Active Citizenship, Dissent and Power: the Cultural Politics of Young Adult British Muslims

Active citizenship, dissent and power: The cultural politics of young adult British Muslims Anisa Mustafa, BA (Hons), MA Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2015 Abstract We need to stop being afraid and realise that as individuals we have power and that power is the ability to use your own reason and just try and look beyond this. (Saif, 27, male, academic activist) This thesis presents findings from an ESRC-funded doctoral study on the cultural politics of young adult Muslims who participate in political and civic activism within British civil society. Based on ethnographic research in the Midlands area, it offers an empirically informed understanding of how these forms of activism relate to themes of political participation, citizenship, security and governance in Britain today. The thesis argues that the diverse mobilisations examined by the research collectively constitute a social movement to resist the marginalisation and stigmatisation of Muslim identities in a post 9/11 context. The war on terror, in response to the international crisis of militant Islam, has placed Muslim citizenship in many Western liberal democracies under fierce scrutiny, prompting uneasy and hard to resolve questions around issues of security, diversity, cohesion and national identity. In Britain, as in Europe, political and public responses to these questions have precipitated a climate of fear and suspicion around Muslims, rendering their citizenship contingent and precarious and undermining their ability to identify with the nation and participate in its political processes. This thesis reveals how young Muslim activists negotiate these challenges by engaging in a range of activities typical of social movements, not only in terms of distinctive modes of action but also with respect to their transformative social and political visions and imaginaries. Muslim activists engage in cultural politics to demand a more inclusive and post-national notion of citizenship, by seeking to turn negative Muslim differences into positive ones. Participants’ engagement in democratic processes through political repertoires commonly adopted by other progressive social movements challenges the moral panic engendered by the exceptionalism ascribed to Muslim identity politics. This thesis argues that these cultural politics constitute a British Muslim social movement to contest Islamophobia through resistance to two dominant forms of power in contemporary Western societies. Firstly, this movement is a response to the multiple technologies of power articulated by Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, which are difficult to distinguish and confront due to their imperceptible and socially dispersed nature. Secondly, cultural politics is Active citizenship, dissent and power 2 necessitated by direct threats of force that Foucault described as a ‘relationship of violence’ and which are discernible in the rise of the securitisation of citizenship in the wake of 9/11. The nature of resistance from Muslim activists suggests that their cultural politics are not only a strategic but also a less risky political response to both these prevailing forms of power. Foucault’s argument that the nature of power can be deciphered from the forms of resistance it provokes suggests responsive rather than reactive political strategies by young Muslims. The thesis concludes that these cultural politics represent forms of active citizenship premised on a more equal, participatory and radically democratic social contract than nationalist and neoliberal forms of governance presently concede. Active citizenship, dissent and power 3 Acknowledgements I am deeply indebted to the ESRC (Grant reference: ES/J500100/1) for funding my doctoral research and equally grateful to the School of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of Nottingham for providing me with world class training and outstanding institutional support throughout the PhD. Alison Haigh, the postgraduate administrator, deserves a special mention because her organisational prowess, willingness to help and good humour made the practical aspects of the doctorate manageable and pleasurable. Davide Pero was my PhD supervisor from September 2011 to September 2014 and I am grateful to him for helping to shape my intellectual and academic development during this time, particularly the practical and helpful advice on conducting ethnographic research with marginalised participants. Amal Treacher-Kabesh is owed a special and double measure of gratitude for taking on my PhD supervision during the final and challenging months from October 2014 onwards. As the postgraduate convenor in the School Amal has been a supportive, caring and stimulating presence throughout the doctoral study but her comments and guidance in the final stages of the thesis have been invaluable and consequential to completion. I have been exceptionally lucky to have Andrew Yip as my PhD supervisor from day one. Andrew has helped to shape and refine my research and writing in numerous ways, through sound academic guidance, the lending of relevant and interesting books, encouragement to be creative and trust my instincts, reining me in when my ideas threatened to exceed the limits of the project and above all by always being there to help and inspire me when I needed it. Of course this research would not even have got off the ground without the participants who kindly agreed to take part in the research, who allowed me to observe them, introduced me to other participants and gave up their personal time to do interviews. Given current concerns around the securitisation of citizenship, it is a mark of their courage and resilience that these participants decided to trust me with their stories and thoughts. They have done so much more than simply provide me with the means to do a PhD, they have also Active citizenship, dissent and power 4 inspired me, educated me and positively improved my view of the world in a way that I can never repay. Thanks to all my friends and colleagues in the School of Sociology and Social Policy for intellectual stimulation, lifting spirits and sharing this incredible journey. A special thanks to Jenelle Clarke for being a sympathetic, supportive and true friend, James Tangen for challenging ideas and keeping me on my toes, Agnes Bezzina for being an optimistic and heart-warming presence, Kezia Scales for sharing viva tips and an interest in crochet, Philip Archard for keeping psychology in the picture, Steven Lucas for the caleigh lesson, Charlotte Kinnealy for listening and offering alternative perspectives and Kate Legge for introducing me to politics and sparking new ideas. Finally the biggest and most heartfelt thanks to my mother, Ross and my son, James for demonstrating saintly levels of understanding and support throughout this process. I simply could not have done this without them cheering me on every step of the way. I dedicate this thesis to my father Iqbal Mustafa for teaching me diligence and integrity and my brother Jamal Mustafa (Jamie) for teaching me humility and compassion. For this and for being exceptional human beings this work is a small token of my appreciation to honour your memories. Active citizenship, dissent and power 5 Contents Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 4 Chapter 1: Researching Muslims after 9/11 9 Introduction 9 Research questions 14 Contribution to knowledge 14 Outline of chapters 15 Chapter 2: British Muslim politics and citizenship 20 Introduction 20 Electoral and party politics 20 Civil society and identity politics 23 The stakes of identity politics 27 Citizenship and resurgent nationalism 31 Securitisation of citizenship 37 Rebalancing rights and responsibilities 43 Conclusion 46 Chapter 3: Politics, activism and power 47 Introduction 47 Democratic deficit and new citizen politics 47 The cultural turn in politics 51 Social movement theory 54 Foucault, power and resistance 60 Conclusion 65 Chapter 4: The research process 67 Epistemology and knowledge claims 67 Research Design and Methodology 68 Multi-sited ethnography 68 Limitations of single methods 71 Research sample and location 74 Defining activists 75 Who is a Muslim? 76 Age category 78 Citizenship status 80 Types of activism 81 Research location 81 Fieldwork, challenges and resolutions 82 Entering the field 83 Access issues and approaches 84 Interviews, narratives and discourses 87 Analysing data and discourse 89 Reflexivity, researcher role and ethics 93 Chapter 5: Signs of a social movement 97 Introduction 97 Lifestyle politics and abstract objectives 97 Organisations, mistrust and autonomy 102 Networks, solidarity and communication 107 Circulation of knowledge and digital media 114 Conclusion 121 Chapter 6: Collective identity, difference and faith 123 Introduction 123 Unities and fissures in collective identity 124 The role of faith in identity politics 132 Demonisation, difference and defence 137 Conclusion 146 Chapter 7: Politics, security and cultural conflicts 148 Introduction 148 Politics and activist attitudes 149 Political failure and representation 150 Co-optation and systemic failure 156 High costs of protest politics 161 The power of people and ideas 167 Conclusion 172 Active citizenship, dissent and power 7 Chapter 8: Redefining inclusion in active citizenship 174 Introduction 174 Counter-hegemony and explicit resistance 188 Hegemony and implicit resistance 188 Securitisation, agency and resistance 188 Cultural politics and active citizenship 192 Conclusion 198 Chapter

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