Tiananmen 20 Years On
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Standoff at Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: the Making of Goddess of Democracy
2019/4/23 Standoff At Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy 更多 创建博客 登录 Standoff At Tiananmen How Chinese Students Shocked the World with a Magnificent Movement for Democracy and Liberty that Ended in the Tragic Tiananmen Massacre in 1989. Relive the history with this blog and my book, "Standoff at Tiananmen", a narrative history of the movement. Home Days People Documents Pictures Books Recollections Memorials Monday, May 30, 2011 "Standoff at Tiananmen" English Language Edition Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy Click on the image to buy at Amazon "Standoff at Tiananmen" Chinese Language Edition On May 30, 1989, the statue Goddess of Democracy was erected at Tiananmen Square and became one of the lasting symbols of the 1989 student movement. The following is a re-telling of the making of that statue, originally published in the book Children of Dragon, by a sculptor named Cao Xinyuan: Nothing excites a sculptor as much as seeing a work of her own creation take shape. But although I was watching the creation of a sculpture that I had had no part in making, I nevertheless felt the same excitement. It was the "Goddess of Democracy" statue that stood for five days in Tiananmen Square. Until last year I was a graduate student at the Central Academy of Fine Arts in Beijing, where the sculpture was made. I was living there when these events took place. 点击图像去Amazon购买 Students and faculty of the Central Academy of Fine Arts, which is located only a short distance from Tiananmen Square, had from the beginning been actively involved in the demonstrations. -
Tribunal Statement My Investigation Into Chinese Organ
Tribunal Statement My investigation into Chinese organ harvesting of prisoners of conscience was essentially an accident. I had been writing about Chinese Communist Party (CCP) surveillance of Falun Gong practitioners and other dissidents since 2002, around the time I left Beijing to finish Losing the New China (Encounter Books, 2004). By 2005, I was thinking about my next book and my experience on the ground told me that Falun Gong was the biggest issue in China. Yet there was a gap in the existing literature. Research by Falun Gong practitioners was emotionally charged, while published writing by self-proclaimed “objective” outsiders overcompensated with undue formality, bias against spirituality, or avoiding actual witness accounts in favor of formulaic original research. That partially explains why I maintained a degree of skepticism about the first public organ harvesting allegations from both the Epoch Times and the Kilgour- Matas report, Bloody Harvest in 2006. Yet I was firmly convinced that a comprehensive account of the conflict between the Chinese State and Falun Gong was long overdue, and I began a lengthy interview process to fill that gap. One of my very first interviews was in Toronto with three women who were fresh out of labor camp. Even in that early stage, I recognized that their stories were relatively routine – demonstrations at Tiananmen followed by capture, incarceration, and attempts to force practitioners to reject Falun Gong using torture, brainwashing, threats to the family, and humiliation. One of the women – call her Wang - was the least articulate but had a very appealing salt-of-the-earth quality. -
Human Rights in China and U.S. Policy: Issues for the 117Th Congress
Human Rights in China and U.S. Policy: Issues for the 117th Congress March 31, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46750 SUMMARY R46750 Human Rights in China and U.S. Policy: Issues March 31, 2021 for the 117th Congress Thomas Lum U.S. concern over human rights in China has been a central issue in U.S.-China relations, Specialist in Asian Affairs particularly since the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989. In recent years, human rights conditions in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have deteriorated, while bilateral tensions related to trade Michael A. Weber and security have increased, possibly creating both constraints and opportunities for U.S. policy Analyst in Foreign Affairs on human rights. After consolidating power in 2013, Chinese Communist Party General Secretary and State President Xi Jinping intensified and expanded the reassertion of party control over society that began toward the end of the term of his predecessor, Hu Jintao. Since 2017, the government has enacted new laws that place further restrictions on civil society in the name of national security, authorize greater controls over minority and religious groups, and further constrain the freedoms of PRC citizens. Government methods of social and political control are evolving to include the widespread use of sophisticated surveillance and big data technologies. Arrests of human rights advocates and lawyers intensified in 2015, followed by party efforts to instill ideological conformity across various spheres of society. In 2016, President Xi launched a policy known as “Sinicization,” under which the government has taken additional measures to compel China’s religious practitioners and ethnic minorities to conform to Han Chinese culture, support China’s socialist system as defined by the Communist Party, abide by Communist Party policies, and reduce ethnic differences and foreign influences. -
Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2007 ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2007 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 2007 ANNUAL REPORT VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6019 Sfmt 6019 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2007 ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2007 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 38–026 PDF WASHINGTON : 2007 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate SANDER M. LEVIN, Michigan, Chairman BYRON DORGAN, North Dakota, Co-Chairman MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio MAX BAUCUS, Montana TOM UDALL, New Mexico CARL LEVIN, Michigan MICHAEL M. HONDA, California DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TIM WALZ, Minnesota SHERROD BROWN, Ohio CHRISTOPHER H. -
China Policy Institute Policy Paper 2012: No.3 a Convergence Of
China Policy Institute Policy Paper 2012: No.3 A convergence of China’s political reform agendas Andreas Fulda Significance A ten-year plan for social and political reform touted by Chinese establishment intellectual Yu Jianrong is gaining traction both within and outside China’s party-state. Yu’s plan is the most notable reform agenda to emerge since the Charter 08. It signifies a willingness among party-state officials to engage in open-ended discussions about democracy and human rights in China. What we need to know While the issue of political reform has been notably absent from official proclamations during the first days of the Chinese Communist Party’s 18th Party Congress, China’s political future is being widely debated both in Chinese establishment and non-establishment circles alike. Although both reform camps agree on the need for political change they differ in their specific reform recommendations: while establishment figures call for a gradual evolution of China’s political system, anti-establishment intellectuals call for a complete overhaul of the Chinese body politic along liberal democratic lines. Despite such differences a convergence of China’s political reform agendas can be observed. One of China’s most renowned establishment intellectuals Yu Jianrong has touted a ten-year plan for social and political reform which strikingly resembles parts of China’s Charter 08. China’s Charter 08 was inspired by the Charter 77, a petition promulgated by anti-Soviet dissidents in Czechoslovakia, and calls for an end to one-party rule and the protection of human rights. It has been signed by more than two thousand citizens within China and supported by more than ten thousand signatories abroad. -
People's Republic of China
PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA NINE YEARS AFTER TIANANMEN - STILL A “COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY RIOT" ? INTRODUCTION The 4th of June 1998 will mark the ninth anniversary of the massacre of hundreds of unarmed civilians in Beijing on 4 June 1989, when heavily armed troops and hundreds of armoured military vehicles stormed into the city to clear the streets of pro-democracy demonstrators, firing at onlookers and protesters in the process. In the aftermath of the massacre, thousands of people were detained throughout China. Some received long sentences and are still imprisoned. Amnesty International maintains records of over 250 people who are still imprisoned in connection with the 1989 pro-democracy protests and believes the real number is much higher than the cases it has identified. Every year, new cases of political prisoners imprisoned since 1989 have come to light. Nine years after the massacre and the massive arrests which followed, the Chinese authorities still appear unwilling to reassess the official “verdict” passed at the time that the protests were a “counter-revolutionary riot”. So far, the authorities have taken no step to publicly investigate the killings and bring to justice those found responsible for human rights violations, or to review the cases of those still imprisoned for their activities during the protests. This official “verdict” was used in 1989 to justify the brutal suppression of the protests, despite clear evidence that the seven-weeks protests, starting in mid-April 1989, were overwhelmingly peaceful and drew wide popular support. Several million people took part in the demonstrations, demanding an end to official corruption and calling for political reforms. -
REMEMBERING LIU XIAOBO Analyzing Censorship of the Death of Liu Xiaobo on Wechat and Weibo
REMEMBERING LIU XIAOBO Analyzing censorship of the death of Liu Xiaobo on WeChat and Weibo By Masashi Crete-Nishihata, Jeffrey Knockel, Blake Miller, Jason Q. Ng, Lotus Ruan, Lokman Tsui, and Ruohan Xiong JULY 16, 2017 RESEARCH REPORT #97 Copyright © The Citizen Lab Licensed under the Creative Commons BY-SA 4.0 (Attribution-ShareAlike licence). Electronic version first published in 2017 by the Citizen Lab. This work can be accessed through https://citizenlab.ca/2017/07/analyzing- censorship-of-the-death-of-liu-xiaobo-on-wechat-and-weibo/. Document Version: 1.0 The Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 license under which this report is licensed lets you freely copy, distribute, remix, transform, and build on it, as long as you: • give appropriate credit; • indicate whether you made changes; and • use and link to the same CC BY-SA 4.0 licence. However, any rights in excerpts reproduced in this report remain with their respective authors; and any rights in brand and product names and associated logos remain with their respective owners. Uses of these that are protected by copyright or trademark rights require the rightsholder’s prior written agreement. Suggested Citation Masashi Crete-Nishihata, Jeffrey Knockel, Blake Miller, Jason Q. Ng, Lotus Ruan, Lokman Tsui, and Ruohan Xiong. “Remembering Liu Xiaobo: Analyzing censorship of the death of Liu Xiaobo on WeChat and Weibo,” Citizen Lab Research Report No. 97, University of Toronto, July 2017. Acknowledgements Authors are listed in alphabetical order: Masashi Crete-Nishihata, Jeffrey Knockel, Blake Miller, Jason Q. Ng, Lotus Ruan, Lokman Tsui, and Ruohan Xiong. Special thanks to Ron Deibert for review and supervision. -
Tiananmen Square Fast Facts
HOME | CNN - ASIA PACIFIC Tiananmen Square Fast Facts CNN May 20, 12:34 pm News 2019 Here is some information about the events in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square on June 3-4, 1989. Facts: Tiananmen Square is located in the center of Beijing, the capital of China. Tiananmen means “gate of heavenly peace.” In 1989, after several weeks of demonstrations, Chinese troops entered Tiananmen Square on June 4 and fired on civilians. Estimates of the death toll range from several hundred to thousands. It has been estimated that as many as 10,000 people were arrested during and after the protests. Several dozen people have been executed for their parts in the demonstrations. Timeline: April 15, 1989 – Hu Yaobang, a former Communist Party leader, dies. Hu had worked to move China toward a more open political system and had become a symbol of democratic reform. April 18, 1989 – Thousands of mourning students march through the capital to Tiananmen Square, calling for a more democratic government. In the weeks that follow, thousands of people join the students in the square to protest against China’s Communist rulers. May 13, 1989 – More than 100 students begin a hunger strike in Tiananmen Square. The number increases to several thousand over the next few days. May 19, 1989 – A rally at Tiananmen Square draws an estimated 1.2 million people. General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Zhao Ziyang, appears at the rally and pleads for an end to the demonstrations. May 19, 1989 – Premier Li Peng imposes martial law. June 1, 1989 – China halts live American news telecasts in Beijing, including CNN. -
The Legacy of Tiananmen: 20 Years of Oppression, Activism and Hope Chrd
THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE CHRD Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) Web: Hhttp://crd-net.org/H Email: [email protected] THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE Chinese Human Rights Defenders June 1, 2009 Twenty years since the Tiananmen massacre, the Chinese government refuses to accept responsibility, much less apologize or offer compensation, for killing, injuring, imprisoning and persecuting individuals for participating in peaceful protests. The number of the victims, and their names and identities, remain unknown. Families continue to be barred from publicly commemorating and seeking accountability for the death of their loved ones. Activists are persecuted and harassed for independently investigating the crackdown or for calling for a rectification of the government’s verdict on the pro‐democracy movement. Many individuals continue to suffer the consequences of participating in the pro‐democracy movement today. At least eight individuals remain imprisoned in Beijing following unfair trials in which they were convicted of committing “violent crimes”. Those who were released after long sentences have had difficulty re‐integrating into society as they suffer from continued police harassment as well as illnesses and injuries resulting from torture, beatings and mistreatment while in prison. Many of those injured have had to pay for their own medical expenses and continue to struggle as the physical and psychological scars leave them unable to take care of themselves or to work. Some who took part in the protests still find it difficult to make ends meet after they were dismissed from comfortable jobs or expelled from universities after 1989. -
Falun Gong in China
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 12 Issue 1 Article 6 6-2018 Cold Genocide: Falun Gong in China Maria Cheung University of Manitoba Torsten Trey Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting David Matas University of Manitoba Richard An EME Professional Corp Legal Services Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Cheung, Maria; Trey, Torsten; Matas, David; and An, Richard (2018) "Cold Genocide: Falun Gong in China," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 12: Iss. 1: 38-62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.12.1.1513 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol12/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cold Genocide: Falun Gong in China Acknowledgements This article is dedicated to the Chinese citizens who were innocently killed for their spiritual beliefs. This article is available in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol12/iss1/6 Cold Genocide: Falun Gong in China Maria Cheung University of Manitoba Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada Torsten Trey Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting Washington, D.C., USA David Matas University of Manitoba Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada Richard An York University Toronto, Ontario, Canada Introduction The classical school of genocide studies which traces back to Raphael Lemkin focuses on eradication of a group through the mass murder of its members in a short period. -
Testimony Before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission
Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Perry Link University of California, Riverside Hearing on “China’s Media and Information Controls: The Impact in China and the United States”, September 10, 2009 “Media Response to the Appearance of Charter 08” Charter 08 is a citizens’ manifesto that calls for constitutional democracy, human rights, rule of law and republican government that observes a tri-partite separation of powers. It was the first public statement in the history of the People’s Republic of China to call for an end to one- party rule. Its drafters were inspired by the example of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, but their writing also shows influences from the U.S. Constitution, the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, the democratic movement in Taiwan in the 1980s, and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa. The Charter was announced on December 9, 2009, the eve of the 60th anniversary of the United Nations’ promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. After it was unveiled, the Charter received considerable notice around the world from governments, human rights organizations, and newspaper editorial boards. It drew praise from prominent political, religious, and literary leaders including Vaclav Havel, the Dalai Lama, Nadine Gordimer, Seamus Heaney, Wole Soyinka, Yu Ying-shih, Ha Jin, Zheng Yi, and many others. More than eight thousand people inside China have signed the Charter, and countless others have read it but feared to consider signing. Attention from the world’s media--outside of China--has been considerable. Inside China, the topic has been banned from the state-controlled media except for some minor and indirect instances in which the state itself has chosen to comment. -
CHN35725 – Charter 08
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: CHN35725 Country: China Date: 12 November 2009 Keywords: China – Charter 08 – Signing Online – Treatment of Signatories & their families – Internet Monitoring This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. What is Charter 08? 2. Is it possible to sign the charter online? 3. Is it possible for a signatory to the Charter to be traced by Chinese authorities, with the result that family members in China were then questioned by the PSB? RESPONSE 1. What is Charter 08? Charter 08 is an open letter issued on 9 December 2008 by a group of 303 Chinese individuals including “writers, intellectuals, lawyers, journalists, retired Party officials, workers, peasants, and businessman”. Charter 08 calls for legal reforms, democracy and protection of human rights in China. A translation of Charter 08 into English by Human Rights in China (HRIC) is included as Attachment 1: This year is the 100th year of China’s Constitution, the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the birth of the Democracy Wall, and the 10th year since China signed the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights.