The Truth of Beslan
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The Future of the Caucasus After the Second Chechen War
CEPS Working Document No. 148 The Future of the Caucasus after the Second Chechen War Papers from a Brainstorming Conference held at CEPS 27-28 January 2000 Edited by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci July 2000 A Short Introduction to the Chechen Problem Alexandru Liono1 Abstract The problems surrounding the Chechen conflict are indeed many and difficult to tackle. This paper aims at unveiling some of the mysteries covering the issue of so-called “Islamic fundamentalism” in Chechnya. A comparison of the native Sufi branch of Islam and the imported Wahhaby ideology is made, in order to discover the contradictions and the conflicts that the spreading of the latter inflicted in the Chechen society. Furthermore, the paper investigates the main challenges President Aslan Maskhadov was facing at the beginning of his mandate, and the way he managed to cope with them. The paper does not attempt to cover all the aspects of the Chechen problem; nevertheless, a quick enumeration of other factors influencing the developments in Chechnya in the past three years is made. 1 Research assistant Danish Institute of International Affairs (DUPI) 1 1. Introduction To address the issues of stability in North Caucasus in general and in Chechnya in particular is a difficult task. The factors that have contributed to the start of the first and of the second armed conflicts in Chechnya are indeed many. History, politics, economy, traditions, religion, all of them contributed to a certain extent to the launch of what began as an anti-terrorist operation and became a full scale armed conflict. The narrow framework of this presentation does not allow for an exhaustive analysis of the Russian- Chechen relations and of the permanent tensions that existed there during the known history of that part of North Caucasus. -
An Empire's Fraying Edge? the North Caucasus Instability In
Kolossov.fm Page 202 Wednesday, March 14, 2007 12:18 PM An Empire’s Fraying Edge? The North Caucasus Instability in Contemporary Russian Geopolitical Culture Vladimir Kolossov and Gerard Toal (Gearóid Ó Tuathail)1 Abstract: A Russian and a U.S.-based political geographer explore how geopolitical cultures and traditions function in imagining and discursively framing events in specific regions within a particular state. More specifically, this paper undertakes a focused examination of competing elite storylines in Russian geopolitical culture about the North Caucasus during an eventful year (October 2005–September 2006) that encompassed the large-scale terrorist attack against the city of Nal’chik, the change of leadership in Dagestan, and the assassination of the promi- nent terrorist Shamil Basayev by federal forces. The paper first summarizes Kremlin, left/ Communist, national-patriotic, and liberal “storylines” on the basis of a content analysis of major periodicals representing each of these viewpoints, followed by a survey of the opinions of ordinary citizens in the North Caucasus (n = 2,000) regarding the validity of these storylines. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H11, I31, O18, P30. 7 tables, 66 references. Key words: Russia, North Caucasus, geopolitical culture, geopolitical storylines, critical geopolitics, international terrorism, corruption, criminality, Chechnya, Putin, public opinion, modernization, economic growth, separatism. ritical geopolitics argues that the study of geopolitics requires the study of geopolitical Ccultures and the interlocking networks of power that condition how these cultures oper- ate and function (Ó Tuathail, 2006). Within this nexus, explanations for political instability, such as that characterizing Russia’s North Caucasus region, for example, are primarily dependent on the prevailing power structure at the center of the Russian state and hegemonic ways of representing, narrating, and emplotting the meaning of events, personalities, and processes in the North Caucasus. -
Ingushetia: Building Identity, Overcoming Conflict
INGUSHETIA: BUILDING IDENTITY, OVERCOMING CONFLICT Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin Introduction The Republic of Ingushetia is the smallest in terms of territory of Russia’s republics, and numbers 412,997 inhabitants. 1 It was established on 4 June 1992 as a result of the separation from the dual-nationality Checheno-Ingushetia. A large part of the republic is taken by high mountains, the highest peak is 4451m, and the remaining part has a high population density. Birth rates are high and having six or seven children is common in rural areas. All Ingushetia’s leaders came from a security background. General Ruslan Aushev became the first president, but in 2001 was removed by Moscow and replaced with Murat Zyazikov, who was elected to the presidency in controversial circumstances in May 2002. In October 2008 Zyazikov was dismissed. General Yunus-Bek Yevkurov was nominated by President Medvedev and approved as president by the People’s Assembly of Ingushetia. Ethnic Ingush oligarch in Moscow Mikhail Gutseriyev, co- owner of Russneft, and his relatives are among the richest people in Russia. There is no major industry or budget revenue source in the republic, and it is subsidised by the federal centre. Local opinions perceive the republic’s facilities and infrastructure as backward, although field observation did not confirm this. Roads and public buildings have been constructed, communication systems work and housing is of good standard. Consumer goods are on sale and people appear able to buy them. However, there are fewer municipal buildings, such as social clubs and libraries, and overwhelming dissatisfaction with medical facilities. -
“As If They Fell from the Sky”
“As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-345-5 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org June 2008 1-56432-345-5 “As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Map of Region.................................................................................................................... 1 I. Summary.........................................................................................................................2 II. Recommendations.......................................................................................................... 7 To the Government of the Russian Federation..................................................................7 To Russia’s International Partners .................................................................................. 9 To the Council of Europe................................................................................................. 9 III. Methodology................................................................................................................11 IV. -
Downloaded from the and Teachers to Gather in the School’S Gymna- Internet, Condemning the Hostage Taking
FORUM Between Budennovsk and Beslan Zaindi Choltaev and Michaela Pohl Abstract: This article discusses the hostage tragedy in Beslan (North Ossetia) and its connection to Russia’s war in Chechnya and to Vladimir Putin’s do- mestic policies. The authors argue that Russia is embracing the war on terror, but Russia’s leaders are not really interested in putting an end to the terror. They have not made an effort to find out or tell the truth about its causes, to fight the all-pervasive corruption that is an important factor in all of the lat- est major attacks, nor to find convincing social and political solutions in Chechnya. The current initiatives leave society with lies and terromania and strengthen those who profit from a continuation of the war on terror and the war in Chechnya. Keywords: Beslan (North Ossetia), Chechen-Russian conflict, Chechnya, Vladimir Putin, Russia Statements to the effect that Beslan “became a 300,000) is as if in France one were faced with day of reckoning, which henceforth will di- a range of 6 to 20 million corpses (Glucks- vide the country’s modern history into ‘before mann 2003). The emphasis on Beslan as an ex- Beslan’ and ‘after Beslan’” (Kots 2004), or that traordinarily shocking event also shrouds its it was a ‘cataclysmic event’, comparable only connection to a long string of acts of terror in to September 11 or the collapse of the Soviet Russia, which have taken more than a thou- Union (Straus 2004), obscure one of the most sand lives since Shamil Basaev’s seizure of a devastating episodes in Europe’s recent his- hospital in Budennovsk in 1995. -
“Frozen Conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (Ed.)
“Frozen conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (ed.) “Frozen conflicts” in Europe Barbara Budrich Publishers Opladen • Berlin • Toronto 2015 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-3-8474-0428-6. More information about the initiative and links to the Open Access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org © 2015 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0. (CC- BY-SA 4.0) It permits use, duplication, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you share under the same license, give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ © 2015 Dieses Werk ist beim Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH erschienen und steht unter der Creative Commons Lizenz Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0): https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Diese Lizenz erlaubt die Verbreitung, Speicherung, Vervielfältigung und Bearbeitung bei Verwendung der gleichen CC-BY-SA 4.0-Lizenz und unter Angabe der UrheberInnen, Rechte, Änderungen und verwendeten Lizenz. This book is available as a free download from www.barbara-budrich.net (https://doi.org/10.3224/84740133). A paperback version is available at a charge. The page numbers of the open access edition correspond with the paperback edition. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Conflict and Reconciliation in Prigorodny Region
Przegląd Strategiczny 2017, nr 10 Lasha MARKOZASHVILI DOI : 10.14746/ps.2017.1.6 Free University of Tbilisi Tinatini DVALISHVILI Ilia State University, Tbilisi CONFLICT AND RECONCILIATION IN PRIGORODNY REGION The Prigorodny conflict is one among many other ethnic disputes held in the Caucasus region after the dismantling of the Soviet Union. Even though the conflict itself could be classified as a small-scale clash, the outcomes have had an immense impact on the overall dynamics of the regional development. The outburst of the conflict was in the early 90s. The armed confrontation among the Ossetians and the Ingush was accom- panied by the passive involvement of the Russian Federation. Almost three decades have passed since the formal ceasefire. However, the people still struggle to reach a settlement for peaceful cohabitation. The reasons for this partial deadlock are politi- cal and cultural. From the political perspective, the Russian Federation plays a crucial role. While being a recognized negotiator between the conflicting parties, Moscow has remained a supporter of the Ossetian side. This condition has been a real obstacle in the peace talks. The Ingush felt that they were left alone on the negotiating table. The cultural obstacles of the reconciliation largely derive from the religious and eth- nic identification of the people. If the religious factors (Orthodox Ossetians versus Muslim Ingush) come from the Tsarist Russia, the ethnic identification is a product of the Soviet policies, which labeled the nations as reliable or unreliable (Sokirianskaia, 2005/2006: 6). This article tries to present a concise overview of the three-stages of relations among the Ossetians and the Ingush: (1) pre-conflict, (2) conflict and (3) post-conflict. -
State-Building and Political Integration in Chechnya and Ingushetia
Governing Fragmented Societies: State-Building and Political Integration in Chechnya and Ingushetia (1991-2009) Ekaterina Sokirianskaia Political Science Department, Central European University In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Budapest, Hungary 2009 I confirm that the thesis contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions This thesis contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, unless otherwise noted ii Abstract My dissertation analyzes state-building and political integration in the two North Caucasian Republics of Ingushetia and Chechnya. The study is to a large extent designed as a reaction to the mainstream claim that the degree of national consolidation and stability of these North Caucasian regimes are primarily a result of clan politics, i.e. political process where the main actors are pre-existing kin-based identity organizations. The task of this research was thus to assess the relative role of informal social structures in projects aimed at establishing and consolidating indigenous political units in the North Caucasus and to identify the principal internal reasons for the outcomes of these projects. On the basis of long-term participant observation, interviews with experts, analysis of historical data and modern political processes this thesis argues that clans (teips) have seized to be patterns of political integration of any prominence in Ingushetia and Chechnya. As a result of demographic growth and social change brought about by colonization, Soviet modernization and frequent forced and voluntary resettlements, they lost their organizational structure and are incapable to mobilize members for action. Five case studies show that although certain traditional institutions and practices still play an important role in the society, state-building is determined by struggle for power between socially heterogeneous groups that are driven by ideologies, programs, economic or military interests, and can be based on strong or weak ties. -
“As If They Fell from the Sky” RIGHTS Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia WATCH
Russia HUMAN “As If They Fell From the Sky” RIGHTS Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia WATCH “As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-345-5 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org June 2008 1-56432-345-5 “As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Map of Region.................................................................................................................... 1 I. Summary.........................................................................................................................2 II. Recommendations.......................................................................................................... 7 To the Government of the Russian Federation..................................................................7 To Russia’s International Partners ................................................................................. -
Nova Science Publishers, Inc
Nova Science Publishers, Inc. Art Director: Christopher Concannon Graphics: Elenor Kallberg and Maria Ester Hawrys Book Production: Michael Lyons, Roseann Pena, Casey Pfalzer, June Martino, Tammy Sauter, and Michelle Lalo Circulation: Irene Kwartiroff, Annette Hellinger, and Benjamin Fung Library of Congress CataloginginPublication Data Vachnadze, Georgii Nikolaevich Russia’s hotbeds of tension / George N. Vachnadze p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1560721413: $59.00 1. Russia (Federation)—Ethnic relations. 2. RegionalismRussia (Federation). 3. Russia (Federation)Politics and government — 1991 I. Title. DK510.33.V33 1993 9321645 305.8’00947~dc20 CIP © 1994 Nova Science Publishers, Inc. 6080 Jericho Turnpike, Suite 207 Commack, New York 11725 Tele. 5164993103 Fax 5164993146 EMail [email protected] All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: elec tronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without permission from the publishers. Printed in the United States of America TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Russia to follow the path of the USSR 1 PART ONE REGIONS THREATEN MOSCOW WITH DIVORCE URALS. Nuclear Discharges in Kyshtym Equals 24 Chernobyl Accidents 13 SIBERIA. Petrodollars Prolonged the Agony of Communism for 30 Years 25 RUSSIAN NORTH. Genocide: From Stalinist Camps to Nuclear Dumps and Testing Ranges 50 FAR EAST. In One Boat with the Japanese, Koreans, Chinese and Americans 66 PART TWO REPUBLICS WITH LITTLE IN COMMON WITH ORTHODOX CHURCH LEGACY OF COMMUNISTS AND GOLDEN HORDE BASHKORTOSTAN. Overwhelming Catastrophes 77 BURYATIA. Buddhism Revived 84 CHUVASHIA. Famous Dark Beer 90 KARELIA. Ruined Part of Finland 91 KOMI. -
Ethnic Disintegration and the Dissolution of the USSR
Вестник СПбГУ. История. 2020. Т. 65. Вып. 3 Ethnic Disintegration and the Dissolution of the USSR A. S. Puchenkov For citation: Puchenkov A. S. Ethnic Disintegration and the Dissolution of the USSR. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History, 2020, vol. 65, issue 3, рp. 826–841. https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.308 An immense role in the collapse of the USSR was played by a whole array of factors: the public being tired of the Communist project; the massive shortages of consumer goods, which made people hate the government; the growing opposition within the Communist party to Gor- bachev’s reforms; the hesitation of the General Secretary who tried to rely in turn either on the right or on the left wing; the drastic fall in the living standards. The crucial role, however, was played by “the parade of sovereignties” and the Centre being too late in its attempts to address the national question. By the autumn of 1990, the President’s close associates started to sense that power was slipping from Gorbachev’s hands; with the fellow countrymen staying remarkably indifferent, the Soviet Union was heading towards dissolution as the ambitions of local party leaders in the constituent republics generated and cannily magnified nationalist and separatist trends. Gorbachev kept up his maneuver strategy, which put him on the verge of resignation in the spring of 1991 when his support was minimal. He seemed, though, to have managed to pull out of this dive thanks to the Soviet Union referendum held on March 17, in which the voters were asked if they considered the preservation of the USSR necessary.