DOCSLIB.ORG

Syriza: Inside the Labyrinth Pdf, Epub, Ebook

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Syriza: Inside the Labyrinth Pdf, Epub, Ebook SYRIZA: INSIDE THE LABYRINTH PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Kevin Ovenden | 208 pages | 15 Oct 2015 | PLUTO PRESS | 9780745336862 | English | London, United Kingdom Syriza: Inside the Labyrinth PDF Book He then cut a concessionary compromise with the Troika on February 20, The sweeping mobilisation of Greek citizens made possible the victory of Syriza in the first place. Like most websites, we use cookies to improve our service and make your user experience better. The book does, however, address one of the key debates on the left over the alternative economic program to Tsipras determination to stay inside the Eurozone at all costs. The bodies of the EU do not respect democracy despite the referendum result as they force even worse measures on the Syriza government. Issue section:. There was both a widespread understanding of the scale of the crisis facing the incoming government, and, consequently, the realization among the network of trade unionists, social movement campaigners, and activists of the left—notably in the base of Syriza—that the period of intense mobilization had not ended with the election victory. Ovenden shows how Tsipras betrayed all of this in power and quickly abandoned the Thessalonika Program. Membership of the monetary union had brought Greece to the centre of European public attention since the onset of the financial crisis in , which triggered the breakdown of the Greek two-party system in place since the fall of the military junta in To accept cookies, click continue. Despite the party's many defeats, the rise and fall of Syriza is a symbolic and important story to tell. The book analyses in great detail how the political establishment tried to fend off the rising power. The book skillfully weaves three narrative strands that are inseparable to understanding the significance of these events and the experience of the Syriza government. Review by Aaron Amaral. In other words, he shows the Greek struggle to be part of international class struggle. Okay, Thanks. Search form Search. A party that had repeatedly — and credibly — asserted its association with left social movements, had underlined its unwillingness to collaborate with any of the established parties and, simultaneously, had voiced its opposition to globalised capitalism, prepared to take the reins of a venerable member of the European Union and the eurozone. He formed a government not with the left, but with the xenophobic right-wing nationalists of ANEL, granting them three key ministries—foreign affairs, defense, and police. This finds expression in the numerous first-hand accounts provided throughout the book, giving voice to people actively engaged in the movements. Syriza: Inside the Labyrinth Writer Syriza : Inside the Labyrinth. Rather, there would be fresh battles to come. Smith strikes a much more sombre note. They wanted to prove to all of Europe that there was no alternative at the ballot box to austerity. Ultimately, Ovenden has greatly succeeded in his stated goals. He then cut a concessionary compromise with the Troika on February 20, Geoff Bailey. The notion that the rejection of austerity is compatible with membership of the euro and the EU is tested and fails. The key to beating austerity remains the struggle of the unbowed working class. The fierce confrontation with Greece's creditors which followed reverberated around the world. The book does, however, address one of the key debates on the left over the alternative economic program to Tsipras determination to stay inside the Eurozone at all costs. One of the main strengths of the book is its focus on struggle in which workers not only resist the bosses and the Troika but begin to challenge for control of production. The plus general strikes, the occupations and the anti-fascist and anti-racist movement are all outlined with eyewitness accounts. Between Things Ended and Things Begun 2. But all of this is not examined in the book. The Maw of the Minotaur 8. We use cookies on this site to understand how you use our content, and to give you the best browsing experience. Phil Gasper. People hoped that the new government would be different. Benoit Renaud. Like most websites, we use cookies to improve our service and make your user experience better. Ovenden provides a useful overview of the competing plans put forward by figures like Yanis Varoufakis, Euclid Tsakalatos, and Costas Lapavitsas. The book skillfully weaves three narrative strands that are inseparable to understanding the significance of these events and the experience of the Syriza government. Search form Search. A party that had repeatedly — and credibly — asserted its association with left social movements, had underlined its unwillingness to collaborate with any of the established parties and, simultaneously, had voiced its opposition to globalised capitalism, prepared to take the reins of a venerable member of the European Union and the eurozone. The singular pole of Christian Democracy is fragmenting, allowing a variety of right- wing forces—from anti-European nationalists to outright fascists—to re-emerge in their own party formations. Skip to main content. Ovenden captures well the optimism produced by the Syriza victory in the elections and the confusion when it unnecessarily formed a coalition with the racist populists of ANEL. With the return of democracy, the reformist party PASOK Panhellenic Socialist Movement dominated electoral politics and traded power occasionally with its openly capitalist opponent, New Democracy, but each progressively adopted severe neoliberal economic policies. Instead, he shows that sections of Greek capital have greatly benefited and shepherded neoliberal austerity programs through to their tragic results. Inside the Labyrinth is particularly attentive in this history to the threat of the far right, specifically the fascist party Golden Dawn. Search form. Syriza: Inside the Labyrinth. Chris Newlove. Issue 99 : Reviews Share. The book really comes into its own when discussing the failed strategy of Tsipras and his circle. Ovenden exposes how vulnerability to those pressures was exacerbated by the lack of orientation and resolve on the part of Syriza itself. The sweeping mobilisation of Greek citizens made possible the victory of Syriza in the first place. Pluto Press Left Book Club. The Resisted Rise of Syriza 3. Syriza: Inside the Labyrinth Reviews Ultimately, Ovenden has greatly succeeded in his stated goals. Phil Gasper. Back to Top. Series: Left Book Club. The ensuing cracks in the coalition between the political party and the social movement backing it reveal the pitfalls of engaging in a political system for those who demand far-reaching changes to the system itself. Search for:. Kevin Ovenden. Instead, he shows that sections of Greek capital have greatly benefited and shepherded neoliberal austerity programs through to their tragic results. For Smith, in contrast to Ovenden, parties like Syriza do not signify the crystallisation of class antagonisms, but rather the very decline of the popular mobilisations from which they emanate. Ian Birchall. Look Inside. Ovenden intentionally sidesteps historic debates between revolution and reform in the socialist movement, and the book could have been more explicit in its position on this question. The book skillfully weaves three narrative strands that are inseparable to understanding the significance of these events and the experience of the Syriza government. He exposes the limits of implementing fundamental change through the state with its unelected military, police and civil service. There was both a widespread understanding of the scale of the crisis facing the incoming government, and, consequently, the realization among the network of trade unionists, social movement campaigners, and activists of the left—notably in the base of Syriza—that the period of intense mobilization had not ended with the election victory. Syriza: Inside the Labyrinth. Search form. People believed that there was, in fact, an alternative to neoliberal capitalism. Lost in the Labyrinth 6. Buy from Bookmarks. Its eventual surrender was the result, argues Oven den, of trying to find a solution within the current setup of the euro-zone. Issue contents. Their Austerity and Our Resistance 4. But it had maintained and developed a level of popular organization. Kevin Ovenden. Becoming a unitary party only in , the Syriza coalition was first founded in , emerging out of a range of fragmentations occurring on the left of the Greek political spectrum during the early s. There is a real debate about these proposals. Membership of the monetary union had brought Greece to the centre of European public attention since the onset of the financial crisis in , which triggered the breakdown of the Greek two-party system in place since the fall of the military junta in The key to beating austerity remains the struggle of the unbowed working class. Issue 99 : Reviews Share. He contends that this struggle cannot be understood as merely a national one of an oppressed Greece against the Troika. La Patria Grande. Yet, the book is relatively silent on important related debates on the Greek left inside and outside Syriza. And it had brought down one government after another. October In January , Syriza, the Coalition of the Radical Left, became the largest party in the Hellenic Parliament, winning out of seats and badly defeating the then-ruling conservative New Democracy party. Golden Dawn and fascist politics more generally have thrived in the shadow of the mainstream Right, and Ovendon situates the Greek far right within the Europe context as a whole. In Syriza , Kevin Ovenden presents an in-depth analysis of the political events leading up to this seemingly sudden reversal of political power in Greece, exploring the origins of the turbulent Greek political climate, from the beginnings of the Communist Party of Greece and the Greek workers' movement following the First World War, to the brutal civil war that shook the country in the aftermath of the Second World War; the rise and fall of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement and the growth of radical politics in the s; and finally the crushing austerity demands following the debt crisis of the s.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
    This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
    Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km².
    [Show full text]
  • Country Fact Sheet
    DRAFT – COUNTRY FACT SHEET DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO April 2007 Research Directorate Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 2 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². The climate of the DRC is tropical. The equatorial river basin is hot and humid, the southern highlands are cold and dry, and the eastern highlands are rainy. The wet season north of Equateur province is from April to October, and the dry season is from December to February. The wet season south of Equateur is from November to March, followed by a dry season from April to October.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CRISIS BEHIND the CRISIS: the EUROPEAN CRISIS AS a MULTI-DIMENSIONAL SYSTEMIC FAILURE of the EU Faculty of Law, University of Cambridge 31 March-1St April
    THE CRISIS BEHIND THE CRISIS: THE EUROPEAN CRISIS AS A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL SYSTEMIC FAILURE OF THE EU Faculty of Law, University of Cambridge 31 March-1st April PROGRAMME WEDNESDAY 30TH MARCH 20:30 Welcome drinks, King’s College Bar THURSDAY 31ST MARCH 09:00 Welcome 09:15 Keynote Speech I: Professor Michelle Everson, Birkbeck University of London 10:45 Coffee 11.00 THE CRISIS AS A CRISIS OF THE EU’S IDENTITY (Chair: Dr Theodore Konstadinides, University of Surrey) Professor Magnus Ryner, King’s College London ‘The International Political Economy or European Authoritarian Neo-Liberalism’ Dr Charalampos Kouroundis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki ‘The Roots of the European Crisis: A Historical Perspective’ Dr Maria Tzanakopoulou, UCL ‘The EU from Below: Ruptures with the Neo-Liberal Consensus?’ Hent Kalmo, Université de Paris Nanterre ‘Nostalgia for the Future: The Eurocrisis and the End of Self-Fulfilling Europe’ 12:30 Lunch 13:30 THE CRISIS AS A CRISIS OF DEMOCRATIC AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY (Chair: Dr Davor Jancic, Asser Institute) Elia Alexiou, Université de Paris Nanterre ‘Who's Afraid of the European Demos?: The Uneasy Relationship between European Union and Referenda as a Sign of Identity and Democratic Legitimacy Crisis’ Dr Petr Agha, University of Prague ‘The Empire of Principle’ Jorge Correcher Mira, University of Valencia ‘Ideological Crisis in the EU: Consequences in the Evolution of Crime and Penalty from the Political Economy of Punishment’ 15:00 Coffee 15.15 THE CRISIS AS A NORMATIVE CRISIS OF THE EU ECONOMIC MODEL (Chair:
    [Show full text]
  • Syriza's Rise and Fall
    Interview: New Masses—13 stathis kouvelakis SYRIZA’S RISE AND FALL Syriza won power in January 2015 as an anti-austerity party—the most advanced political opposition so far to the hardening deflationary poli- cies of the Brussels–Berlin–Frankfurt axis. Six months later, the Tsipras government forced through the harshest austerity package Greece had yet seen. This trajectory was a predictable outcome of the contradiction embod- ied in Syriza’s programme: reject austerity, but keep the euro. Why was Tsipras so incapable of envisaging a course inside the eu but outside the Eurozone, the position of Sweden, Denmark, Poland and half a dozen other European countries? irst, one shouldn’t underestimate the popularity of the euro in the southern-periphery countries—Greece, Spain, Portugal—for whom joining the eu meant accessing political and economic modernity. For Greece, in particular, it meant Fbeing part of the West in a different way to that of the us-imposed post- civil war regime. It seemed a guarantee of the new democratic course: after all, it’s only since 1974 that Greece has known a political regime similar to other Western countries, after decades of authoritarianism, military dictatorship and civil war. The European Community also offered the promise of combining prosperity with a social dimension, supposedly inherent to the project, which sealed the political com- pact that emerged after the fall of the Junta. Joining the euro seemed the logical conclusion of that process. Having the same currency as the most advanced countries has a tremendous power over people’s imagination—carrying in your pocket the same currency as Germans or Dutch, even if you are a low-paid Greek worker or pensioner—which new left review 97 jan feb 2016 45 46 nlr 97 those of us who’d been in favour of exiting the euro since the start of the crisis tended to underestimate.
    [Show full text]
  • SYRIZA and the Rise of Radical Left-Reformism in Europe
    SYRIZA and the Rise of Radical Left-Reformism in Europe Donal Mac Fhearraigh The rise of SYRIZA, Greece's Coalition ternative to austerity and the crisis of of the Radical Left, in the May elections capitalism has provoked panic among the and in polls since, has electrified the left Euro-elites and the Greek ruling class. globally. Tsipras stunned Europe's rulers when, af- The election on 6 May revealed that ter receiving the mandate from the Greek the mass of the Greek people rejected president to try and form a government, the austerity programme imposed under after New Democracy proved unable to do the Memorandum of Understanding be- so, he declared the austerity measures be- tween their government and the European ing imposed on Greece `null and void'. Union (EU) and the International Mone- The campaign of Jean-Luc Melenchon tary Fund (IMF). SYRIZA's leader, Alex in the French Presidential election shows Tsipras, has denounced the programme that the re-emergence of a left-reformist as `barbarous' and his refusal to form a current in politics isn't peculiar to Greece, coalition with the parties that support the as the EU ruling class strategy of deep- Memorandum has forced Greece into a sec- ening austerity erodes traditional political ond election on 17 June. loyalties and creates rising political polar- The last opinion poll published on Fri- isation. Overall unemployment across the day 1 June showed SYRIZA on 31.5 per- eurozone stands at its highest level since cent, its highest performance yet, and a 1999 when the currency was launched with full six points ahead of the right-wing New 17.4 million out of work2 .
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Crisis & Catharsis in EU Integration Dr. Mai'a K. Davis Cross
    Crisis & Catharsis in EU Integration Dr. Mai’a K. Davis Cross Northeastern University [email protected] Abstract This article seeks to explain how and why the EU’s relatively frequent existential crises – complete with ‘end of Europe’ rhetoric – ultimately result in new areas of consensus regarding the EU’s integration project. During the course of these existential crises, member states are able to release underlying societal tensions that might have stood as stumbling blocks to further consensus, and thus achieve a sense of ‘catharsis,’ as evidenced by convergence in attitudes. To illustrate this process, the article examines the case of the Eurozone crisis, and describes how North-South tensions that pre-dated this crisis period were openly aired during the height of the crisis, and created a window of opportunity for leaders to agree to a number of far-reaching policies in the economic and financial area. Keywords: narratives, crisis, integration, social construction Introduction The evolving European order, which centers on the process of European Union (EU) integration, is characterized by both incremental change and critical junctures of crisis. This article focuses on the latter, and aims to provide an agenda for future research into European crises. Even a casual look at the history of the EU since its inception in 1957 shows that at numerous periods through its development, the EU (or EEC/EC in its previous incarnations) has been portrayed as being in severe crisis, even on the verge of dissolution. I examine why these 1 predictions, particularly those of existential threat (episodes in which it seems the “end of Europe” is at hand), have continually been proven false.
    [Show full text]
  • East European Constitutional Review Volume Number 2. Spring 1995
    TITLE : EAST EUROPEAN CONSTITUTIONAL REVIE W VOLUME 4, NUMBER 2 . SPRING 1995 AUTHOR: STEPHEN HOLMES, EDITOR in CHIE F UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LAW SCHOO L THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEA N RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C. 20036 NCSEER NOT E The quarterly journal East Euro p ean Constitutional Review, is published by th e Center for the Study of Constitutionalism in Eastern Europe at the University o f Chicago Law School, and has been delivered by the Editor in Chief to the Counci l under contract 808-05 for reproduction and supplementary distribution to it s readers who are not on the Center's subscription list . Readers who already receive a copy directly from the Center are requested to notify the Council (202) 387-0168 . PROJECT INFORMATION :* CONTRACTOR : University of Chicag o PRINCIPAL INVESTlGATOR : Stephen Holme s COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 808-05 DATE : June 7, 1995 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded b y Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within th e Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials fo r their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, or make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U .S. Government without th e written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f Information Act 5 U.S.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Eurozone Austerity Policies Will Spark New Crisis in 2013 Costas Lapavitsas, Therealnews, December 11, 2012
    Eurozone Austerity Policies Will Spark New Crisis in 2013 Costas Lapavitsas, TheRealNews, December 11, 2012 PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR, TRNN: Welcome to The Real News Network, and welcome to the first edition of The Lapavitsas Report with Costas Lapavitsas, who now joins us from London, where he's a professor in economics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London. He's a regular columnist for The Guardian newspaper. His most recent book is Crisis in the Eurozone. Thanks for joining us again, Costas. COSTAS LAPAVITSAS, PROF. ECONOMICS, UNIV. OF LONDON: Hello, Paul. It's nice to be here with you. JAY: So we're just a few weeks away from 2013. How does this year look, this coming year? LAPAVITSAS: I'm afraid that it doesn't look very good at all for economies in general and for working people in particular. And I want to stress that. This is shaping up very badly. The main source of concern is of course the eurozone and the continuing crisis in the eurozone. Now, financial markets have gone quiet or quieter in the last few months, couple of months, and people have been lulled into thinking that the eurozone crisis has been resolved. That is not actually true. The reason why financial markets have gone quieter is because in September Mr. Draghi of the European Central Bank intervened and basically said that he was going to buy bonds of countries in trouble freely. And that made speculation against peripheral eurozone country debt unprofitable. So financial markets went quiet, and people began to think that the eurozone crisis might be on its way out.
    [Show full text]
  • Diskussionspapiere Money, Interest, and Capital Accumulation in Karl
    Diskussionspapiere Money, Interest, and Capital Accumulation in Karl Marx’s Economics: A Monetary Interpretation Eckhard Hein WSI Discussion Paper No. 102 June 2002 Dr. Eckhard Hein, WSI in der Hans Boeckler Stiftung, Hans Boeckler Str. 39, 40476 Duesseldorf, Germany e-mail: [email protected] Eckhard Hein Money, Interest and Capital Accumulation in Karl Marx’s Economics: A Monetary Interpretation* Abstract Starting from Schumpeter’s important distinction between „real analysis“ and „monetary analysis“, in this paper it is shown that major elements of Marx’s economic theory fall in the camp of monetary analysis and the implications for Marx’s theory of capital accumulation are derived. First, Marx’s theory of labour value has to be considered a „monetary theory of value“ because „abstract labour“ as the social substance of value cannot be measured without a social standard of value. Money as a social representative of value, therefore, is introduced at the very beginning of Marx’s microeconomics. Marx’s rejection of Ricardo’s interpretation of Say’s Law requires that money as a means of circulation and as a means of payment is non- reproducible and therefore cannot be a commodity. Second, in the schemes of reproduction it becomes clear, that the realisation of profits for the capitalist class as a whole requires money advances, which have to increase by means of rising credit in a growing economy. Third, the rate of interest in Marx’s economics is conceived of as a monetary category determined by relative powers of financial and industrial capitalists. Therefore, similar to post-Keynesian theories of distribution and growth, the rate of capital accumulation is determined by the expected rate of profit and the exogenous rate of interest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Greece
    Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 4 Issue 1 Article 1 2016 The Pitfalls and Possibilities of Socialist Transformation: The Case of Greece Martin Hart-Landsberg Lewis & Clark College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the Political Economy Commons Recommended Citation Hart-Landsberg, Martin (2016) "The Pitfalls and Possibilities of Socialist Transformation: The Case of Greece," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 4 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.4.1.16092144 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol4/iss1/1 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Pitfalls and Possibilities of Socialist Transformation: The Case of Greece Abstract With its 2015 electoral victory in Greece, Syriza became the first left political party to lead a European government since the founding of the European Union. As such, its eventual capitulation to the demands of the Troika was a bitter development, and not only for the people of Greece. Because the need for change remains as great as ever, and efforts at electoral-based transformations continue, especially in Europe, this paper seeks to assess the Greek experience, and in particular Syriza’s political options and choices, in order to help activists more effectively respond to the challenges faced when confronting capitalist power.
    [Show full text]
  • This Is Part of Our Round Table on Against the Troika: Crisis and Austerity in the Eurozone
    Missing Chances for Change This is part of our round table on Against the Troika: Crisis and Austerity in the Eurozone. Heiner Flassbeck and Costas Lapavitsas have written a book that is designed to serve at least three purposes. In the first instance, it is a thoughtful and grounded critique of orthodox economic thinking at the heart of Europe’s single currency architecture, the decisions and actions it takes as a result, and the impact it has on the resilience of the single currency as a whole. Second, it examines German behaviour within the single currency, seeking to substantiate the argument that instead of working as an anchor stabilising the rest of the eurozone, it has acted in mercantilistic and free-riding ways that destabilise it. Third, it outlines what Greece would have to do to break free of these outside restrictions and reclaim its own sovereignty from eurozone. There are other points made within the book, but these are the core ones. This book is organized into two sections. Section 1 deals with the first and second goals outlined above. It is a welcome alternative to the approach taken to currency areas found in most economic textbooks that start with orthodox / neoclassical economic assumptions and then work out models of desirable economic benchmarks and adjustment strategies based upon them. Instead of focusing on stable prices as the benchmark of a working monetary union, Flassbeck and Lapavitsas argue for coordination of unit labour costs instead, following observations of how economic growth in Europe closely follows wage growth. This implies that instead of focusing on the budget deficits of national governments, and on the debt levels that they have, EMU rules should focus on a golden rule in which national governments commit to ensuring that unit labor costs increase at a steady pace of approximately 2% per year.
    [Show full text]