Muhareb 1

Anne Boleyn: Whore or Martyr?

An Individual’s Religious Beliefs Shaping the Perception of the Queen of England

By

Samia Muhareb

Senior Thesis in History

California State Polytechnic University, Pomona

9 June 2010

Grade:

Advisor: Dr. Amanda Podany Muhareb 2

One of the most famous and influential English queen’s who altered society both politically and religiously was Anne Boleyn. The influence Anne Boleyn had on English society in the sixteenth century was summed up by historian Charles Beem, “our biggest enemy is terrorism…theirs was the Reformation. You can't overestimate how traumatic the changes in the church would have been. You might get close if you imagined that Monica Lewinsky had been a radical Islamist and Bill Clinton married her and made everyone convert.”1 Anne Boleyn was not the typical English Rose;2 she had an intense tempting quality that greatly attracted King Henry

VIII. She was said to possess a delicate and attractive appearance, a vivacious personality, and exotic features since she was not brought up in the English court but rather the French to serve

Queen Claude of France. To Henry, Anne symbolized the sophistication and charm of the French court he so earnestly desired.3 Anne Boleyn was the second wife of Henry VIII after his divorce from Katherine, a divorce that would revolutionize England as the country broke free from the

Catholic Church and established the Church of England.

Before King Henry VIII married Katherine of Aragon, Katherine was wedded to his elder brother Arthur in 1501. A year after their marriage, Arthur died; but the cause of death remains unknown. Upon his death, the validity of Katherine and Arthur’s marriage came into question.

Katherine claimed that her marriage to Arthur was never consummated. Under papal dispensation, Henry VIII was granted the right to marry Katherine.4 The marriage between

Henry and Katherine did pose problems; “however, the church claimed the power to condone potential defects revealed in advance, and Pope Julius II had issued a papal bull allowing

1 Rebecca Winters Keegan, “When Royals Become Rock Stars,” Time Magazine, March 22, 2007, 1. 2 symbol for the Tudor dynasty 3 Hugh M. Richmond, Puritans and Libertines (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 25. 4Neelak Serawlook Tjernagel, Henry VIII and the Lutherans: A Study in Anglo-Lutheran Relations from 1521 to 1547 (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1965), 74. Muhareb 3

Katherine and Henry to marry despite their relationship.”5 Therefore, under papal confirmation

Henry and Katherine could marry regardless of the fact that her previous marriage to Arthur would have made her Henry’s sister-in-law. Though the marriage between the two was validated by the Catholic Church, Henry feared it was his relationship with Katherine that prevented him from producing a male heir.6 Ironically, Henry VIII turned to the Bible to prove his marriage to

Katherine as invalid and sought papal dispensation to annul. Henry feared that God was punishing him for marrying his brother’s wife and used references from the Bible to prove he was correct. A passage in The Book of Leviticus indicted that “you must not have intercourse with your brother’s wife, since she belongs to your brother.”7 Katherine’s previous marriage to

Arthur made Henry paranoid and he believed it was the reason why a male heir was never born.

In addition, the passage in The Book of Leviticus stated that “if a man takes his brother’s wife, it is an impure deed; since he has had intercourse with her who belongs to his brother, they shall be childless.”8 Henry was not childless, he did have one daughter, but childless in the sense of no sons and the continued miscarriages Katherine experienced. When a son was not born, Henry was worried and used the verse to validate his marriage to Anne, his future wife. The Bible became a very significant source to authenticate the divorce. Henry used Bible passages in order to prove his marriage to Katherine was not valid and obtain what he wished.

It is difficult to fathom why Henry VIII would have split from the Catholic Church in

1531 when ten years earlier Pope Leo X granted Henry the title “Defender of the Faith.” In 1521

Henry published his work Defense of the Seven Sacraments in Latin in which he opposed the teachings of Martin Luther. As a result, “on the delivery of this book to His Holiness…His

5 Eric Ives, Henry VIII (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 14. 6 Tjernagel, 75. 7 Book of Leviticus 18:15. 8 Book of Leviticus 20:21. Muhareb 4

Holiness was pleased to bestow upon the King…that most illustrious, splendid, and most

Christian-like title of Defender of the Faith.”9 Henry’s willingness to speak against the quickly spreading teachings of Luther proved his determination and faithfulness to the Catholic Church.

Defense of the Seven Sacraments “was one of the most successful pieces of Catholic polemics produced by the first generation of anti-Protestant writers.”10 Henry’s enthusiasm to stop the spread of Protestantism earned him a title that placed him in a positive light in Pope Leo X eyes.

His support for Catholicism and the Pope was reflected in his book, which reveals Henry’s earlier position as a traditional conservative who was critical of Lutheranism. By 1524, however,

Henry and Katherine stopped having any sexual relations.11 Henry VIII did not have a son to leave behind as an heir to continue the Tudor Dynasty. His wife Katherine of Aragon was past child-bearing age and Henry became frightened for the fate of England if his daughter Mary would inherit the throne. A son was desperately needed in order to preserve the strength of the

Tudor Dynasty. King Henry VIII’s daughter, Mary, was betrothed to the heir of the French throne. The engagement further alarmed Henry because if Mary had succeeded him, then France would have had power over England.

In 1527 Pope Clement VII was not able to grant a papal dispensation for Henry VIII’s annulment. During this time the Holy Roman Emperor was Charles V, nephew of Katherine.

Charles V sought to stop Protestantism and uphold Catholic doctrine. He was allied with the

Pope in order to eliminate heresy and preserve religious unity in Europe. Katherine was Charles

V’s aunt, as a result an annulment was not granted because it would label her as an adulterous.12

9 Assertio Septem Sacramentorum; or, Defence of the Seven Sacraments, [English & Latin], edited by Louis O'Donovan and James Cardinal Gibbons, (New York, Benziger brothers, 1908), 104. 10 J.J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 111. 11 Eric Ives, Anne Boleyn (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 108. 12 Tjernagel, 78. Muhareb 5

The English Archbishop working for Henry was Cardinal Wolsey. Wolsey was loyal to both the

Pope and the King. He could not convince papal authority to grant the divorce without causing difficulties between church and state. His failure to obtain papal approval of an annulment resulted in his replacement with Thomas Cranmer, who “was in favor of the abolition of papal authority in England as early as 1525.”13

In 1533, Henry broke away from the Catholic Church and secretly married Anne, who was already pregnant with Elizabeth. The divorce from Katherine allowed Henry to consider following Luther and Protestantism; therefore, “it was not until his marriage to Anne Boleyn that

Henry could undertake serious negotiations with the Lutherans.”14 Protestantism was already taking root in England. Early English reformer John Wycliff and his followers the Lollards existed in some regions of England in the sixteenth century. Wycliff believed that the sole authority of God was the Bible and emphasized a personal connection with God. It was Anne’s relationship with the King, however, that allowed Henry to truly consider Protestantism. She had played a major role in providing information to the king about the religious movement.15 In 1534 the Act of Supremacy was enacted that officially placed Henry as head of the newly formed

Church of England. Along with the act came the requirement that an oath was to be taken to recognize Anne as queen. The act was used to place Henry as head of the religious faith in

England and to confirm the reign of Anne Boleyn.16 Overall, the purpose of the Act of

Supremacy was to increase the power of England and King Henry VIII and to continue to decrease the influence of the Catholic Church. Anne’s presence allowed the foundation of

13 Tjernagel, 84. 14 Tjernagel, 136. 15 Tjernagel, 112. 16 Act of Supremacy, Selected Documents of English Constitutional History, ed. George Burton Adams and H. Morse Stephens (London: MacMillan & Co., LTD, 1916), 239. Muhareb 6

Protestantism to expand throughout England.17 The religious change caused the image of Anne

Boleyn to be tarnished.

An individual’s religious affiliation greatly influenced his or her perception of Anne

Boleyn. Anne contributed a great deal to the rise of Protestantism in England because “as Henry fell under the influence of Boleyn in his bed…a mild form of Lutheranism was able to establish itself at court.”18 Anne ignited a great religious change in society that would decide how individuals saw her. The split between Katherine and Henry was the “most celebrated divorce in history…[and] made Henry VIII take a second look at Martin Luther and the Protestant following he represented.”19 It was Anne who allowed Protestantism to take a root in England.

Religious observation was a large and serious aspect of daily life in the sixteenth century.

Catholicism was what people saw as the status quo. The shift from “the stiff orthodoxy of

Katherine of Aragon to the skeptical flexibility of Anne Boleyn thus epitomizes the shift in religious and social values of [Henry’s] reign.”20As a result, Anne Boleyn was seen as the

“personification not only of evil, but of an assault on religion, crops, cattle, fine weather-every aspect of daily life.”21 From the very beginning since Anne made her way into court, she was viewed as a disaster who brought chaos into society. The majority of English people did not support or consider Anne Boleyn as queen. They “continued to show their love and respect for

Katherine of Aragon [even] after Henry had renounced her. They were at no pains to conceal their disgust over Henry’s marriage to Anne Boleyn.”22 The reform movement that arrived with the marriage of Henry and Anne was not desirable among most of the English people. They

17 Eric Ives, The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn: ‘The Most Happy’ (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), xv. 18 Richard Rex, Henry VIII and the English Reformation (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993), 167. 19 Tjernagel, 73. 20 Richmond, 18. 21 Hester Chapman, The Challenge of Anne Boleyn (New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan Inc., 1974), 106. 22 Tjernagel, 95. Muhareb 7

became very antagonistic toward her and did not recognize her claim to the throne as legitimate.

The people continuously referred to her as a whore, concubine, and harlot. English citizens held strong support for the original monarchy and Catholicism. But some individuals viewed Anne as a strong reformer who was virtuous and godly.

Little is known about Anne before her involvement with the King, even the year she was born seems to be subject of debate; however, the date accepted is 1507. She was the daughter of well connected individuals, as her grandfather was Earl of Surrey. When she was younger she was sent to study in France and serve the queen as a lady-in-waiting. In the French court, Anne became skilled at singing, dancing, and playing instruments.23 In 1521 Anne returned to the

English court. She was already connected with King Henry VIII as her sister, Mary, was his mistress. The passion between Anne and Henry can be seen from the series of love letters they wrote to each other. One of the most famous letters they exchanged was written by Henry where he insisted on an answer from Anne when she refused to become his mistress:

I beg to know expressly your intentions touching the love between us. Necessity compels me to obtain this answer, having been more than a year wounded by the dart of love, and not yet sure whether I shall fail, or find a place in your affection. This has prevented me from naming you my mistress. ... But if it please you to do the office of a true, loyal mistress, and give yourself, body and heart, to me who have been and mean to be your loyal servant, I promise you not only the name, but that I shall make you my sole mistress, remove all others from my affection, and serve you only. Give me a full answer on which I can rely; and if you do not like to reply by letter, appoint some place where I can have it by word of mouth.24

Henry and Anne married and on September 7, 1533 she gave birth to a healthy baby girl named Elizabeth. Anne would later have a series of miscarriages of potential male heirs. On

January 29, 1536, Anne gave birth to a still born son. Henry believed that “God was again

23 Ives 1986, 37. 24 'Introduction, Section 5,' Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII: 1524-1530, ed. J.S Brewer vol. 4 (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1875). http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=91175&strquery=loyal+mistress+friend. Muhareb 8

denying him a son; [and that] he had been seduced into marriage with Anne by witchcraft.”25 On

May of 1536 Anne Boleyn was accused of adultery with four men: Sir William Brereton, Mark

Smeton, Sir Henry Norris, and Sir Francis Weston. She was also accused of conspiracy to kill the king and of incest with her brother George Boleyn. Anne and the men were arrested and examined. Mark Smeton, “on being pressed further and cross-examined…confessed to actual adultery.”26 Anne was convicted and executed at the Tower of London. Throughout her reign,

Anne experienced a great deal of negative as well as positive events.

Historiography:

Anne Boleyn has been a controversial figure throughout history. She has been described as a whore, martyr, strong feminist, and as a pioneer of the English Reformation. Anne was seen differently throughout time. During her first appearance at court and as a relationship developed with King Henry VIII, which led to their marriage, she was perceived as a whore and concubine.

A negative reaction quickly spread throughout England, opposing her rule and legitimacy to the throne. But perception of her changed in the mid-nineteenth century as her reputation was being defended and she was seen as a martyr. Her faith and actions were distinguished as being beneficial to England and having allowed the country to flourish. Another portrayal is that Anne was a strong determined woman. Anne would later be seen as one of the early feminists in history. She was able to rise from the bottom up and have her story told. Lastly, Anne was later seen as a zealous reformer who transformed England and allowed for Protestantism to take a foothold in England. Overall, Anne Boleyn had many descriptions both negative and positive.

25 Ives 1986, 343. 26 James Anthony Froude, “Reign of Henry the Eighth,” in History of England From The Fall of Wolsey to The Death of Elizabeth (New York: AMS Press, 1969), 2: 490. Muhareb 9

When Anne first began her relationship with King Henry VIII, most English citizens saw

Anne Boleyn as a whore and not fit to represent the English people. In 1547 William Thomas, future Edwardian clerk of the Privy Council, wrote The Pilgrim in which he noted that Anne’s

“outward profession of gravity was to be marveled at. But inwardly she was all another dame than she seemed to be; for in satisfying of her carnal appetite, she fled not so much as the company of her own natural brother.”27 Thomas portrayed Anne as a whore; a woman who had such an extreme sexual appetite that she shamelessly committed incest with her own brother.

Thomas asserted that King Henry VIII “married his second wife…names Anne Bolene, whose liberal life were too shameful to rehearse.”28 Seemingly on the outside Anne Boleyn appeared to be accomplished, but Thomas argued that the queen lived two lives; on the inside exists a sexual craving that is scandalous and awaits release. Because of these traits that Anne carried, she was guilty of the charges set against her. Thomas discussed the execution of the men who were accused along with Anne as being “drawn into her train by her own devilish devices.”29 The king had suspicion of her actions and executed an investigation in order to finally prove Anne guilty.

Thomas accused Anne of being a whore because of her disgraceful actions that dishonored the monarchy.

In the nineteenth century, a more positive image of Anne Boleyn surfaced. Elizabeth

Benger in her 1854 book Memoirs of the Life of Anne Boleyn, Queen of Henry VIII gives a brief biography of the queen and credits her with moving England forward. Benger asserts:

it would be ungrateful to forget that the mother of Queen Elizabeth was the early and zealous advocate of the Reformation and that by her efforts to dispel the gloom of ignorance and superstition, she conferred on the English people a benefit, of which, in the

27 William Thomas, The Pilgrim: A Dialogue on the Life and Actions of the King Henry The Eighth, ed. J.A Froude (London: Parker, Son, and Bourn, West Strand, 1861), 56. 28 Thomas, 56. 29 Ibid. Muhareb 10

present advanced state of knowledge and civilization it would be difficult to conceive or to appreciate the real value and importance.30

Benger described Anne as responsible for bringing about a better system and society because of her religious beliefs that brought about support for the abolition of the papacy in

England. Benger affirmed that Anne brought a change in “national and political institutions [that was] instrumental in introducing and establishing a better system of things, [and] whose effects have altered the whole fabric of society.”31 Anne was able to lift England and was responsible for elevating the country to the status of greatness. Benger viewed Anne as a martyr because of the actions she conducted in order to allow the country to prosper. Benger asserted that “as the principles of the Reformation gained ground, the people became more sensible of their obligations to the woman who had ever warmly supported the cause of humanity and truth.”32

Benger viewed Anne’s religious actions as positive and believed that they overall assisted in the benefit of England.

Eric Ives is one of the leading historians on Anne Boleyn. In his 1986 work Anne Boleyn,

Ives depicts the queen as an important feminist in English history. He provided an overview of

Anne, her life, and influence. He described Anne as a strong and determined woman who was slandered and became a victim of a political coup. Ives wrote “a woman in her own right-taken on her own terms in a man’s world; a woman who mobilized her education, her style and her appearance to outweigh the disadvantages of her sex; of only moderate good looks, but taking a court and a king by storm.”33 Ives perceived Anne Boleyn as a woman who was able to rise in a man’s world. She rose from being a lady in waiting for Queen Claude of France to becoming the

30 Elizabeth Benger, Memoirs of the Life of Anne Boleyn, Queen of Henry VIII (Philadelphia: Parry & McMillan, 1854), 11. 31 Benger, 12. 32 Benger, 320. 33 Ives 1986, 412. Muhareb 11

Queen of England. She was responsible for many great changes that England experienced. Ives elaborated, writing that, there were “few others who rose from such beginnings to a crown, and none who on the way had contributed to a revolution as far-fetching as the English

Reformation.”34 Anne made history when she became queen, which led England to break away from the Catholic Church. Anne had a great deal of influence and power and became a dominant woman in English history. Her actions led her to become a great woman in history. Ives recognizes Anne’s importance as Queen, her impact and influence on England, and her legacy.

According to Ives, Anne Boleyn succeeded in having a voice and place in history when women were usually left out. She participated in courtly affairs: both religious and political.

The suggestion that Anne Boleyn was a great religious reformer is supported by historian

Joanna Denny. In her 2004 book Anne Boleyn: A New Life of England’s Tragic Queen, Denny affirmed that “Anne Boleyn was the catalyst for the Reformation, the initiator of the Protestant religion in England.”35 Denny asserted that Anne Boleyn was the cause of the English

Reformation and a devout religious reformer. Anne was serious about her religion, “her views were evangelical, many would later say ‘Lutheran.’ She read the Bible daily and believed that everyone should be able to read God’s word in a language they could understand.”36 Like

Benger, Denny identified Anne Boleyn as responsible for the advent of improvement in England.

Denny provided many explanations as to why Anne was an ardent reformer. Denny wrote that

Anne “believed…God was with her, steering her towards her destiny. If it was God’s will that she should become England’s Queen, then the annulment would go through.”37 Her strong belief

34 Ives 1986, 412. 35 Joanna Denny, Anne Boleyn: A New Life of England’s Tragic Queen (Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2006), 132. 36 Denny, 93. 37 Denny, 132. Muhareb 12

that she was chosen by God to lead England and provide King Henry VIII with a son demonstrated Anne’s passion for Protestantism and reformation. Her religious actions led to the

English Reformation and Denny believed that Anne Boleyn should be seen as a religious reformer.

Views of Anne Boleyn range between whore to martyr. King Henry VIII’s marriage to

Anne Boleyn allowed Protestantism to take a foothold in England and caused great dissent or praise among the English people. Other factors continued the religious expansion, but Anne ignited the first change. As a result, Anne’s name was smeared by her opponents as a love-hate relationship ensued. People either hated or adored Anne Boleyn. Perceptions of her were based on an individual’s religious views and support for the original monarchy. Anne simply launched a religious change that was already developing in England that resulted in her image to be split between positive and negative. Anne Boleyn contributed a great deal to society and her influence made England powerful in the long run. She did not provide a male heir but did leave behind another legacy that would lead England to victory; her daughter Elizabeth had a much greater impact than most male kings. Ultimately, it was the religious conviction of society that shaped the view of Anne Boleyn.

Anne the Whore:

From the beginning when Anne came into court, she was seen as a disaster. Much of

English society saw her as the “personification of evil.”38 Many letters were written that depict

Anne Boleyn as a whore. The majority of the letters were written by Spanish Imperial

Ambassador Eustace Chapuys to the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. Chapuys was a highly

38 Chapman, 106. Muhareb 13

competent ambassador who wrote “between thirty and forty reports a year to the emperor.”39

Throughout his letters, he referred to Anne Boleyn as a concubine and used other similar names both in English and Spanish. Before, during, and after the reign of Anne, Chapuys held the same view of her, never accepting Anne as anything other than Henry’s mistress. On May 5, 1535,

Chapuys wrote to Charles V that:

The said concubine is more haughty than ever, and ventures to tell the King that he is more bound to her than man can be to woman, for she extricated him from a state of sin; and moreover, that he came out of it the richest Prince that ever was in England, and that without her he would not have reformed the Church, to his own great profit and that of all the people.40

Chapuys mentioned the participation of Anne in breaking from Rome. He referred to her as a concubine because in his view that is all she was. The reference becomes a common theme throughout his writings. Never did he address Anne as queen or by her name. He viewed Anne as arrogant and Henry as being captivated by her. She used her influence over the king in order to continue her presence at court and continuously reminded the king of her involvement. Chapuys also complained to the emperor of the way in which Princess Mary was treated because of Anne

Boleyn. The First Act of Succession was enacted by the Parliament of England in 1534 declared

Mary a bastard and placed Elizabeth as direct heir to the throne. Chapuys wrote that “being informed of late by the Princess that the Concubine was treating… her [with] all the rudeness and annoyance they could, I went under pretext …[and] made various representations [with

Cromwell] for her good treatment…that he would do his best to save her from the torment of following the Bastard of renouncing her title and legitimacy.”41 The letter exemplifies the way

39 Ives 1986, 73. 40 Chapuys to Charles V 1535, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965), 8: 251. 41 Chapuys to Charles V 1534, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965), 7: 495. Muhareb 14

Chapuys viewed Anne’s character. Again he referred to her as a concubine, and went further to describe Elizabeth as a bastard. He attempted to obtain better accommodations for Mary because of Anne’s “rudeness and annoyance” toward Mary. His letter demonstrates the problem Chapuys had with Anne and her treatment of Princess Mary. Reading the letters, one can hear the tone of bitterness towards Anne. Chapuys’ involvement in attempting to attain better accommodations for Mary revealed his true allegiance to the original monarchy: Katherine and Mary.

One of Chapuys’ letters concerning Anne Boleyn, written in 1536, displayed the greatest illustration of his hatred for her. In this specific letter, Chapuys described the execution of Anne

Boleyn. He constantly referred to her as a whore and a concubine. Chapuys wrote that “the king began to weep…greatly bound to God for having escaped the hands of that accursed whore, who had determined to poison them.”42 Chapuys deemed it fit for the king to thank God for saving him from Anne whose only intention was to elevate her status by poisoning her way into court.

His letter to Emperor Charles V not only illustrated the relief of the king, but the English people as well who rejoiced over “not only the ruin of the concubine but at the hope of the Princess’ restoration.”43 The Spanish Ambassador was optimistic for the hope that since Anne was finally gone, Mary could return to her rightful place in the royal family. Chapuys also wrote about the fate of Anne’s body, for “it is said that although the bodies and heads of those executed the day before yesterday have been buried, her head will be put upon the bridge, at least for some time.”44

Throughout the letters exchanged by Chapuys and the Charles V, Chapuys constantly referred to Anne as a concubine and putain, and Elizabeth as the “little bastard.”

42 Chapuys to Charles V 1536, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner, vol. x (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965). http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75431 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. Muhareb 15

Chapuys’ view of Anne Boleyn is not without bias. Chapuys was a major supporter of the

Catholic Church; as seen through his constant contact with the Holy Roman Emperor. The

Spanish Ambassador “committed himself wholly to the cause of Katherine and Mary, refusing ever to treat Anne Boleyn as anything but Henry’s mistress.”45 His support for the Catholic

Church and Katherine, who was daughter of the Spanish King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, greatly clouded his opinion of Anne Boleyn. Information he received about the conduct of Anne and the later growing unrest between Henry and her was one-sided; “thus, when Chapuys reports bad feeling between Anne and Henry he is relying on informants who wanted to believe that

Anne was falling out of royal favor and were ready to see hopeful signs in almost anything.”46

The negative portrayal of Anne Boleyn was based on the heavy support of the Catholic Church and the original monarchy.

Chapuys’ view of Anne Boleyn had a strong bias and may be seen as an unreliable source in his description of Anne. His lack of acceptance of Anne caused his reports to be questionable.

Therefore, his “continual description of Anne Boleyn as ‘the concubine’…completely missed the point that to appreciate the situation of England as it actually was, it was vital to recognize that to

Henry his marriage with Katherine had been…a nullity.”47 Chapuys’ strong support for the original monarchy and Catholic religious affiliation influenced his view of Anne Boleyn. His refusal to see her as queen and to recognize her position in court clouded his judgment of her.

This negative persona of Anne Boleyn was reflected in his letters to the Hold Roman Emperor

Charles V and in his continuous referral to her as a whore and a concubine.

45 Ives 1986, 73. 46 Ives 1986, 74. 47 Ives 1986, 75. Muhareb 16

Anne Boleyn was unpopular among the majority of English people: both the common people and the elites. Because of the break from Rome, a great deal of intrusion in church affairs was undertaken by new political policies as the country shifted from Catholicism to

Protestantism. During one instance, the Abbot of Whitby Abbey proclaimed that the “king’s grace was ruled by one common stued huer, Anne Bullan, who made all the spirituality to be beggared, and the temporalty also.”48 The Abbot was attacking the reformed church and the unpopular royal policies placed upon them. The Catholic Abbot directed his hostility towards

Anne because of her role in breaking from the Catholic Church and bringing forth these new policies. His reference to Anne has a whore was taken from his religious viewpoint. He described Anne as a whore who controlled the king. Other attacks had occurred because of the religious view of people and the role that Anne played to bring about the change. In May of

1534, a man named Henry Kylbie was at a horse stable and the hostler of the inn in which Kylbie was present stated that “there was no pope, but a bishop of Rome.” Kylbie replied “that there was a pope and that whoever held the contrary were strong heretics.” Then:

the hosteler answered that the King's grace helde of his parte. This examyned saide that then was both he an heritique and the King an other, and said also that this busines had never been if the Kinge had not maryed Anne Bullen; and therewithall they multiplyed wordes and wexed so whotte in theire communication that the one called the other knave, and so fell to gither by the cares, so that this examyned brake the hosteler's hed with a fagotte styke.49

48 Whitby Abbey 1532, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965), 5: 425. 49 Examination of Henry Kylbie 1534, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner, vol. v (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965). http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79316&strquery=henry+kylbie

Muhareb 17

The fight between the hostler and Kylbie reflected the strong sense of religious conviction society held. Because of the marriage between Anne and Henry, this fight broke out that ended with the death of a man over the argument of whether or not there was a pope. The argument between Kylbie and the hostler of the inn symbolized the effects of the Act of Supremacy; that not everyone accepted the fact that the king, rather than the pope, would now be the head of the church rather than the pope.

Kylbie blamed Anne Boleyn for the transformation of society. He saw the hostler, the king, and anyone else who did not recognize the pope as heretics and credited Anne for this idea to occur. The murder of the hostler and the attack on Anne Boleyn by the Abbot of Whitby

Abbey revealed the discontent of a wide range of English citizens: elite and common. Their

Catholic association influenced their negative view of Anne Boleyn. When the Catholic Church was abandoned in England, religious members blamed and slandered Anne. When an argument broke out over the legitimacy of the pope ending with the death of a man, Anne was responsible.

The negative view of Anne continued to be expressed in letters because of religion and support for the original monarchy. In a letter written by Sir Walter Stoner to Cromwell in 1536,

Stoner discussed the lack of support Anne received because of Katherine and Mary. Stoner provided information about one midwife who stated that “she might be midwife unto the queen of England, if it were Queen Katherine, and it were Queen Anne, she was too good to be her midwife, for she was a whore and a harlot of her living.”50 The comment by the midwife exposes the very negative view of Anne and the continued description of her as a whore. A disapproving view was not only geared towards Anne but Elizabeth as well. When two observant Friars’ in

Elizabeth’s baptism were asked whether Elizabeth was christened in cold or hot water, they

50 Sir Walter Stoner to Cromwell 1534, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965), 7: 315. Muhareb 18

replied “hot water, but it was not hot enough.”51 The friars’ negative perception of Elizabeth was due to their religious beliefs as they were strong Catholics. They advocated for the Pope and persuaded people to hold onto a relationship with Rome.52 The religious turmoil caused by the marriage of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn was prevalent throughout England. Before and during her reign, Anne did not obtain approval from the people despite the efforts put forth by King

Henry VIII and his attempt to legitimize Anne’s claim to the throne.

Whether King Henry VIII was aware of the extent of the increased dissent the people felt about Anne Boleyn may be impossible to know; however, royal acts were enacted in order to legalize Anne as queen and legitimize her place. The Act of Supremacy was passed to establish the Church of England. The First Act of Succession of 1534 was passed to place Elizabeth as heir to the throne. I.D Thornley in Treason Legislation of Henry VIII provided an interpretation of the series of Acts during the reign of Henry VIII; acts which declared certain actions treason.

Thornley affirmed that “new treasons are… emergency measures to enable the government to cope with particular situations.”53 The particular situation in this case was Anne Boleyn and how her reign influenced political policies. Henry had to face the religious revolution that was occurring as a consequence of his marriage and used various acts under the Treason Laws to do so. The Treason Laws Henry passed during his reign were either to “limit papal jurisdiction, or to declare the queen of the moment Henry’s lawful wife and to sweep aside her predecessors and their children.” 54 Henry was aware of his power when he broke from Rome. He used the ratification of laws in order to further his cause. Henry “destroyed papal jurisdiction in England and

51 FR. John Hylsey to Cromwell 1534, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner, vol. vii (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965). http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79323&strquery=hot water 52 Ibid. 53 I.D Thornley, “The Treason Legislation of Henry VIII (1531-1534),” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 11 (1917), 87. 54 Thornley, 88. Muhareb 19

realized to the full almost unlimited possibilities of his own strength, and in the next ten years the

Reformation was to be ‘unalterably riveted upon the English people.’”55 These new policies

Henry had enacted reveal how he was able to use the law to impose what he wanted on the people because he had the authority to do so. These new acts that were instituted in the realm reflect the strong opposition Anne faced as various treasonable words were documented.

Another aspect of the First Act of Succession of 1534 proclaimed attacking the marriage to Anne Boleyn a treasonable offence. It was declared treason to do “any thing or things to the prejudice, slander, disturbance, or derogation of the said lawful matrimony solemnized between

[the] majesty and the said Queen Anne.”56 In order to deal with the backlash that would be caused by the divorce, Henry declared it treason to speak against the marriage. Many people spoke out against Anne informally and “lesser penalties [were given] for gossip.”57 Many individuals held a lot of hostility toward Anne. One woman, Margaret Chanseler, was charged with calling Anne a “noughtty hoore and the king out not to marry within the realm.”58 Chanseler was against Anne and her marriage to Henry VIII and called her a whore. The woman refused to accept Anne as queen and continued to call Anne a “goggyll yed hoore…God save Queen

Katherine.”59 Chanseler support for Katherine allowed her view of Anne to be negative. The various documented words further demonstrate the negative reactions of English citizens who were against Anne Boleyn.

Foreign leaders also described the chaos that occurred in the English realm because of

Anne in letters that explained the situation in England. As the foreign ambassadors came into

55 Ibid. 56 First Act of Succession, Selected Documents of English Constitutional History, ed. George Burton Adams and H. Morse Stephens (London: MacMillan & Co., LTD, 1916), 235. 57 Ives 1986, 251. 58 Treasonable Words 1535, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965), 8: 75. 59 Ibid. Muhareb 20

England for a tour, they observed the turmoil in the country as a result of Henry’s divorce from

Katherine and marriage to Anne. Venetian Ambassador Mario Savorgnano wrote about his tour in England at the moment when the divorce was occurring. In his letter, Savorgnano described

Anne Boleyn’s presence in the English society, expressed how she was said to have shameful qualities, and how the majority of the citizens were against her even before the divorce took occurred. Savorgnano wrote that “should the divorce take place, which it is supposed will not be effected, as the peers of the realm, both spiritual and temporal, and the people are opposed to it; nor during the present Queen’s life will they have any other Queen in the kingdom.”60 The

Venetian ambassador mentioned the divorce specifically and the overall resistance by the majority of English citizens against Anne becoming queen. Savorgnano’s description to the opposition of Anne revealed that it was occurring before she was declared queen and was widespread among both common and elite individuals. This reflects that the resentment Anne was subjected to was because of the support for the original monarchy and the religious aspects of society. Savorgnano even saw Anne as a distraction and noted that the relationship between

King Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn “detracts greatly from his merits, as there is now living with him a young woman of noble birth, though many say of bad character.”61 Savorgnano’s source for his opinion of Anne was based on the English realms perception of her. He asserted that she was of noble birth but the citizens declared her as having shameful traits.

The divorce from the beloved Katherine and the break from Rome provoked great pessimism and disapproval of Anne Boleyn. Savorgnano disclosed this idea because he witnessed the ordeal as a third party. He did not know Anne and was only able to describe her

60 Savorgnano 1531, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown (London: Longman & Co., and Trubner & Co., Patterson Row, 1871), 4: 287. 61 Ibid. Muhareb 21

through the accounts of the majority of the English people. They were discontent with Anne because they held her responsible for the divorce and the break from Rome. Savorgnano demonstrated that the antagonism towards Anne was by both secular and religious individuals.

The religious turmoil that was occurring as a result of the divorce influenced the perception of

Anne Boleyn.

Foreign officials were skeptical about Anne’s presence in English court. Different foreign countries questioned Anne’s intentions of becoming queen. In a summary of an interview between the kings of France and England, a physical description of Anne Boleyn was provided as well as an account of the relationship between her and Henry VIII before she was crowned as queen of England. As the interview described, “Madam Anne is not one of the handsomest women in the world; she is of middling stature, swarthy complexion, long neck, wide mouth, bosom not much raised and in fact has nothing but the English King’s great appetite.”62 She was illustrated as being not attractive yet she “lives like a Queen at Calais and the King accompanies her to mass and everywhere as if she was such.”63 It was apparent that Anne had a great influence over Henry VIII as reflected in their visit to the French King Francis I at Calais. The physical description of Anne presented her with negative attributes. Anne was treated like royalty even before she was such. The fact that Henry was extremely close to Anne before their marriage began and before it was legally binding resulted in the increased tension of the people against her and caused foreign leaders to inquire about her standing at the English court.

A religious rift was occurring throughout Europe even before the English Reformation occurred. The ideas of Martin Luther were already spreading and taking a hold in many

62 Summary of the interview between kings of England and France 1532, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating To English Affairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice: 1527-1533, ed. Rawdon Brown (London: Longman & Co., and Trubner & Co., Patterson Row, 1871), 4: 365. 63 Ibid. Muhareb 22

countries. France was greatly altered by the religious wars that began as early as 1516. The

Concordat of Bologna set the foundation for the formation of the Gallican (French) Church. The establishment of this treaty was a major blow to papal authority in France because it allowed the king to nominate bishops, abbots, and priors and gave him the authority to tax all land and property.64 Furthermore the King of France, Francis I, was in a constant dynastic struggle with the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. France underwent a series of wars against Charles V, known as the Habsburg-Valois Wars, in order to fight against the unification and re-

Catholicization of Germany after Protestantism arose as the teaching of Luther broadened.

Francis I even allied himself with the League of Schmalkalden, formed by newly Protestant

German princes to defend themselves against Charles V.65 Even though France was Catholic, it would be in the country’s interest to keep Germany divided. Francis I wanted to maintain a peaceful relationship with both the Pope and Henry VIII; however “Francis was afraid that the peninsula [Italy] would be closed to him once Pope Clement had fallen under Charles’s domination.”66 Francis I was apprehensive about Charles’s authority over the papacy. All the factors that contributed to the French king’s struggle with the Church and maintaining control allowed his friendship with Anne and Henry to come under scrutiny.

Because of the tensions with the Catholic Church, and the relationship between Francis I and Anne (she served as lady-in-waiting for his wife Queen Claude), religious officials speculated that her involvement with Henry was a means to allow France to control England.67

The summary of the interview between the kings of England and France exposed that the “two

64 R.J. Knecht, Francis I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 55. 65 Knecht, 223. 66 Knecht, 226. 67 Summary of the interview between kings of England and France 1532, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating To English Affairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice: 1527-1533, ed. Rawdon Brown (London: Longman & Co., and Trubner & Co., Patterson Row, 1871), 4: 365. Muhareb 23

kings have a bitter feeling against the pope and the emperor.”68 The commonality was seen as a means between Francis I and Anne to allow France to become on good terms with England.

Religious officials worried about this close connection between the two. The Cardinal of Osma wrote to Charles V in 1532 that “the pope told him…that the French king advised the King of

England to marry ‘la manceba’ because he thought this act would bind the king to him.”69 The cardinal refers to Anne Boleyn as a concubine and mistress.70 The Cardinal of Osma’s view of

Anne and reference to her as a mistress and not the queen was due to his religious affiliation. The split with the Catholic Church was in process and Protestantism in England was spreading. The cardinal’s allegiance to the pope allowed his outlook on Anne to be harshly judged. The Cardinal of Osma also revealed that the pope was critical of Anne. The pope warned the cardinal that the marriage to Anne was a means to conspire against Henry and would lead to his ruin; that was why the French king was supportive of their marriage.

The French king, however, was by no means against the pope as much as Henry VIII was. Francis attempted to maintain peace between England and the Catholic Church. He attempted to attain an agreement between England and the pope; in fact, he was increasingly frustrated at Henry when the King of England insulted the pope and Francis replied that “as fast as I study to win the pope…ye study to lose him.”71 Eventually the close relationship the two kings held dissolved as Henry lost trust in Francis.72 It is a possibility that Anne Boleyn and

Francis I were never plotting to usurp the English throne.

68 Ibid. 69 Cardinal of Osma to Charles V 1532, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965), 5: 354. 70 The definition of La Manceba 71 Gardiner [and others] to Henry VIII 1533, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. Gairdner (London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965), 6: 319-320. 72 Knecht, 231. Muhareb 24

Perceptions of Anne Boleyn as a whore were also revealed in various poems of the sixteenth century. Her relationship with poet Thomas Wyatt was reflected in his poetry in which he portrayed Anne as a whore as well as depicting the influence she had on England. His poem

“If waker care, if sudden pale colour” described Anne in a positive way and demonstrated

Wyatt’s relationship with Anne and her impact on England. Throughout his poetic texts, the depiction of Anne became harsher as she developed a relationship with the king. The first poems portray a more positive illustration of Anne Boleyn and reveal some association between her and

Wyatt.

If waker care, if sudden pale colour, If many sighs, with little speech to plain, Now Joy, now woe, if they my cheer disdain, For hope of small, if much to fear therefore, To haste to slack my pace less or more, Be sign of love, then do I love again. If thou ask whom; sure, since I did refrain Brunet that set my wealth in such a roar, Th'unfeigned cheer of Phyllis hath the place That Brunet had; she hath and ever shall. She from myself now hath me in her grace. She hath in hand my wit, my will, and all. My heart alone well worthy she doth stay Without whose help scant do I live a day.73

The poem shows that there was indeed some sort of relationship between Anne and Wyatt. The

“brunet” he referred to was Anne Boleyn and it displayed his passion for her; it was also the poetic name Wyatt gave to refer to Anne in his work.74 The line “brunet that set my wealth in such a roar” originally read “her that did set our country in a roar.”75 When Anne first appeared in court, she allowed the country to undergo a series of events that were viewed as either positive

73 Sir Thomas Wyatt, “If waker care, if sudden pale colour,” in Sir Thomas Wyatt the Complete Poems, ed. R.A. Rebholz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 85. 74 Ives 1986, 52. 75 Kenneth Muir, Life and Letters of Sir Thomas Wyatt (Great Britain: Liverpool University Press, 1963), 13. Muhareb 25

or negative. The nature of the relationship between Wyatt and Anne is controversial. Whether they had a sexual relationship or were purely platonic is a subject of debate.76 But, as Anne drifted away from the famous poet and became involved with King Henry VIII, she was reflected negatively in Wyatt’s work.

One of the most common poems that divulge the relationship between Wyatt, Anne, and

Henry was “Whoso List to Hunt? I Know Where is an Hind.”

WHOSO list to hunt? I know where is an hind! But as for me, alas! I may no more, The vain travail hath wearied me so sore; I am of them that furthest come behind. Yet may I by no means my wearied mind Draw from the deer; but as she fleeth afore Fainting I follow; I leave off therefore, Since in a net I seek to hold the wind. Who list her hunt, I put him out of doubt As well as I, may spend his time in vain! And graven with diamonds in letters plain, There is written her fair neck round about; 'Noli me tangere; for Cæsar's I am,* And wild for to hold, though I seem tame.77

The poem described Wyatt’s attempt to chase Anne Boleyn but he became “wearied” as he was the “furthest” in the chase. He later wrote that he could not escape from the emotional grip of the

“hind” and confessed that “by no means my wearied mind…as she fleeth afore…fainting I follow.” But regardless of his struggle, he eventually was forced to end the chase as someone else had caught up with her. Around her neck was a symbol that showed that she belonged to someone else. Wyatt also warned others who were interested in Anne, writing that whoever wished to continue to “hunt” her “may spend his time in vain.” The poem symbolized that Anne was now the property of the King of England and no one else’s. Noli me tangere translates into

76 Ives 1986, 83. 77 Sir Thomas Wyatt, “Whoso list to hunt? I know where is an hind!,” in Sir Thomas Wyatt the Complete Poems, ed. R.A. Rebholz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 77. Muhareb 26

“touch me not;” therefore adding to the idea that Anne was the king’s property not to be touched by anyone else.

Perceptions of Anne as a whore were revealed throughout the majority English society. In fact, Anne was nicknamed ‘the royal mule’ and Wyatt wrote a poem titled “Ye Old Mule.”

Ye old mule that think yourself so fair, Leave off with craft your beauty to repair, For it is true without any fable, No man setteth more by riding in your saddle. Too much travail so do your train appair, Ye old mule. With false savours though you deceive the air, Whoso taste you shall well perceive your lair Savoureth somewhat of a kappur’s stable, Ye old mule. Ye must now serve to market and to fair, All for the burden, for panniers a pair. For since grey hairs been powdered in your sable, The thing ye seek for, you must yourself enable To purchase it by payment and by prayer, Ye old mule.78

Anne’s affair with King Henry VIII had begun to surface “thus earning the nickname of the

‘Royal Mule.’”79 The poem described the acts Anne had done with the king and showed that she was in fact a whore. “Ye Old Mule” depicted Anne as flirtatious and deceitful, using her sexuality to achieve what she wished. It was not a secret that Wyatt and Anne did in fact have some connection to each other. Even King Henry VIII was aware of the relationship between the famous Tudor Poet and his future wife. There had been “three accounts dating from the sixteenth century, apparently independent of each other, which agree that Wyatt told the King or the

Council that Anne had been his mistress and was therefore not fitted to be a queen.”80 As the

78 Sir Thomas Wyatt, “Ye old mule that think yourself so fair,” in Sir Thomas Wyatt the Complete Poems, ed. R.A. Rebholz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 74. 79 Muir, 14. 80 Muir, 19. Muhareb 27

relationship between Anne and Henry continued, Wyatt’s negativity towards Anne continued to be a common theme throughout his poetry.

After the execution of Anne Boleyn, Wyatt wrote a poem called “After Great Storms the

Calm Returns” to describe the peace England would experience now that Anne was dead.

After great storms the calm returns And pleasanter it is thereby. Fortune likewise that often turns Hath made me now the most happy.81

Wyatt illustrated that after Anne was executed England was already a better country. The poem was targeted toward the death of Anne Boleyn because of the line ‘the most happy.’ The phrase

‘the most happy’ was the motto on Anne’s coat of arms. Wyatt also referred to God in the poem writing that:

My trust always in him did lie That knoweth what my thoughts intends, Whereby I live the most happy.82

The religious reference represented Wyatt’s feelings that the execution of Anne Boleyn was justified. In the poem, he admitted that his depression and distress ceased and now he and

England were “the most happy.”83 Wyatt did believe that Anne committed adultery; he constructed a poem using the names of the men accused with her to reveal that she and the men were guilty.84 As one of Anne’s admirers, Wyatt had an antagonistic view of the queen because she chose King Henry VIII over him. He perceived Anne as a whore because of the shameful

81 Sir Thomas Wyatt, “After great storms the calm returns,” in Sir Thomas Wyatt the Complete Poems, ed. R.A. Rebholz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 148. 82 Ibid 83 Ibid 84 Sir Thomas Wyatt, “In mourning wise since daily I increase,” in Sir Thomas Wyatt the Complete Poems, ed. R.A. Rebholz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 255. Muhareb 28

actions he believed Anne took part in. Anne choosing the king over him may have contributed to his negative view of her and may have clouded his judgment.

George Cavendish, poet and gentleman usher of Cardinal Wolsey, wrote a series of tragic poems called Metrical Visions in 1554that lament the voices of those who had fallen. Metrical

Visions was about the tragic fate of contemporary figures. Cavendish constructed a poem in the voice of Anne to convey his own belief of what the English queen would have said in her afterlife. Cavendish’s view of Anne Boleyn was very negative and critical. He celebrated her death and suggested that God had restored England to its rightful place once again because Anne was gone. This was displayed in his poem “Quen Anne,” in which Cavendish wrote in the voice of Anne who was confessing her sins committed against English society. The first stanza of the poem depicted the wrongs Anne caused as queen and demonstrated that she was aware of how the majority of English individuals viewed her. Cavendish wrote in the voice of Anne:

Alas wretched woman/ what shall I do or say. And why alas was I borne/this woo to sustain Oh how unfortunate/I am at this day. That Reigned in joy/and now in endless pain The world universal/hath me in disdain The slander of my name/will aye be green And called of each man/ the most vicious queen.85

The stanza suggested that Anne was aware of how people saw and referred to her as the ‘most vicious quen.’ Cavendish presented Anne as having said that she was in endless pain and that the world saw her in disdain. Cavendish’s illustration signified the hostility Anne received during her reign. The poem reflected Anne as facing punishment for the sufferings England was forced

85 George Cavendish, Metrical Visions, ed. A.S.G. Edwards (Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 1980), 49. Muhareb 29

to endure as a result of her reign. The critical analysis of Anne was revealed in Cavendish’s view of her; he was against Anne as queen and pleased when she was executed.

Cavendish also depicted Anne comparing herself to biblical traitors and enemies:

I may be compared/in every circumstance To Athalia/that destroyed David’s line Spared not the blood/by cruel vengeance Of God’s prophet’s/ but brought them to Ruin Murder askyth murder/ by murder she did find So in like wise resisting my quarrel How many have dyed/ and ended in pareil.86

In this specific stanza, Anne lamented her ill fortune. Cavendish linked Anne with a religious traitor to reveal the damaging impact she had on the people of England. Athalia was a tyrannical leader who assumed the throne and took over the true royal line of David; but, was eventually overthrown. Cavendish associated Anne with Athalia because they initially conducted the same crime: Anne usurped the throne from the true Queen Katherine and true heir Princess Mary.

Biblical references revealed Cavendish’s religious problem he held towards Anne.

Furthermore in the poem, Cavendish addressed the issue of the unpopular laws passed during the reign of Anne Boleyn. He referred to the Act of Succession which made it treasonable to speak against the marriage between Henry and Anne. The majority of the English people were horrified by the laws and blamed Anne Boleyn. Cavendish demonstrated Anne’s responsibility for enacting the new policies in this poetic stanza in which he wrote in Anne’s voice, declaring:

I was the author/ why laws ware made For speaking against me/ to endanger the innocent And with great oaths/I found out the trade To burden men’s conscience/ thus I did invent My seed to advance/ it was my full intent Lineally to succeed/ in this Imperial crown But how soon hath God/ brought my purpose down.87

86 Cavendish, 51. 87 Cavendish, 52. Muhareb 30

Cavendish placed the blame for the passage of the Act of Succession and other treasonable laws on Anne and wrote that she “danger[ed] the innocent.” In addition, he had Anne depicted as declaring her true motives in becoming queen: to advance her family and add her blood to royal lineage (‘my seed to advance; it was my full intent lineally to succeed in this Imperial crown’).

But Cavendish continued to explain that God prevented Anne from executing her plan.

Cavendish saw Anne Boleyn as a whore who rightfully lost her head. He believed that she truly did commit adultery:

My epitaph shall be./ the most vicious queen Lyeth here of late/ that justly lost her head By cause that she/did spot the king’s bed.88

The poet perceived Anne as a woman who was not suitable to be queen. Cavendish’s claim that she truly committed adultery is seen from the last line: ‘by cause that she/did spot the king’s bed.’89 Writing the poem in the voice of Anne Boleyn served as a form of fictitious written confession by the queen of her shameful actions. The stanza displayed the negative feeling

Cavendish had for Anne Boleyn. Writing in Anne’s words about the awful influence she had on

England signified that he was not a supporter of the queen.

Cavendish was a devout Catholic; therefore, his perception of Anne was tainted by his religious beliefs. Cavendish was a strong supporter of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey. Wolsey and

Anne were enemies and her hatred for the cardinal influenced the way in which Cavendish viewed the queen.90 Furthermore, he could not forgive Anne for her antagonism toward the Pope.

Cavendish’s resentment of Anne Boleyn was similar to the enmity of many Catholics because to

88 Cavendish, 53. 89 Ives 1986, 97. 90 Wolsey was replaced by Thomas Cranmer when he did not obtain papal approval for the divorce between Henry and Katherine. Muhareb 31

“Roman Catholics it was not just that Henry had displaced his rightful wife in favour of Anne

Boleyn, and in order to satisfy his lust had broken with the true Church. Anne herself was soon blamed for what happened.”91 Ultimately, Cavendish had a bitter outlook towards Anne that contributed to his negative view of her.

Anne the Martyr:

Though the majority of English citizens viewed Anne Boleyn as a whore, some saw her as a martyr who had set England on a great religious path. Many individuals who were Catholic perceived Anne negatively because of their faith; consequently, many Protestants identified her as a religious reformer because she had allowed Protestantism to become officially established in

England. Even King Henry VIII encouraged the representation of Anne as a religious figure.

Henry VIII proclaimed Anne in 1533 to be “now Queen of England, having had her solemnly crowned and anointed, as becoming the praise and glory and honour of the omnipotent God.”92

This declaration could possibly be Henry’s reaction to an attempt to legitimize Anne as queen.

He may have been aware of the great discontent that the majority of English people felt about

Anne’s ascending and aimed at characterizing her rule as coming from God in order to curb any dissatisfaction. Henry’s proclamation showed Anne a glorified figure who was chosen by God.

The king associated Anne with God to justify her position on the throne. The positive perception of Anne as a religious figure by Henry was due to his religious transformation of England from

Catholicism to Protestantism. The symbolic representation of Anne as sent from God was to reveal that she was a religious woman who had a rightful claim to the throne. Religion was used to justify her stance as Queen of England. Henry was able to take the Protestant faith and utilize

91 Ives 1986, 59. 92 Proclamation of Henry VIII 1533, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating To English Affairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice: 1527-1533, ed. Rawdon Brown (London: Longman & Co., and Trubner & Co., Patterson Row, 1871), 4:430. Muhareb 32

it to his advantage. Placing Anne as sent from God and ordained to rule further emphasized

Henry’s attempt at authenticating Anne as queen.

One strong supporter of the reign of Anne Boleyn was religious reformer John Foxe.

John Foxe was a dedicated Protestant. He “staunchly defended both the queen’s morals and her religious commitment.”93 He was adamant to prove that Anne Boleyn was a virtuous queen.

Foxe saw Anne as “a zealous defender…of Christ’s gospel.”94 Foxe was born as a Catholic; however when he attended school at the Magdalen College, his religious beliefs began to change.

Foxe “took up the study of religious history to find reasons for the increase and decline of the

Church of Rome.”95 His religious study greatly contributed to his shift to Protestantism. Foxe’s dedication to Protestantism contributed to his positive depiction of Anne Boleyn. Foxe had been described as “the most influential preventer of the revival of the papal supremacy over

England.”96According to Foxe, Anne was a religious reformer who had died for her faith therefore earning her the respect and title of a martyr. In his work Acts and Monuments, Foxe portrayed Anne as virtuous and godly. He condemned her execution and believed that her influence would continue to be felt throughout English land. In Acts and Monuments, Foxe described Anne’s execution and wrote that “this was the end of that godly lady and queen…her last words spoken at her death declared no less her sincere faith and trust in Christ.”97 Foxe did not question Anne’s religion and believed she was holy because of the last words she spoke before she died:

93 Ives 1986, 61. 94 John Foxe, Acts and Monuments (New York: AMS Press Inc, 1965), 5:175. 95 Anonymous, “Incidents in the Life of John Foxe,” in Foxe’s Christian Martyrs of the World, ed. Anonymous (Chicago: Moody Press), vii. 96 George Townshend, “Birth, and Education, Till he was Expelled From Magdalen College,” in Acts and Monuments, ed. George Townshend (New York: AMS Press INC., 1965), 1:2. 97 John Foxe, Acts and Monuments (New York: AMS Press Inc, 1965), 5:135. Muhareb 33

Good Christian people! I am come hither to die, for according to the law, and by the law, I am judged to death; and therefore I will speak nothing against it. I come hither to accuse no man, not to speak any thing of that whereof I am accused and condemned to die, but I pray God save the king, and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler, or a more merciful prince was there never, and to me he was ever good, a gentle, and a sovereign lord. And if any person will meddle of my cause, I require them to judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the world, and of you all, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me. O Lord have mercy on me! To God I commend my soul.98

In his depiction of Anne, Foxe conveyed Anne as a faithful and religious woman who served and died for her Lord. Foxe believed that Anne’s last words reflect her religious beliefs and he based his perception of her on her statement. The queen placed herself in the hands of God and her deep faith and religion demonstrate that she was in fact pious.

Furthermore Foxe illustrated Anne’s charitable actions as queen, which should be taken into consideration. He wrote about her generosity and constant giving of alms to the poor which was

“summed to the number of fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds.”99 Foxe praised Anne as queen and believed she was sincere and faithful. He disagreed with the decision to cast Anne away and asserted that “the blasphemous mouth both of Cardinal Pole, and of Paulus Jovius, that popish cardinal, who, measuring belike other women by his courtezans of Rome, so imprudently abuseth his pen in lying and railing against this noble queen.”100 Foxe believed that the cardinals who attacked Anne were abusive of their authority and that they wrongfully charged and executed her. He questioned the decision of parliament to declare the marriage between Anne and Henry as “unlawful” when “three years before [they] had established and confirmed this marriage as most lawful.”101 Foxe insinuated the participation of some papists in Anne’s fall and stated “to all…sinister judgments and opinions, whatsoever can be conceived of man against that

98 Anne Boleyn quoted in Foxe, 135. 99 Ibid. 100 Foxe, 137. 101 Foxe, 136. Muhareb 34

virtuous queen, I object and oppose.”102 Foxe believed that the tragic fate of Anne Boleyn only furthered her appearance as virtuous. The queen was killed because the individuals who had the authority to order her execution slandered her name and reputation.

Foxe also was a major proponent of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He saw the sovereignty of Elizabeth as a sign that God favored Anne Boleyn. He believed that God’s support for Anne

Boleyn was demonstrated by “maintaining, preserving, and advancing the offspring of her body, the lady Elizabeth.” 103 According to Foxe, Elizabeth was able to gain the throne and prosper because of her mother’s actions to uphold religious doctrine. Elizabeth was protected by God, and chosen because of Anne. The reign of Elizabeth was symbolically the continuous reign of

Anne.

Because of Foxe’s strong religious beliefs, he would portray Anne as a martyr because she was responsible for allowing Protestantism to become the faith of the land in England.

Foxe’s continuous reference to Anne as Godly and virtuous proved that he believed she was a great religious woman. Anne played an integral part in breaking England from Rome; therefore,

Foxe saw her as a martyr who had died for her faith rather than truly being guilty of the crimes she was accused of.

George Wyatt, a courtier of Elizabeth, also provided a more positive outlook of Anne

Boleyn. The grandson of poet Thomas Wyatt, George defended Anne and portrayed her as a religious reformer. George Wyatt had Protestantism in his blood. His father Thomas Wyatt (son of the Tudor poet Thomas Wyatt), led a rebellion in 1554 against Catholic Queen Mary when she inherited the throne. His attempt to defend Anne Boleyn arose as a result of the writings of

Nicholas Sander who had a negative view of the queen. George Wyatt had a “personal interest in

102 Ibid. 103 Foxe, 233. Muhareb 35

vindicating the English Reformation in general and Anne Boleyn in particular.”104 George Wyatt wrote around c. 1650 after the reign of Elizabeth and he referred to Anne as the “champion of

Protestantism.”105 He believed that Anne was chosen by God to lead England, and the jealousy of the majority of English people caused them to resent the queen. Wyatt wrote that “al must acknowledge this princely lady was elect of God a most eminent agent and actor in the most dangerous and difficult part thereof…with an invicible curage and heroical spirit.”106 He described Anne with a great deal of praise and affection. In his eyes she was a hero with a tremendous amount of courage. The fate that Anne endured was a horrible one because she was sent by God to fulfill his duty unto England. Wyatt represented Anne as a martyr, placing her in the same light as had John Foxe. His constant referral to her as “princely lady” was similar to

Foxe’s “Godly woman.” Both men were strong advocates of Anne, and were determined to repair her tarnished reputation.

Anne’s religious actions were not the only source for Wyatt’s admiration. He added that

“this gentlewoman in proporcion of body might compere with the rest of the ladyes and gentlewoemen of the court albeit she was to manie inferiour, but for behaviour manners, attire and tonge she excelled them all.”107 Wyatt’s comparison of Anne to other women revealed that the queen was far superior than given credit for. She dressed and spoke better than any other women at court. Wyatt does allude to her sexual behavior but does not judge it too harshly. He did believe Anne to have two personas, writing that “but howsoever she outwardlie appeared, she was indeed a very wilfull woman which perhaps might seeme no fault, because seldome woemen

104 Ives 1986, 64. 105 George Wyatt, “In Defense of Anne Boleyn,” in The Papers of George Wyatt Esquire of Boxley Abbey in the County of Kent: Son and Heir of Sir Thomas Wyatt The Younger, ed. D.M Loades (London: Royal Historical Society, 1968), 5:24. 106 Wyatt, 24. 107 Wyatt, 143. Muhareb 36

lack it, but yet that and other thinges coste her after deare.”108 According to Wyatt, many women possessed “wily” behavior but Anne was killed because of it. Another significant aspect of

Wyatt’s argument in defense of Anne was the motive he believed people had for disapproving of her. Wyatt described that some individuals had “growen a greate part of the envy which have moved so many to writ and speake no les falsly then foulely of her as presently shalbe eveident to al thos not willfully injurious to her honor.”109 Because of the jealously that Anne faced, people began to writing negatively towards her. It was because of the great attributes that she held, such as beauty, power, and religious rigor, that led to her downfall.

English women did not like Anne because she was able to use her looks to gain what she sought after; therefore, she became the center of jealousy and resentment. According to

Chapman, Anne was the “envy of any woman whose sexual magnetism has made her the subject of lurid gossip, and has given her privileges and luxuries denied to majority [was] apt to provoke attack on grounds…[that she was] a criminal.”110 Wyatt asserted that the jealousy that Anne sparked in others greatly assisted in their negative view of her. She was able to rise as a woman and gain a significant amount of control and power. Wyatt also discussed in his writing the reason why he wrote this strong defense of Anne Boleyn. He wrote that he “held it might be needful to leave behind me some memorise of sucke things as I had gathered concerninge the mother of our blessed Queene triumphing late on Earths now in the Heavens with thos of her blood and friends whose virtues here formerly sufferinge.”111 In essence, Wyatt was writing in order to preserve Anne’s memory. He was a strong supporter of Protestantism and therefore would have depicted Anne in this positive light. Both Foxe and Wyatt used religious terms in

108 Wyatt, 143. 109 Wyatt, 25. 110 Chapman, 105. 111 Wyatt, 24. Muhareb 37

describing Anne to reveal the great influence she had on England. His religious view greatly influenced the way in which he perceived Anne. His father was a strong Protestant and George had a personal interest in the English Reformation. George Wyatt was a strong advocate and thus his view would be positive toward the queen. The high regard he held for Anne was extremely obvious. In his writings he described her as “elect from God” and “princely lady.” His continual referral to her in this fashion reflects his religious belief influenced that way in which he perceived Anne.

William Latymer was also a strong supporter of Anne, both during life and after death, who claimed she was a great patron of Protestantism. He believed that Anne helped those who were in need of assistance. She showed “constante affecion towardes the poore gospellars”112 who were being persecuted. Furthermore, Latymer wrote that Anne was “severe with abbots whose ‘licencious lyf,’ obstinate departure from true religion, obedience to the pope ‘whoise detestable sleighte and frivelous ceremonyes, you have taken to be the pillour of yor fantasticall religion,’ ‘vnprofitable drones.’”113 Anne was responsible for bring back the true faith since abbots have strayed from the correct way by abiding to the corrupt pope. Latymer was very supportive of Anne Boleyn and believed she was a passionate religious reformer. Latymer was one of Anne’s chaplains; thus, his Protestant faith greatly influenced his view of Anne Boleyn.

Some poetry was constructed to portray Anne as a religious individual during her reign.

Ballads From Manuscripts consisted of a poem about Anne’s coronation in 1533. The poem depicted Anne as a woman who was sent from God in order to “revive” the Tudor dynasty.

God grant her, most of might! That England may rejoice always

112 As cited in G.W. Bernard, “Anne Boleyn’s Religion,” The Historical Journal 36 (1993): 2. 113 Ibid. Muhareb 38

In this same falcon white.114

Anne was seen as the hope that would bring England peace. The “falcon white” was a representation associated with Anne. It was a symbol on her coat of arms which portrayed her as pure and a sign of hope. The poem was a message to the English people that they may now rest because England was finally saved. The poets who were commissioned by King Henry VIII to write this poem, John Leland and Nicholas Udall, represented Anne as a great religious figure.

For like as from this devout Saint Anne Issued this holy generation, First Christ, to redeem the soul of man; Then James th’apostle, and th’evangelist John; With these others, which in such a fashion By teaching and good life, our faith confirmed That from that time yet to, it hath not failed. Right so, dear lady! Our Queen most excellent! Highly endued with all gifts of grace, As by your living is well apparent; We are the Citizens, by you in short space Hope such issue and descent to purchase; Wherein the same faith shall be defended, And this City from all dangers preserved.115

The poem was associating Anne with religious doctrine. The perception of Anne as a religious figure who was sent from God was used as a form of propaganda to legitimize her rule. The new religion that was imposed on the people needed to be justified; thus, Anne’s representation as religious figure served as a means to transition England from Catholicism to Protestantism.

Honour and grace to be our Queen Anne, For whose cause an Angel Celestial Descendeth, the falcon To crown with a diadem imperial! In her honour rejoice we all, For it cometh from God, and not of man.

114 John Leland and Nicholas Udall, “Anne Boleyn’s Coronation,” in Ballads from Manuscripts, ed. F.J. Furnivall (New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1868), 1:391.

115 Leland and Udall, 389. Muhareb 39

Honour and grace to be our Queen Anne.116

The purpose of the poem was simple: to endow Anne with a “sacred identity.”117 By declaring that her place on the throne came from God, Anne’s reign could not be questioned or seen as unlawful. King Henry VIII did commission the poems to be written; thus, it is important to be aware of the bias that the poem contained. Furthermore, the poem demonstrated the possibility that the king was aware of the negativity that Anne was receiving. He had poems depicting her as a religious figure and laws that forbade any negative language against Anne enacted in order to counteract any backlash. Representing Anne in a religious approach was an attempt to allow people to understand and be more confident and positive about her as queen.

Conclusion:

Because of Henry’s anti-papal policies and actions, the majority of English people resisted and did not recognize Anne as queen. Had Henry obtained papal dispensation, married

Anne legally, and remained part of Rome then perhaps perceptions of her might have been different. A new way of life had to be imposed in England and backlash was likely to happen.

Henry used biblical references in order to demonstrate that he had to divorce Katherine or else

England would be in deep turmoil. Historian G.W. Bernard, in his 1993 article “Anne Boleyn’s

Religion,” argued that Anne should not be considered a religious reformer. He believed that “the break with Rome, which had made Anne's marriage to Henry possible, had to be explained and defended.”118 Therefore, the perception of Anne as being religious was a front in order to uphold the marriage between Henry and Anne. Bernard affirmed that contemporary figures during

Anne’s reign who advocated the queen as a religious reformer were writing propaganda in hopes

116 Ibid. 117 Ives 2004, 223. 118 G.W. Bernard, “Anne Boleyn’s Religion,” The Historical Journal 36 (1993): 20. Muhareb 40

of repairing her reputation. But, the religious affiliation of an individual during the time of Anne

Boleyn could also have played a role in referencing Anne as truly a reformer. Bernard attributed the image of Anne as a religious figure to two people: John Foxe and William Latymer.119

According to Bernard, Foxe and Latymer were attempting to:

Influence the developing Elizabethan religious settlement…and more importantly, in presenting Anne as a modest and virtuous patron of religious reform, they were by implication suggesting that so devout a lady could not possibly have been guilty of those shocking adulteries for which she had been condemned. They were not just presenting Anne as a pious evangelical, they were attempting to retrieve her reputation in general.120

What Bernard failed to mention was the religious affiliation of Foxe and Latymer. Both men were Protestant; therefore, their perception of Anne Boleyn would be positive and therefore they attempted to write about her in a way as to highlight her better qualities, actions, and influence.

To many Catholics, Anne was too promiscuous and they persisted in referring to her as a whore.

To many Protestants, Anne was a great religious reformer and even earned the title of a martyr for her sacrifice to uphold Protestantism.

119 Bernard, 2. 120 Ibid. Muhareb 41

Primary Sources

Act of Supremacy. Selected Documents of English Constitutional History. Edited by George Burton Adams and H. Morse Stephens. London: MacMillan & Co., LTD, 1916.

Book of Leviticus 18:15.

Book of Leviticus 20:21.

Cardinal of Osma to Charles V. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume V. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Cavendish, George. Metrical Visions. Edited by A.S.G. Edwards. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1980.

Chapuys to Charles V. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume VII. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Chapuys to Charles V. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume VIII. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Chapuys to Charles V. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume X. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965. http://www.british- history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=75431

Examination of Henry Kylbie 1534. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner, volume v. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965. http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79316&strquery=henry+kylbie

First Act of Succession. Selected Documents of English Constitutional History. Edited by George Burton Adams and H. Morse Stephens. London: MacMillan & Co., LTD, 1916.

Foxe, John. Acts and Monuments. Volume V. New York: AMS Press Inc, 1965.

FR. John Hylsey to Cromwell 1534. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner, vol. vii. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965. http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=79323&strquery=hot water.

Gardiner [and others] to Henry VIII 1533. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited By J. Gairdner, Volume 6. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Henry VIII. Assertio Septem Sacramentorum; or, Defence of the Seven Sacraments, [English & Latin]. Edited by Louis O'Donovan and James Cardinal Gibbons. New York, Benziger Brothers, 1908.

Muhareb 42

Henry VIII to Anne Boleyn. 'Introduction, Section 5.' Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII: 1524-1530. Edited by J.S Brewer vol. 4. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1875. http://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=91175&strquery=loyal+mistress+frien d.

Leland and Udall. “Anne Boleyn’s Coronation.” In Ballads from Manuscripts, edited by F.J. Furnivall. Volume I. New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1868.

Proclamation of Henry VIII. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating To English Affairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice: 1527-1533. Edited by Rawdon Brown. Volume IV. London: Longman & Co., and Trubner & Co., Patterson Row, 1871.

Savorgnano, Mario. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating To English Affairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice: 1527-1533. Edited by Rawdon Brown. Volume IV. London: Longman & Co., and Trubner & Co., Patterson Row, 1871.

Sir Walter Stoner to Cromwell. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume VII. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Summary of the Interview between the Kings of England and France. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating To English Affairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice: 1527-1533. Edited by Rawdon Brown. Volume IV. London: Longman & Co., and Trubner & Co., Patterson Row, 1871. Thomas, William. The Pilgrim: A Dialogue on the Life and Actions of the King Henry The Eighth. Edited by J.A Froude. London: Parker, Son, and Bourn, West Strand, 1861.

Treason. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume VII. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Treasonable Words. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume VIII. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Whitby Abbey. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. Gairdner. Volume V. London: Kraud Reprint LTD, 1965.

Wyatt, George. “In Defense of Anne Boleyn.” In The Papers of George Wyatt Esquire of Boxley Abbey in the County of Kent: Son and Heir of Sir Thomas Wyatt The Younger, edited by D.M Loades. Volume V. London: Royal Historical Society, 1968.

Wyatt, George. “The English Reformation.” In The Papers of George Wyatt Esquire of Boxley Abbey in the County of Kent: Son and Heir of Sir Thomas Wyatt The Younger, edited by D.M Loades. Volume V. London: Royal Historical Society, 1968.

Wyatt, Thomas. “After great storms the calm returns.” In Sir Thomas Wyatt the Complete Poems. Edited by R.A. Rebholz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978. Muhareb 43

Wyatt, Thomas. “If waker care, if sudden pale colour.” In Sir Thomas Wyatt: The Complete Poems. Edited by R.A. Rebholz. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978.

Wyatt, Thomas. “In mourning wise since daily I increase.” In Sir Thomas Wyatt the Complete Poems. Edited by R.A. Rebholz. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978.

Wyatt, Thomas. “Whoso list to hunt, I know where is an hind.” In Sir Thomas Wyatt: The Complete Poems. Edited by R.A. Rebholz. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978.

Wyatt, Thomas. “Ye Olde Mule.” In Sir Thomas Wyatt: The Complete Poems. Edited by R.A. Rebholz. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978.

Muhareb 44

Secondary Sources

Benger, Elizabeth. Memoirs of the Life of Anne Boleyn, Queen of Henry VIII. Philadelphia: Parry & McMillan, 1854.

Bernard, G.W. “Anne Boleyn’s Religion.” The Historical Journal 36 (1993): 1-20.

Chapman, Hester. The Challenge of Anne Boleyn. New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan Inc., 1974.

Denny, Joanna Denny. Anne Boleyn: A New Life of England’s Tragic Queen. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2006.

Froude, James Anthony. “Reign of Henry the Eighth,” in History of England From The Fall of Wolsey to The Death of Elizabeth. Volume 2. New York: AMS Press, 1969.

Ives, Eric William. Anne Boleyn. New York: Blackwell, 1986.

Ives, Eric William. Henry VIII. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Ives, Eric William. The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn: ‘The Most Happy.’ Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.

Knecht, R.J. Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982.

Muir, Kenneth. The Life and Letters of Sir Thomas Wyatt. Great Britain: Liverpool University Press, 1963.

Rex, Richard. Henry VIII and the English Reformation. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993.

Richmond, Hugh. Puritans and Libertines: Anglo-French Literary Relations in the Reformation. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981.

Scarisbrick, J.J. Henry VIII. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968.

Thornley, I.D. “The Treason Legislation of Henry VIII (1531-1534).” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 11 (1917): 87-123.

Townshend, George. “Birth, and Education, Till he was Expelled From Magdalen College.” In Acts and Monuments. Edited by George Townshend. New York: AMS Press INC., 1965.

Tjernagel, Neelak Serawlook. Henry VIII and the Lutherans. Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1965.