Issue 57, June 2013 FIELD BULLETIN Evolving relations between members of the Dalit, Magar and so- called ‘Upper Caste’ communities1 in Palpa District Introduction During the period of King Mahendra’s reign in the 1960s, who declared Nepal as a ‘Zone of Peace’, the country had been able to project, both nationally and internationally, an image of sustaining harmonious caste and ethnic diversity within its territory—popularly known as ‘unity in diversity’. However, many members of the intelligentsia from the Madhesh, Dalit and indigenous communities have asserted that the image in fact represented a ‘negative peace’, masking serious hierarchical inequalities between different communities, resulting in a process of profound exclusion of many sections of Nepali society. That, instead, the Zone of Peace concept ultimately propagated the national ideals of Nepali speaking members of the so- called ‘Upper Caste’ community originating from the Mid Hills; a group that was seen as dominating most national institutions. The Upper Caste community refers to the population belonging to Brahmin and Chhetri The appearance of unity began to disintegrate particularly communities and castes in the category of after the establishment of democratic rule in 1990 as political Tagadhari (the twice born sacred thread wearing space opened up for identity-based groups and parties to as defined in the old Legal Code of 1854) openly share their ideas, which had not been possible before. generally from hill origin. The code has named In the same context development practitioners and academics these castes as Upadhyay Bahun, Thakuri, Chhetri, Sanyasi, and Jaisi Bahun under the started to draw attention to the prevalence of exclusion in category of Tagadhari. It is believed that the Nepal society, which contributed to a growing public debate people from the Upper Caste community on topics such as exclusion and the role of human rights in a migrated from India and scattered throughout democratic state. Nepal. Jointly they comprise around one third of the country’s population. During the internal armed conflict from 1996 to 2006 the Source: Kharel. Samriddhi, 2010. The Dialectics of Maoists drew upon the grievances of excluded groups for Identity and Resistance among Dalits in Nepal. support, further raising general awareness on the issue of exclusion. The 2006 Jana Andolan or ‘People’s Movement’ acted as an important platform for the demand for change. This was reflected in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement which set to reform Nepal in an inclusive and democratic manner, deconstruct the State’s unitary structure and address structural inequalities2. Various groups felt encouraged to participate in the building of the ‘New State’ by means of drafting a new constitution. However, such an ambitious agenda of change will take time and requires compromises from all parties and may not be without contention or potential conflict. The Magar community is the most populous This Field Bulletin looks at evolving relations between indigenous group in Nepal and third largest members of the Dalit, Magar and Upper Caste communities in ethnic group. The Magar community is spread throughout the country but has remained in high Palpa District in the Western Region of Nepal. Its findings are numbers in the Western and Mid-Western based on observations and interviews with members of civil Development Regions. Although, some Magars society and political parties, district level officials and various migrated from northern India into Nepal, many other community members. The Field Bulletin explores recent scholars argue that Magars moved from Tibet (China) during the early history of Nepal. social and political dynamics in light of a growing political However, there is no written history on when, awareness amongst Dalit and Magar communities and, taking and from where exactly, they migrated to Nepal. into consideration that Palpa’s demographics largely reflects Source: Vansittart, Eden. 1993. The Gurkhas. New the national composition (i.e. its main communities represent Delhi: Anmol Publication 1 The term ‘Upper Caste’ is a common usage in Nepal. However, the UN RCHCO does not officially endorse or accept this term and only uses it in this Field Bulletin because its common usage facilitates a common understanding. 2 Nepal 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA section 3.5 and section 3.6). Nepal’s three largest population groups), its potential consequences on inter-communal relations. Finally, it explores how both traditional and contemporary cultural and religious discourses, values and beliefs continue to coexist in the district. Historical claims to Palpa District Various Janajati advocates in Palpa perceived the decades that followed the unification of Nepal in the 18th Century as a time of growing domination by members of the Upper Caste communities in the administrative and political structures at the district and national level3. Local observers noted that both Magar and Upper Caste communities have become increasingly vocal in historical claims of ownership over what now constitutes Palpa District since the debate on state restructuring opened up4. Some members of the Magar community argued that they were the first settlers and Magar Kings reigned in the area before the unification of Nepal. Likewise, some members of the Upper Caste community claim they are indigenous to the area over which their ancestors ruled5. Dalits have not made such historical claims. Being that Dalits The Dalit community refers to the Dalit caste are often dependent on the Upper Castes for their group categorised as untouchable in the old Legal Code of 1854. In the document, they were given employment, it is likely that they moved into the area at the the status of “Pani nachalne chhoi chhito halnu same time as the Upper Caste communities. The Dalit parne jat” (Caste from whom water is not community shares similar ethnic origins, culture, customs accepted and whose touch requires sprinkling of and rites with the Upper Caste or ‘Khas-Arya6’ community, holy water). However, Dalit activists and but seemingly identifies closer with Magars than with Upper intellectuals interpret their identity as a traditional occupational group forcibly categorised as Caste communities as the former generally do not adhere to untouchable to exclude them from the state strict caste hierarchy. A number of local commentators felt apparatus. Unlike Magars, Dalits are a that, as a consequence of these dynamics, the Dalit heterogeneous group of various castes whose community has not been able to find a common ideological population has scattered throughout Nepal. Source: Dahal, DR, et al. 2002. National Dalit Strategy or political stance with either the Magar or Upper Caste Report Part 1 Situational Analysis of Dalits in Nepal. community, which limits their access to opportunities in the Kathmandu: National Planning Commission district level bureaucracy7 and other mechanisms of influence. Recent dynamics of social, economic and political relations in Palpa District A local historian remarked that Palpa’s social and cultural order is still heavily influenced by the traditional Hindu Caste system8. Nonetheless, as noted by local observers, the post-1990 ideas of equality, social justice and democracy are changing the relationship between Upper Caste, Magar and Dalit communities. This has occasionally created tensions in the district9. According to a journalist, “People from Magar and Dalit communities have become increasingly aware of what they see as the continuing social, cultural and political hegemony of the Upper Caste communities and are demanding equal status and rights”. In addition, members of the Magar and Dalit communities have been demanding proportionate shares of representation in state mechanisms, such as school management committees, ward citizen forums and community forest users groups10. The caste system has traditionally had a limiting effect on the kind of employment opportunities available, in particular for people from the Dalit community. However, a growing remittance economy enabling alternative sources of livelihoods has allowed members of the Dalit community to challenge their place in the social hierarchy. A journalist noted that Dalit and Magar labourers have gradually stopped working for village landlords, mostly comprising Upper Caste families11. This transformation has occasionally led to 3 Interview with local analysts, journalists and politicians on November 2012. 4 Interviews with multiple local analysts on 27 and 29 November 2012. 5 Interview with a local analyst on 28 November 2012. 6 The Nepal government agreed with activists of National Indigenous Ethnic Goodwill Society (NIEGS) to categorize Bahun, Chhetri, Sanyasi, Thakuri and Dalit under ‘Khas-Arya’ on 17 May 2012. 7 Interview with Dalit intellectuals, politicians and journalists on November 2012. 8 Interview with a local historian on 28 November 2012. 9 Interviews with multiple local analysts on 27 and 29 November 2012. 10 Interview with a Janajati journalist on 27 November 2012. 11 Interview with Magar and Dalit journalists on 27 November 2012. 2 | P a g e contention as members of the Upper Castes communities are accustomed to and have benefitted from the traditional division of labour determined by the caste hierarchies. A number of legal documents, such as the 1991 Constitution, the 2007 Interim Constitution and the Caste Based Discrimination and Untouchability (Offence and Punishment) Act 2011 grant Dalits equal access to