about instability within the government and the detrimental impact of party politics, create the impression of uncertainty in the peace process, and doubt in the Governments capabilities to handle working jointly with the LTTE on Tsunami-aid related matters in the short term which may impact negatively on the peace process in the long term. (Dinamina on Sundays) and the Sunday Divaina (20/3), printed interpretive articles casting suspicion on the joint mechanism and the shared management of Tsunami-related aid which the author claims will only lead to the establishment of a separate state in the future. The editorial comment in the same paper, also warns the dangers of not knowing what the LTTE is ‘really upto’. The State-owned Dinamina (29/3) however, published an article of the president’s reiteration that the joint mechanism is only for the North/East Tsunami aid management and thus there it has no bearing on the LTTE position in relation to the peace process. This is perhaps indicative of ambivalence on the part of state media, given the need on the part of the government to JM along with the need to cater to the Sinhala readership. A notable use of language in the English media centres on the persistent use of the word ‘Tigers’ (rather than the more politically favourable ‘LTTE’) by the Island and , which reiterate and remind the reader, the violent history of the LTTE and its label as a ‘terrorist’ group rather than a legitimate stakeholder in the peace process. The Divaina also speaks of the ‘terrorism issue; in relation to the LTTE on its front page (20/3). However, it has been noted than in all the Tamil dailies, the word used to refer to the LTTE is ‘Tigers’, possibly implying that there is pride and a continued identification of the cause of the liberation effort for the Tamil people, rather than the derogatory implication associated when a Sinhala or English medium uses the word. In general the Tamil language dailies express favour towards the joint mechanism, giving the impression that the only obstacle is the JVP and their nationalist stance (Veerakesari 7/3).

5 Along with the issue of the joint mechanism, emerges the issue of Muslim inclusion as Mr. Rauf Hakeem, the leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, met with Ms. Ferrero-Waldner and the President to insist upon Muslim inclusion in any joint mechanism. The English media lends support to the cause of Muslim inclusion (90.9%). An editorial in the Island (10/3) speaks of the necessity to bring in Muslim participation but doubts if Hakeem is capable of following through or has the people’s support to follow through a need to be more visible in the joint mechanism or to a partnership in the peace process. The Sinhala media widely supports the idea of Muslim inclusion (88.9%) with the exception of the state-owned Dinamina which completely avoids the issue.. Perhaps the partiality shown for Muslim inclusion by the Sinhala media may be to counterbalance the LTTE’s proposed position as the sole voice of the Tamil ‘speaking’ people in the North and East. By supporting the emergence of another voice or stakeholder it may be possible to undermine the influence and power of the LTTE in the area. Interestingly, in the week that the issue of Muslim inclusion received much attention, pictures of Mr. Hakeem meeting with Ms Ferrero-Waldner were placed prominently alongside an explanatory article. The Tamil dailies gave only minor prominence with only four news articles during the entire month. This might indicate that the Sinhala media is more willing to accept the idea of a joint mechanism between the GoSL and the LTTE if it involves all three parties, thereby reducing the overall power of the LTTE as a stakeholder as opposed to the Tamil media which prefers to omit or downplay the issue to its readers.

Reportage on the Impact of Killings and Armed Attacks on the Peace Process, Human rights and Cease Fire Violations

The buzz words of the month joint mechanism and killings/armed attacks lead to discussions and reports of stories on the viability of the peace process and ideas of federalism/ LTTE proposed ISGA. The tendency in the English and Sinhala media is to favor a federal solution while noting that the Government will not accept the ISGA. It is interesting that the Sinhala media carried almost double the number (45 in total) of stories as the English media, most of them depicting the JVP stance on the detriments of a joint mechanism which would lead to their exit from the government, creating instability and tensions in the peace process as a whole. In comparison, the English media had 23 articles in total on issues related to the ISGA or federalism/devolution, with the Island notably cautious of the proceedings. An ‘interpretive’ article in the Divaina (13/3) states that there is no stable ‘national’ leadership in the country implying that the instability within the government is detrimental to the peace process. The state-weekly Silumina (20/3) insists that the problem with the federal solution is that the Sinhalese people do not understand the word ‘federal’ and indicating that the country will be divided if federalism comes into force. The same article welcomed a solution of a unitary Sri Lanka as long as a ‘federal’ solution does not imply independence for the North and East. The editors of the print media seem to interpret the many ceasefire violations and human rights abuses that are protested against by the people as leading to the state of instability within the GoSL as well as increasing tensions between the LTTE and GoSL and/or leading to a breakdown of the peace process. The most important fact here is not

6 just the incidents reported in the articles, but the way it is reported in the three different languages. Human rights violations such as killings, abductions and armed attacks are obvious violations of the CFA. Public opinion about the future of the country and the future of the peace process may be swayed / altered by creating an atmosphere of suspicion and doubt about the ‘true’ intentions of the GoSL and LTTE. This is done by merely attributing blame for the CFA violations to different parties or discussing the impacts of such actions as furthering the peace process or leading towards war. For example, the English media attributes all killings in the North and East to either the LTTE, Karuna faction or ‘other’ paramilitaries except for two incidents which are associated with the GoSL (Daily Mirror) at 60%, 30% and 6.7% respectively. The Island continuously blames the LTTE with such headlines as “Tigers continue killing spree”.

Killings, attempted killings and armed attacks Other violations LTTE GoSL Karuna Other # English Media 5 0 3 1 14 % of total * 31.25 0 75 10 32.56 Sinhala Media 11 0 1 5 25 State % of total * 68.75 0 25 50 58.14 Tamil Media 0 1 0 4 4 % of total * 0 100 0 40 9.3

English Media 31 2 15 3 34 % of total * 33.69 15.38 40.54 8.57 27.2 Sinhala Media 61 1 18 22 75 Private % of total * 66.30 7.69 48.64 62.85 60 Tamil Media 0 10 4 10 16 % of total * 0 76.92 10.81 28.57 12.8 * The percentages shown for state or private media in each language group is as a percentage of the total of state or private media (English, Sinhala and Tamil) # includes child soldiers, attacks on civilians, taxation related abductions and military confrontations

English Media Sinhala Media

40 70 60 30 50 State 40 State 20 Pr iv ate 30 Pr iv ate

10 20 10 0 0 LTTE GoSL Karuna Other LTTE GoSL Karuna Other

7 Tamil Media

12

10

8 State 6 Pr iv ate 4

2

0 LTTE GoSL Karuna Other

Thus even where fact is reported without any direct comment , the presentation creates the impression that the LTTE or a faction thereof is to blame for almost all violations of the CFA and thereby responsible for the possible breakdown of the PP. The blame then is essentially attributed the LTTE rather than the government in such an event which also leads to the impression that the LTTE cannot be trusted to honour any promises they make.. The Sinhala papers also attribute most killings, attempted killings and armed attacks to the LTTE, Karuna and ‘other’ paramilitaries of unidentified affiliation (except for 1 incident where responsibility was attributed to the GoSL in Lakbima) at 60.5%, 16% and 22.7% respectively. It is a notable trend that the Sinhala mediaxix attribute about the same percentage of responsibility to the LTTE but point towards unidentified paramilitaries much more than Karuna as seen in the English media. The Tamil media stands out by attributing no responsibility at all to the LTTE for any of the violence. It is the most outspoken in attributing responsibility to the Sri Lanka forces, Karuna and other paramilitaries at 37.9%, 13.8% and 48.3% respectively. The Tamil dailies (Veerakesari, 3/3, Editorial) create an indirect link between the paramilitaries and the Sri Lankan forces while notably the above article does not attribute any blame to the Karuna faction at all. The Tamil press however indirectly attributes blame to the GoSL by claiming that CFA violations and human rights abuses that happen in the government controlled areas, even by any ‘arms bearing group’ (this could possibly include the Karuna faction as well) is the responsibility of the GoSL. Veerakesari (3/3) directly implicates the GoSL in the shooting of Kuveni, a high ranking female LTTE cadre, by claiming that the assailant was a ‘former informant of the army intelligence’ sourced to the army headquartersxx. Such a link regarding this incident is not drawn by any of the other language media. The state-owned daily Thinakaran (1/3) devotes only a small article on the bottom of the Front page with the gunmen described as being ‘unidentified’. The Thinakural reports a story where an LTTE cadre is ambushed and killed while indirectly implying a possible government attack by reporting the discovery of a GoSL military helmet on site (6/3). This incident is not reported in the English and Sinhala newspapers of the same week. Interestingly, unlike the English and Sinhala media, the Tamil media creates the impression that the LTTE is losing confidence in the peace process because of the many CFA committed by ‘other’ sources such as the attack on Kuveni (Thinakural 2/3).

8 If a protest occurs by a group of civilians as a result of a CFA violation such as a killing or attempted killing, the manner in which the reasons for the protest are portrayed is also important. For example, the accidental death of a school girl in Jaffna as a result of being struck by a speeding army vehicle is portrayed in possibly explosive light which could upset the fragile balance of the peace process. An editorial in the Daily Mirror (15/3) points a finger at those lurking in the shadows behind the protests. It states that even a ‘simple road accident’ is made into a ‘combustible event’ by those vying for supremacy in the region (clearly the LTTE). It also states that the actions of the army in handling the ‘hartal’ were commendable. The Island (17/3) further infers that situations such as the accident and the resulting ‘hartal’ could point to instability in the region and a plummet to war, directly commenting on the instability in the country and the peace process. Veerakesari (5/3) in its lead story uses suggestive language saying that ‘the vehicle was moved and evidence cleared away within minutes of the incident’, in a possible effort to portray the army as eluding responsibility or worse intentionally causing human rights violations. The state-owned daily Thinakaran makes minimal comment on the incident, by simply reporting the incident without a discussion of impact or blame. Interestingly, there was an article about an alleged rape by three navy officers on the front page of the Veerakesari (9/3) denied by the navy headquarters. This was also reported in the state-owned Thinakaran as a mere statement and as a reference in the editorial which called for more protection for refuges and those displaced by the Tsunami. This story was not featured at all in the English or Sinhala media (these opted to give more prominence to articles on Muslim inclusion and the visit of Ms. Ferrero- Waldner that week). . Protests about the lack of movement in the peace process at the third anniversary of the CFA, and protests against the JVP who attempted to build temporary shelters for Sinhala residents of Trincomalee only on state land or within the buffer zone (allegedly) are bathed in different light by the various mediaxxi. The Sinhala media report that these protests are organised by the LTTE, so much so that when they did not have genuine protesters they forced school children and teachers to protest or create a ‘hartal’ (Lankadeepa, (2/3), Dinamina (2/3), Lakbima (4/3 and 3/3). The protest against the JVP is reported as occurring because they attempted to build houses for the Tsunami affected without authority from the coordinating authority in the area (Lankadeepa, 4/3). The Divaina even terms it ‘Tiger hartal’, directly attributing blame. The English papers, generally report on the incidents without attributing its organisation to the LTTE. However, the state-owned Daily News (4/3) mentions the possible link with the LTTE while mentioning that the crowd even obstructed the building of temporary housing for the Tamils in the area by the JVP. On the same issue, Sudor Oli (a based version of ‘Udayan’ which is a Jaffna based paper assumed to be pro-LTTE), claims that the JVP attempted to build houses in the buffer zone in an attempt to create Sinhala colonies (4/3). In reporting protests or the killings themselves, the Tamil dailies (Veerakesari, 3/3) uses language that can only be termed as defensive as it states not to provoke the LTTE by committing acts in violation of the CFA (it is not said to whom this statement is directed). It goes on to name some of the 100 NGOs it claims organised this hartal against the JVP terming it the ‘people’s voice’ without attributing any responsibility in its organisation to the LTTE (pg 1).

9 Remilitarisation

In light of the CFA violations, protests against one party or another et al, any depiction of military strength or a bolstering of military strength could be construed as an indication of a possible return to war, or a ‘cold’ war where each party simply ‘shows off’ their military might. The English media points to LTTE remilitarisation in 65.2% of articles on the subject. The Sinhala media points to LTTE remilitarisation in 65.8% of articles on the subject. The Tamil media (especially Sudor Oli) point to GoSL remilitarisation in 62.5% of articles presentedxxii. As in the case of issues on federalism and the ISGA, the Sinhala papers carry nearly 10 more stories on the remilitarisation of both the LTTE and the GoSL. The Tamil papers on the contrary carried only 8 articles for the whole month of March on the subject. It can be inferred from the statistics that the Tamil media is less likely to showcase LTTE remilitarisation as the cause for a breakdown in the peace process and thereby it is the GoSL that is portrayed as the unstable party rather than the LTTE. Again, the disparity in how the stories are presented to the public stands out. For example, the air strip and the purchase of light aircraft by the LTTE are given prominence in the English and Sinhala papers. There is a sense of fear and foreboding implied in the Sinhala press about the impending prospect of war. Lakbima (6/3) states that during the three year ceasefire the ‘Tigers’ have gained ‘weight’ or strength in its military might. This is followed up by an article (Lakbima 10/3) that the LTTE have requested that villagers under its control should ‘train’ for war, and an article that claims the LTTE are building bunkers after the CFA was signed (Lakbima 6/3). Meanwhile the English papers and Tamil papers report on the purchase of the light aircraft and the existence of the airstrip but note that the LTTE stated that they existed before the ceasefire agreement.

Remilitarisation English Media Sinhala Media Tamil Media Inter.* State. # % Inter. State % Inter. State. % GoSL 2 6 32 1 11 48 1 4 20 LTTE 9 7 36 4 21 57 0 3 7 * Interpretive # Statement % shown is the total language (inter. and state.) against the total (inter. and state.) of all three media

These articles on the possible remilitarisation of the LTTE are followed up very strongly and in rapid succession by articles in the Sinhala papers and some English media about the military strength of the Government forces. For example, Lakbima (11/3), reports that the government has purchased 6 new aircrafts. The lead story in the Dinamina (11/3), states that the Pakistani Air Force will provide military training and ‘maximum support’ to the Sri Lankan forces in the future. The Island (06/3) reports on the visit of the Pakistani Air Force chief, although it only mentions the possibility of the two countries ‘working’ together in the future. Incidentally, the Tamil media barely mentions the visit of the Pakistani Air Force chief or any support offered to the Sri Lanka air force, except as a note in the Tamil media about his ‘visit’. The indication of remilitarisation and the periodic reference to military strength of both parties may influence public opinion about the possibility of returning to war. In certain articles, most often in reporting the aftermath of ‘killings’, the media tends to question the impact of such CFA violations, or remilitarisation on the prospect of war or peace.

10 Conclusion

It appears that the language media differ in their portrayals. The print media it seems differs much more than the electronic media which seem to have less independence or authorial authority in its translation and selection of news items (especially in the case of Rupavahini and ITN). The English print media are more liberal in general whereas the Sinhala and Tamil media convey or reinforce historical and deep- rooted issues related to nationalism, separatism, discrimination.. There seems to be a difference in the degree of influence or partiality in reporting of the state-media in all three languages which seems to be mitigated by the availability of alternate sources of information for the readers or viewing public. Overall, it appears that the media is used by parties with vested interest as a conduit or the media themselves use political or other events to express / suppress or show support to their individual affiliations. This is of course not a malady confined to Sri Lanka. However, the volatility of the country’s peace process and its violent past, as well as the fragility of the country, economically and politically, after the devastating Tsunami hang in a balance that could be shifted or altered by the manipulation of various media.

i In the print media 221 papers in all three languages have been monitored for the month of March. ii A survey done by Centre for Policy Alternatives in 2003, ascertained that 57% of Sri Lankans get their political news from the Television, 18% from the print media, 18% form the radio, 6% from word of mouth and 1% from other sources. iii Tamil Media – Veerakesari, Thinakaran, Thinakural, Sudor Oli/ Sinhala media – Lankadeepa, Lakbima, Dinamina, Divaina/ English media- Island, Daily News, Daily Mirror and the Sunday Papers in all three languages iv There has been a greater focus on the print media in this report because it has been discovered that the print media (especially pictures that can be looked at or read over again) remain longer in the memory or thoughts of its consumers than the transient images seen on electronic media. The deliberate and constant repetition of stock symbols in news items, especially those that allude the historical events or ‘memory’ as in the use of the word ‘tiger’ help articulate a system of truths because the items will then refer to ‘real’ and identifiable moments in time. Joly argues that an image thus created, especially in the print media, has a certain power because it is tangible, not transient like the electronic media. The printed image or word can be contemplated at length, repeatedly, whenever the consumer wishes which ‘truly testifies’ as evidence to something that has happened simply because it can ‘be seen’ tangibly (Martine Joly, 17). v The ‘implications’ of media content is judged upon whether the article is explicitly expressing a particular viewpoint, positive or negative. These are usually, features, editorials and columns in which a current event is ‘interpreted’ by the author where comment or opinion is offered. Alternatively, some articles merely state or report on a event without additional comment or opinion, affording the reader more space to decide on his/her own opinion. vi Along with the textual analysis of print media, some of the more important issues of the period will be compared with the manner in which they were handled in the Sinhala and Tamil electronic media. Sinhala electronic media includes news programs and political shows from – Rupavahani (state-owned media),

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Independent Television Network (ITN), TNL, and Sirasa TV. The Tamil language electronic media include news programs and political shows from – Rupavahini, ITN and Shakthi TV vii How a ‘type of story’ is paid particular interest by subject in a week and how the same issue is covered by different papers and by language group will show what kind of opinions are directly and intentionally introduced to the reading public by the editors as well as what opinions might be created through repetition or omission. Particular attention will be paid to the disparity between how some papers may omit, highlight, edit (headline, caption) and place (to show priority and importance paid to certain issues) articles. viii Harold Lasswell (1927) is the first modern mass communication theorist and researcher. Lasswell developed an innovative theory of the effect of mass communication during World War I. He based his theory of mass communication, 'hypodermic needle' model, on Freudian theory that argues that humans are motivated by primitive and unconscious forces (Davis and Baron, 1981). He observed mass media as an effective way of persuading audience for political leaders such as Hitler, Roosevelt, Stalin, and Mussolini. According to 'hypodermic needle' model or 'magic bullet' theory, human beings are given uniform instincts and live in a mass society where a single set of social norms and values can not control people from various origins. Under these circumstances, people receive and interpret media messages in a similar way. Therefore, mass communication can influence people's thoughts and behaviors immediately and effectively. (For more, visit http://www.ciadvertising.org/studies/student/99_spring/interactive/bklee/theory1/classification.html) ix Articles included on Norwegian involvement, donor visits, donor pressure on joint mechanism, Norwegian mediation and disparity or no-disparity in donor relief x Positive or negative implies the stance of the newspaper. It is assumed the in ‘interpretive’ articles as well as ‘statements of fact’ the editing, placement and choice of words in headlines/ captions suggests a approval (positive) or disapproval (negative) about the event reported in the body of the article. It is the same idea that is suggested with ‘favourable’ or unfavourable’ in describing the way in which an article is framed or the impression that is created for the reader. xi Due to unavoidable reasons only the lead, front page articles and the editorials in the Tamil print media for the 1st -9th of March have been monitored. ……. xii The story of government centered Aid and Tsunami relief is painted in a much different light. Any disparities reported in terms of government aid distribution and corruption thereof may give a sense of unfairness or discrimination to the reader about GoSL mechanism in general. As such it is interesting to note that the English media in general (57.1%) show that there is no disparity in the government’s handling of Tsunami related relief. The Daily mirror is the only exception that gives a negative picture of the aid distribution at 65.2%. The Sinhala media in general (52%) shows that there is no disparity in the distribution of Tsunami aid and other government relief mechanisms. However, most of its focus is on the presence of lack of disparity in the South or the island as a whole, in contrast to the Tamil media which investigates or portrays more disparity in the North and East. The Tamil print media shows more disparity in government Tsunami relief at 56.5% in general with the exception of the state-owned daily, Thinakaran which shows no disparity at 90.9%. xiii The Sinhala electronic media tackles the issue of Peter Harold’s alleged statement mostly as statements made by different individuals belonging to the JVP, PNM, Government (Kadirgamar) and the UNP. The view expressed in general by Sinhala media is that P.H. should not have made such a statement, which affects the sovereignty of as seeing LTTE controlled areas as a separate state is detrimental to the peace process. The media also serve as a conduit for the above groups who ask for removal, apology or the distinct position of the world bank (and not any personal view expressed by Harold) on the issue. In general the mood created is one of anger and possible nationalistic passions. The Tamil media pay much less attention to this statement of Peter Harold. They merely translate what is stated in the Sinhala media about the opposition, demonstrations by the JVP, PNM, Anura Bandaranaike and Kadiragamar in Rupavahini (state-owned) and ITN Tamil news. However, Shakthi TV (8/3) does not speak much about the actual

12 statement or the opposition to it but defends the world bank by saying that the Government encouraged connections between the LTTE and the world bank. xiv The Sinhala electronic media in general presents the visit of Mrs. Ferrero-Waldner along with the ‘government’s request’ to the LTTE to start peace talks soon under the Oslo framework (Rupavahini). Sirasa (private) states the she could not meet with the LTTE for ‘practical reasons’ although she mentions the issue of child conscription and CFA violations. ITN adds that Prabhakaran was too ill to meet with her, although she intended to speak with him about Child soldiers. The Tamil media (ITN) is a translation of the Sinhala media statement about Prabhakaran’s health apart from which little attention is paid to the issues surrounding Mrs. Fererro-Waldner’s visit including CFA violations and Muslim inclusion.. xv Hora leda is a Sinhala phrase meaning calling in sick on a trumped up excuse to avoid something or someone xvi The breakdown of figures for the individual English newspapers is as follows – Daily News (95.65%), Daily Mirror (77.4%), Island (65%) and Sunday Leader at (66.7% against the J.M.) xvii The breakdown of figures for the individual Sinhala print media is as follows – Lankadeepa (60%), Divaina (57.7% against the J.M), Lakbima (62.5%) and Dinamina (66.7%). xviii The breakdown of figures for the Tamil dailies is as follows - Thinakaran 100%, Thinakural 65%, Veerakesari 63% and Sudor Oli 55.5% xix The Sinhala Electronic media, like the print media, predominantly attribute responsibility in civilian, military or political killings/attacks unambiguously to the LTTE. Rupavahini directly implicates the LTTE in a shooting of three people in Batticoloa (8/3). Sirasa blames the LTTE for a grenade attack on the PLOT office in Batticoloa (11/3 also ITN, 5/4, TNL 8/3). LTTE blamed for a revenge killing of a taxi driver who is supposed to have knocked down a LTTE member some years before in Batticoloa by Swarnavahini (8, 9/3). The LTTE is implicated in most of the killings or attacks on Muslims in the East or in any protests by Muslim villagers about the disappearances/attacks and deaths of Muslim youth (Swarnavahini, 10, 11/3, Rupavahini 11/3, TNL 8/3). The Tamil Media is most interesting in how it depicts killings and armed attacks in the East. Rupavahini and the (nationalistic) ITN attribute most killings and attacks to the LTTE including the Plot attacks in Batticoloa (5/3), the 6 killed in Welikanda (6/3), the deaths of Muslim villagers (17/3). However, in stark contrast Shakthi TV, attributes all killings and attacks in Batticoloa (including PLOT, Welikanda, Muslim hartal following deaths with the assailants unidentified) to ‘other’ groups. xx Unlike in the Tamil print media, the Sinhala electronic media gives no indication of who committed the attack on Kuveni. In fact the news reports only mention that Kuveni is in critical condition (Swarnavahini, 1/3, Rupavahini 1/3, ITN 1/3). However there is some attention (favourable) paid to the subsequent commission appointed by the President to investigate the attack in all Sinhala electronic media. The Tamil electronic media In the Kuveni attack, a statement is attributed to the LTTE which warns the Government that it is difficult to be patient when there are attacks being made on their own (1/3). Rupavahini and ITN attribute the Kuveni attack to unidentified gunmen or to Karuan but generally make no bold statements contradicting the Sinhala electronic media from which the Tamil seems to be a translation. xxi The Sinhala electronic media does not mention the controversy surrounding the JVP allegedly building houses for Sinhala villagers in Trincomalee within the buffer zone. However, all electronic media mention that there is considerable tension because of the issue. Rupavahini goes on to mention that the LTTE (directly named) as attacking or protesting the ‘building of houses’ in Trincomalee (3/3). The Tamil media (Rupavahini) claims that LTTE supporters protested building houses in Trincomalee (4/3). ITN mentions a protest in Tricomalee against the JVP’s building of houses (3/3). Shakthi (3/3) reports the news by way of a JVP press release condemning the attack on group that attempted to build houses in Trincomalee.

13 xxii The visit of the Pakistani Air force marshal is paid much attention in the Sinhala Electronic media, emphasizing on the possibility of training and military support for the Sri Lankan air force in the state medium (Rupavahini 9/3). This is followed on by reports in all Sinhala media of 6 aircraft repaired and handed over to the SLAF by Pakistan after the Air Marshal’s visit or renewed ‘defense collaborations’ (10/3). The possession of light aircraft and an airstrip by the LTTE is mentioned in passing by Swarnavahini (8/3) but none of the other media pay it much attention. The position of the Sinhala media seems to be to show a heightened military strength to its audience. On the contrary, Shakthi TV does not carry the story at all, while only the state-owned Rupavahini reports on the 6 planes that were repaired by Pakistan without much more detail about the supposed ‘defense collaboration’ described by the Sinhala electronic media of the same week.

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