International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected]

Sub Regionalism Politics in and Demand for Koshal State

Dr. Dasarathi Bhuiyan, Assistant Professor, P.G. Department of Political Science, University, Odisha

Abstract: This paper examines the rise of regionalism in Odisha. As a state, Odisha is one of the most backward regions in . The process of development becomes extremely significant in the context of intra-regional disparities. Against this backdrop, regionalism continues to thrive in due to regional cleavages and prevalence of socio-economic disparities and political inequalities. Key words: historical experience, cultural practices, dialectal/speech forms

I. Introduction regional polarisation of politics was very much reflected in the elections to the The present state of Odisha Odisha Legislative Assembly. As contains three geographically distinct discussed above during the 1950’s the regional units, namely, coastal belt, regional political parties, namely, the southern and western region, which Ganatantra Parishad (GP) and later the differ in respect of historical experience, polarised politics in cultural practices, dialectal/speech forms, Odisha along regional lines. The political advantages and socio-economic Congress was seen as a party largely development. After the reorganisation of identified with the interests of coastal districts in Odisha in 1993 the coastal Odisha, and the GP/Swatantra was region comprises the new districts of associated with the interests of western , , , , Odisha. From 1952 to 1974, the Congress , Jagatsinghpur, , and its splinter groups Jana Congress , Nayagarh, the south Odisha and secured maximum comprises of Ganjam, Gaiapati, seats from coastal districts, while Kandhamal, Koraput, Rayagarda, GP/Swatantra scored very well in the Nawarangapur, Malkangiri; whereas the western region (Ray 1974). But during western region covers the new districts of J.B. Patnaik’s rule in the 1980s, the , Sonepur, Kalahandi, Nuapara, Congress leaders from coastal area Boudh, Kandhamal, , , dominated government and politics in , Deogarh and Sundargarh. Odisha, while the leaders from the Gradually, regional discontents grew in western region were completely sidelined. the western region as it continued to lag Congress favouritism towards coastal behind the coastal belt in matters of Odisha resulted in regional factionalism socio-economic, political and cultural within the party. During the BJD development. government of from200 II. Political cleavage: to 2019 the western Odisha was identified with BJP and Congress. It is another vital factor that facilitates regional difference between the In terms of representation in coastal and western regions. This government and in decision-making

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected] bodies, the western region always lags political consciousness dawned on them behind the coastal area. The post of Chief and they could realize their helpless Minister of Odisha has mostly been position under the feudal lords. (Sunit monopolised by coastal Oriya leaders. Ghosh, p, 59) Only two persons from the western The congress leaders of the time, region, namely, R. N. Singh Deo and Mahatab in particular, had been pleading Hemananda Biswal, held the post of for the merger of the 26 Native States Chief Minister for a brief period. Again, with the British Odisha in the common the western region has been poorly interest of the people of both the areas. represented in the state’s Council of He was appointed the chairperson of the Ministers except for the brief coalition committee, which All India State Peoples’ periods in 1959, 1967 and 1971. conference had set up to go into the Moreover, in the state bureaucracy, grievances of the people of the Odisha judiciary and police the share of western states. Before this, taking advantage of region remains comparatively low. the new situation a section of Odisha The origins of regional discontent rulers under the leadership of Rajendra in the western region date back to the Narayan Singhdeo, the late Maharaja of agitation against the displacement of Balangir-Patnagarh, in company with the people and the loss of land and property British political Agent was trying to form due to the construction of a political unit of Odisha and Chatisgarh and Steel Plant and the rise of states within the Indian Union. The the regional political party, the Maharaja of Patna had propounded a Ganatantra Parishad (GP), also theory that the Odisha states and the significantly contributed to the origins of present district of Sambalpur were not regional discontent in western Odisha. In parts of Odisha but they at one time the western region, people were leaving formed the so-called Koshala territory. in an abominable condition. Most of the According to his plan, as soon as the princely states were outside the pale of Eastern States Federation would be able modern civilization. High schools were to stand on its feet, Sambalpur and non-existent. Outside newspapers were would join the Federation. In order to not allowed. Khadi and Gandhi were have it done it was found necessary to banned and everything was done to see work up the feeling of separation in that the “subjects’ did not establish Sambalpur. At that time i.e. in 1946 contact with Gandhites in the British preliminary survey work of the Odisha. The rulers were regarded as the (HIRAKUD) valley project was going on ‘moving incarnation of Lord Vishnu’ who in Sambalpur. The project necessitated must be worshiped by the people acquisition of more than one hundred whenever he would come out of his villages. Land acquisition on such a scale palace. Some of the rulers were notorious necessarily created resentment amongst for their savagery. There were, however, the people whose lands were being a few enlightened ones- just exceptions acquired. But this was made an issue for proving the rule. But the people in the separation of Sambalpur from Odisha. native states expectedly did not remain Hare Krushna Mahatab, who was then unaffected by the goings on in the the prime minister of Odisha, wrote to neighbouring British Odisha. Gradually, the governor of Odisha, C.M .Trivedi on

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected]

October12, 1946, “I am getting Science,October- information that the Maharaja of Patna December,1965,p,89) is organizing and directly conducting the After the merger of princely agitation against the Hirakud project at states, the rulers lost all their powers, Sambalpur .His ultimate aim is to retained some personal privileges, and amalgamate Sambalpur in his Patna received pensions. Obviously, the merger state. He is dreaming of the old days of did not set at rest all the problems. Patna of the 16th century”. What the Divested of power, the princes were Maharaja of Patana was dreaming was naturally sore about the Congress rulers anybody’s guess. But there were of the province. So also was a sizable and evidences that he was not in favour of vocal section of people in the states who merger of the Odisha states in the British joined hands with the princes to new Odisha and he was actively consolidating outlets for their political existence. They the princes to withstand the pressure resented the posting of officers in the from the Congress rulers in the states from outside and regarded the provinces. Actually, the Mahatab-Singh merger as a kind of ‘military occupation’. Deo rivalry, which lasted particularly The economic situation in the western until 1967, can be traced to those days of region also deteriorated immediately merger and anti-merger agitation in the after the merger. For example, up to late forties. Singh Deo had brought out a December 12, 1947 rice was selling at newspaper; called ‘Patna Dipika’, which eight seers (a measure of amount) a was mouthpiece of the campaign for the rupee in Balangir. On the next day, it was separation of Sambalpur from the rest of two seers a rupee because of the Odisha. imposition of control prices then in vogue The deputy Prime minister of throughout Odisha. In some states, India and Home minister of India Sardar medical facilities were free. However, Ballav Bhai patel, visited Odisha and after the merger this facility was persuaded the rulers of the Native to sign withdrawn. In Balangir there was a good Instruments of Accession to the Indian x-ray equipment of the siemens company Union. Twenty-five states including .one of the only three in India, got during Saraikela and Kharswan, signed the the Jubilee celebrations and that was left Instrument of accession on 14 December uncared for. Other equipments were 1947, and merged with Odisha on taken away. The provincial January 1, 1948. Only Mayurbhanja administration did not care for the stood aloof, but that state also merged people. The bureaucrats deputed from with Odisha on January 1, 1949. Cuttack, then capital of Odisha, behaved Saraikela and Kharaswan were like alien conquerors. All this wounded transferred to Bihar in May 1948, where the feelings of the intelligentsia. they remained ever since. The leaders of Previously, they had direct approach to the Praja Mandals of the Native States the Raja and could get their remedy. But who were counterparts of the Congress the remedy was now too far away. swelled Congress strength by joining it. Bribery and corruption became rampant (S.C.Das,Government and Politics in and conspicuous. The educated people Odisha, Indian Journal of Political felt the need of a party. They approached Rajendra Narayan Singh Deo, and

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected] wanted him to start a party since he had made certain complaints against plenty of administrative and political Mahatab. Patel reportedly rebuked experience. Police firing in Sareikela, Mahatab before Sing Deo and others. kharaswan and other places almost While coming out of the meeting room convinced them that they would not get Mahatab angrily warned Singh Deo not justice from the Cuttack rulers. After a to challenge his leadership and told him lot of persuasion R. N .Singh Deo Willy- rudely that if he ever dared to contest an nilly nodded his assent to the proposal. election in the hill districts Mahatab Soon a party called “Kosal Utkal Praja would see that Singh Deo drew a blank. Parishad” with its headquarters Without making a fuss Singh Deo Sambalpur was started. The Parishad accepted the challenge. The immediate leaders wanted the right of self- upshot of this quarrel between the two determination. They had their own political stalwarts of Odisha was the birth Prajamandals for getting popular rule in of the Praja Parishsd which was later the state and their effort succeeded rechristened as Ganat6antra Parishad in largely. They did not want to be dictated 1950 and was made a full-fledged state- to by outsider Congress Prajamandalists. based political organization. The The membership of the parishad Parishad was actually recognized as the consisted chiefly of the Prajamandal opposition party in the state legislature seeders and anti merger agitators. and effectively challenged the supremacy Balangir was the headquarters. Branches of the Congress party in Odisha in Hill of the Parishad were opened in districts. The Parishad later merged in Kalahandi, Sonepur ,Gangpur, Bonai, the Swatantra Party in 1962. Keonjhar, Athamallick and Baudh and III. Electoral politics in the lines of paid workers were busy propagating the regions: party’s ideals vilifying the Congress Government and Government employees Ever since the general elections and canvassing support from the states in 1952 the Congress had been trying to people who were advised to vote for the make dents in the Ganatantra Parishad/ Parishad candidates in the next General Swatantra strongholds in Western Election. Odisha. The realities of electoral politics have therefore, impelled both Congress R.N. Singh Deo was not initially and Ganatantra/Swatantra party to very much enthusiastic about taking part evolve suitable strategies for moving in active politics. A quite type of man, he across their traditional organisational was considering to lead a non political life boundaries. Several inferences may be after the merger but a minor incident at made. In the 1952 and 1956 elections this time brought him in the state’s post- the Ganatantra Parishad had become the independence [political scene in a big major opposition party in Odisha. The way. At the same time of merger, Patel Congress had the best performance in advised Mahatab, then the chief minister, 1961 elections, while the outcome of the not to ride roughshod over the princes. 1967 elections was most favourable to the Soon after the merger Mahatab, Swatantra party. Apart from its government forgets the assurance Patel spectacular success in the Cuttack area in had given to the rulers. When Patel came 1961, the Congress party-was able to to Cuttack at a later date, Singh Deo make serious dents into Swatantra

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected] strongholds. However, for the Swatantra western Odisha based political parties party its performance in the Cuttack area had have a low influence in the coastal was never impressive. Since the region. Congress under the dynamic leadership iv. Non-Political Factors: of appeared capable of fulfilling the demands, an important part To comprehend the political of the Western Odisha electorate voted dimensions of life it is necessary to have a for the party, besides, the organisational look at non-political development and the offensive of the Congress yielded rich population composition. This is because dividends. Besides, the party's exclusion the non-political factors have had an from power for a long period, except for a important role in shaping sub-region al short spell after the 1967 elections, political behaviour. denied it the necessary credibility with It is, therefore, found that there are some predominantly mercenary voters of the basic differences between the Cut-ack Cuttack area for whom the distribution of area and Western Odisha. Superimposed material benefits was the main upon these differences is the legacy of consideration. In the 1971 elections the suspicion and hostility between the two desertion of the Biju Patnaik faction areas. the small middle class in Western enormously weakened the Congress Odisha is not favourably disposed position, particularly in the Cuttack area. towards the Katakis, since they feel that The Utkal Congress of Biju Patnaik the entry of the latter would imperil their captured 25 seats in the Cuttaek area and position. Actually, this small middle class, 6 seats in Western Odisha. In the 1974 whose interests roughly coincide with elections, the Congress for the first time those of the dispossessed rulers, plays a since the 1952 elections came to derive its key role in electoral politics. For all support equally from both Cuttack and practical purposes, it constitutes an Western Odisha. In both areas the important 'reference group' for the Congress was able to capture the majority uneducated voters. of seats. In the Cuttack area the party secured 45 seats out of 94, while the V. The cultural specificities: constituents of the Pragati Party, the The cultural specificities of Swatantra, the Utkal Congress and the western Odisha also keep alive regional SSP, got 6, 27 and 2 seats, respectively. cleavage in Odisha. The culture of Out of 52 seats in the Western Odisha western Odisha, popularly called the districts (the ex-princely districts), the Sambalpuri culture, is influenced by Congress captured 24, and the Swatantra tribal cultures to a great extent. The party and the Utkal Congress secured 16 tribal influence is clearly evident in the and 6 seats, respectively. Compared to speech pattern, food habits, beliefs, the 1971 elections, the number of customs, tradition, dance, drama, music, Congress seats was marginally higher in fairs and festivals of western Odisha. the Cuttack area (45 against 40), while in Folk songs like ‘Rasarkeli’, ‘Dalkhai’, Western Odisha Congress seats more ‘Jaiphula’ and the regional festivals like than doubled (from 11 to 24). Thus the ‘’ and ‘Puspuni’ help a great deal gain for Congress occurred at the expense in the assertion of western Odisha of the Swatantra rather than the Utkal regional identity. Congress. Thus it can be noted here that

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VI. Language Specification: In terms of agricultural intensity the shares of coastal and western regions The people of western Odisha speak a in 2001 were 164 percent and 145 percent mother tongue which is called respectively. Since intensive cultivation Sambalpuri. It differs from the standard depends upon a variety of factors like Oriya speech spoken by the coastal irrigation, climate, topography, etc., low Odisha people. The western Odisha agricultural intensity in western region people consider Sambalpuri as a distinct indicates an overall low agricultural language in its own right; but in official development there. and popular parlance it is perceived as a dialect or a regional variation of Oriya In the case of irrigation the western language (Joshi 1983). Sambalpuri region barring few areas lags far behind language provides a typical environment the coastal belt. In 2001, while the gross and a sense of solidarity among western irrigated area in coastal area was 47 Odisha people and defines a line of percent, the share of western region was separation from the mainstream coastal merely 24 percent. Odias. A relatively higher work participation in VII. Regional socio-economic the western region does not necessarily disparities: show a healthy economy because in the evolution of the economy a lower Besides political cleavage, proportion of the population should be regional socio-economic disparities played engaged in work. A smaller percentage of a crucial role in the growth of regionalism workers in coastal region indicate a in Odisha. The western region better state of economy as lesser experienced very low level of socio- proportion of workforce is in a position to economic development since colonial support larger dependency. As regards period. The western region, by and large, workers engaged in registered factories, lags behind the coastal area in the fields disparities seem to be more intra-regional of agricultural development, irrigation, rather than inter-regional. Balangir, education, transport and communication, Kalahandi, Nuapara, Sonepur, Boudh employment and occupation. and Kandhamal in the western region are The western region is larger in industrially very poor districts. size, but it accounts for only 26.53 VI. Education And Literacy: percent of the state’s population which stands at 36804660 as per the 2001 As far as literacy is concerned, census; the relatively smaller coastal western region lags far behind the region, on the contrary, accounts for coastal area. In 2001, the rate of 47.82 percent of the population. In literacy in coastal region was 68.83 western region 48.47 percent of people percent and in western region 57.77 belong to SC&ST, while the coastal percent, while the state showed an region accounts for only 23.95 percent average literacy of 63.08 percent Ibid SC&ST people (Census of India 2001). ( ). The larger concentration of backward Ironically, primary level educational people in the western region reveals a institutions are relatively more in the significant dimension of regional poverty western than the coastal region. in Odisha.

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected]

However, the coastal region is better The concentration of huge tribal and served by secondary and graduate and backward class people in these districts above level educational institutions. In aggravates this situation further. 2001 as compared to 141 primary schools a. Health Care: per one lakh population in western region, there were 96 primary schools in In the area of healthcare facilities the coastal area. But at the secondary level, western region is relatively better served while coastal area had 19 institutions per as compared to the coastal area. In 2003 one lakh population, western region had the number of hospitals and dispensaries only 17; the figures for the graduate and per one lakh population in coastal and above level were 2.04 and 1.81 per one western regions were little above 4 and 5 lakh population in coastal and western respectively, while the state had an Ibid region respectively ( ). The better average of 4 per one lakh population. infrastructure at the primary level in Similarly, the doctor-population ratio in western region has not been translated 2003 for coastal region was 13 doctors per into better response to literacy. This one lakh population, for western region it contradiction can be partly attributed to was 14, while the state showed an the history of education and the existing average of 13 doctors in the same period. socio-cultural and economic realities. The hospital beds available per lakh Further, the larger concentration of population also revealed a similar trend tribal and backward caste people also (Ibid). accounts for the low response to b. Transport: education in the western region. Road density constitutes an important VII. Disparities In Infrastructure: indicator of infrastructure development, In the areas of education, healthcare, and in this respect the two regions show communication and rural electrification wide disparities. As per 2001 census, the disparities between the two regions are coastal region is better connected by remarkable. The rate of urbanisation in roads as indicated by higher road density, both the regions is more or less same. i.e., 164.8 km per 100 sq. km compared to Except the urban areas like Sambalpur 139.1 km in western region which is and Rourkela the remaining parts of the below the state average of 136 km. In the western region are highly rural. It follows case of rail connectivity, the disparities from the above discussion that barring between the two regions are not notable exceptions like primary schools substantial. In 2001 the railway route and health care, regional imbalance length per 100 sq. km. of area in coastal between coastal and western regions of region was1.86 km. compared to the 1.58 Odisha exists in agricultural km. average in the western region. development, education, employment, c. Electrification: transport and communication and industrial development. Moreover, in the In the area of rural western region the inter-district electrification, the regional gap between variations are very alarming. Districts coastal and western regions is significant. like Kalahandi, Nuapara, Balangir, In 2003, the figures of rural Sonepur, Boudh and Kandhamal electrification for coastal and western epitomize the poverty of western Odisha. Odisha were 85.3 percent and 76.3

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected] percent respectively, while the state Hirakud dam project and Rourkela Steel showed an average of 77 percent for that Plant (Nanda 2007). The establishment period (Districts at a Glance 2006). The of the programme production centre at situation regarding rural electrification Sambalpur TV centre and the opening of remains precarious in Kalahandi, a circuit court of the Odisha High Court Nuapara, Sonepur, Boudh and in the western region are two other long Kandhamal districts of the western standing regional demands of serious region. concern. It may be noted that Sambalpur VII. AUTONOMIST AND TV centre in western region only relays SEPARATIST: the programmes produced at Cuttack and which mostly reflect the From the above discussions it is clear language, history, culture and that the regional socio-economic agricultural practices of the coastal disparities along with political region. The demand for circuit court also polarisation and socio-cultural cleavages receives strong oppositions from the Bar provide a suitable platform for the Associations in the coastal region. It is growth of regional consciousness in also alleged that the state government western Odisha. The geographical, has done very little for preservation and cultural, social, language peculiarities promotion of Sambalpuri speech and and the historical specificities of the culture of western Odisha. In protest western region provide further impetus against the official discrimination, to it. In this backdrop, two types of ‘Sampalpuri Lekhak Sangh’, and ‘Koshali trends are broadly noticed in western Bhasa Sahitya Parishad’ demanded the Odisha: ‘autonomist’ and ‘separatist’. following: (a) recognition of distinct status of , (b) (a) The Demand of Autonomist: government patronage to develop The autonomists demand for greater Sambalpuri literature; (c) promotion of regional autonomy and equal Sambalpuri cultural tradition; and (d) development; but the separatists more TV and Radio programmes in Ibid advocate for separate provincial Sambalpuri language ( ). Some statehood. The autonomists raised autonomists pressed for a regional different kinds of regional demands from development council for western Odisha. time to time. Issues like promotion of The development council demand aimed education, culture, industry and at decentralisation of political, legislative, employment figured prominently in administrative and financial powers and regional demands. Some of these ensuring regional financial autonomy and demands focus on: reservation of third authority (Pati 1995). Subsequently, the and fourth grade services for local people, Western Odisha Development Council administrative and judicial was established at Bolangir in 2000. The decentralisation, periodical sessions of autonomists, on the whole, strive to fulfill Odisha Legislative Assembly and Odisha regional aspirations of western Odisha Public Service Commission in western within the framework of regional region, reservation of seats for local autonomy in the state of Odisha. They students in medical and engineering strongly maintain that the distinct colleges situated in the region and regional identity of western Odisha rehabilitation of persons displaced by should be recognised by the state

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected] government and the people of coastal resolution supporting the separate state Odisha. demand and a map of the proposed Koshal state was approved at this (b) The Demand of Separatists: meeting. (Koshal Sammelan 1992). In the The separatists, on the other second ‘Koshal Sammelan’ at Sambalpur hand, demand for a separate provincial in 1993 the idea of Koshali nationalism state for western Odisha. Initially, the was placed in more explicit terms vis-à- demand was made on the grounds of vis Oriya nationalism. It is stressed at economic backwardness and distinct this meeting that the merger of western regional identity. But in recent times, the Odisha (Koshal) region was done in separate state demand has been made on violation of the linguistic principle of the basis of a separate regional province formation in India (Koshal nationalism called ‘Koshali nationalism’. Sammelan 1993). The separatists maintain that the people To define the boundaries of Koshali of western Odisha belong to Koshali nationality the separatists use selective nationality which is different from the historical, linguistic and cultural mainstream Oriya (Utkal-Kalinga) symbols. The ancient and medieval nationality. The shift in emphasis has glories of Koshal-Hirakhand kingdom been made precisely because: (a) distinct (Senapati and Mohanty 1971) are used to regional nationality in India is considered provide historical roots and nostalgia to to be an important basis of province Koshali identity. As regards linguistic formation and, (b) collective definition of boundary emphasis is placed on Koshali identity in regional nationalistic terms language, which is a new nomenclature involves practical advantages. The for Sambalpuri speech of western Odisha. existence of a separate Koshali The separatists stressed that the Koshali nationality according to them logically (Sambalpuri) language is a complete implies the right to internal self- language with an independent determination like several other grammatical structure and alphabet of its nationalities in the Indian Union. own. In their perception both Oriya and To realise their goal, some separatists, Koshali languages have originated from led by P.R. Dubey, an advocate from Sanskrit via ‘Ardha Magadhi’ and Sambalpur, launched a Koshal party in ‘Koshali Bibhasa’ (Joshi 1984). It is also 1991. He undertook a ‘Koshal Jana argued that Koshali can be written in Jagaran Yatra’ throughout western either Oriya or Devanagri script. Odisha to mobilise support for the In the cultural sphere, symbols like separate state. Some other organisations ‘Sakti’ worship and observance of like ‘Koshal Sangram Parishad’, ‘Koshal regional festivals like ‘Nuakhai’, Liberation Front’, ‘Koshal Bhumi Mukti ‘Puspuni’ and ‘Dalkhai’ have been widely Sangathan’ and the ‘Western Odisha used to distinguish Koshali culture of Liberation Front (WOLF)’ strongly western Odisha from mainstream Oriya support the movement for separate culture. In addition, the rich cultural Koshal state. Subsequently, in 1992 the heritage and folklore of western Odisha is first ‘Koshal Sammelan’ was held at highlighted to provide a distinct cultural Bolangir to popularise the notion of basis to Koshali nationality. The Koshali regional nationalism. A members of the second ‘Koshal

  International Journal of Academic Research ISSN: 2348-7666; Vol.4, Issue-5(1), May, 2017 Impact Factor: 4.535; Email: [email protected]

Sammelan’ also submitted a also highlights that in India people’s memorandum to the President of India identity basically operates at macro, meso urging him to grant provincial statehood and micro levels. The macro identity to western Odisha on the basis of the operates at the overarching Indian separate Koshali nationality claimed by nation-state level and it represents all- them. The memorandum emphatically India political nationalism; the meso states that the movement for separate identity reflects regional-national Koshal state is not a struggle against identity and it focuses on loyalty to one’s regional imbalance; it is rather a struggle culture, language and homeland; finally, for preservation of Koshali nationality the micro identity embodies local-regional through provincial self-rule within the interests and it emphasises equality and multinational framework of the Indian removal of regional imbalance. nation-state (Koshal Sammelan The case of Odisha further points out Memorandum 1993). In support of their that all forms of nationalism and argument, they referred to the regionalism in multicultural/multi- implementation of the linguistic national countries emerge in the context reorganisation of states which satisfied of identity and equality. In some cases the regional-national aspirations of many people call for equality on the basis of a Indian nationalities. Recently, the pre-existing identity; in some other cases ‘Koshal Sammelan’ is rechristened as a new identity is constructed for equality. ‘Koshal Mahasabha’ and under its In the case of Odisha, both integrative banner the agitation for separate Koshal and alienative processes are at work. The state is going on in some pockets of integrative process operates in terms of western Odisha. Oriya nationalism and mainstream Oriya IX. Conclusion: nationality, while the alienative process operates in terms of crystallisation of The leaders of coastal Odisha, however, parallel regional nationalism. The latter dismiss the Koshal state movement as a is clearly evident from articulation of non-issue raised by a few disgruntled separate Koshali regional nationalism. politicians who have no social or political The alienated group poses potential base in western Odisha. But whatever threats to the unity and integrity of the way one may judge it, the fact remains state. It may, therefore, be realised that a that the mobilisation for Koshal state united Oriya nationality and an poses internal threats to the unity of integrated Odisha state cannot be built Oriya nationality and the integrity of within the multi-national framework of Odisha state. India by perpetuating the dominance of The study of nationalism and regionalism the mainstream coastal region and in the context of Odisha suggests some undermining the importance of the broad generalisations having far-reaching peripheral western region. For one thing, socio-political significance. First of all, the concept of Oriya identity and the the study reveals that in multinational state of Odisha cannot be identified only countries such as India regional with a particular section of Oriyas or a nationalism clearly differs from particular region of Odisha. regionalism and macro-political References: nationalism in both content and goal. It

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