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Rethinking the Global and the National Reflections on National Imaginations in Taiwan

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Rethinking the Global and the National Reflections on National Imaginations in Taiwan 06 Wang (jr/d) 28/7/00 1:02 pm Page 93 Rethinking the Global and the National Reflections on National Imaginations in Taiwan Horng-luen Wang As I have suggested, ‘nation’ and ‘nationalism’ are no longer adequate terms to describe, let alone to analyse, the political entities described as such, or even the sentiments once described by these words. It is not impossible that nationalism will decline with the decline of the nation-state . the phenom- enon is past its peak. The owl of Minerva which brings wisdom, said Hegel, flies out at dusk. It is a good sign that it is now circling round nations and nationalism. (Hobsbawm, 1990: 182–3) Introduction: The Tension Between Globalization and Nation/Nation-State N THE concluding chapter of his now classic Nations and Nationalism Since 1780, Eric J. Hobsbawm made a rather bold prediction about the Idecline of nation-states, as he argued that nations and nationalism are becoming irrelevant to ‘the new supranational restructuring of the globe’ (Hobsbawm, 1990: 182). Indeed, Hobsbawm is not alone in making such a prediction. Scholars and analysts across a wide spectrum of disciplines have been quick to cast doubt upon the future of nations and nation-states. While some posit that the nation-state is ‘losing control’ of its territoriality (Sassen, 1996) and is limping ‘on its last legs’ (Appadurai, 1996: 19), others go even further to argue that globalization may eventually lead to the hollowing-out (Jessop, 1994), the decline (Held, 1990) or even the end (Ohmae, 1995), of nations and/or nation-states. In that light, this article explores the interplay between globalization and national imaginations in contemporary Taiwan. If nations are indeed Ⅲ Theory, Culture & Society 2000 (SAGE, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi), Vol. 17(4): 93–117 [0263-2764(200008)17:4;93–117;013704] 06 Wang (jr/d) 28/7/00 1:02 pm Page 94 94 Theory, Culture & Society 17(4) ‘imagined communities’, as Benedict Anderson (1983) has famously put it, then the nation in Taiwan is perhaps more ‘imagined’ than others in the world. There are two reasons for this. On the one hand, the official ‘Republic of China’ (ROC) nation on Taiwan, maintained by its ruling KMT state (Kuo- mintang, literally ‘Nationalist Party’), is rarely recognized by other nations and hence can be said to be fictitious.1 On the other hand, the contending ‘Republic of Taiwan’ advocated by nationalists of the Taiwan Independence (TI hereafter) movement has not yet come into existence. Even for pro-unifi- cation fundamentalists who are so ready to side with the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan is not yet a part of their imagined unified China.2 In this sense, the ‘nation’ in Taiwan remains primarily a matter of ‘imagination’, regardless of which ‘nation’ is being envisioned.3 The aim of this article is to investigate how different factors of globalization have affected the way cul- tural and political elites in Taiwan imagine their nation, and how, in turn, their national imaginations affect Taiwan’s involvement in globalization. While the tension between globalization and nation/nation-state is an ongoing phenomenon and remains an unsettled issue,4 this article presents Taiwan as a counter-example that contradicts the speculation that nation- states and nationalism are in general losing their significance due to the impacts of globalization. Indeed, recent changes in Taiwan have made it an intriguing case where the tension between globalization and nation/nation- state can be critically examined. Ever since the lifting of Martial Law in 1987, two major forces have been shaping subsequent development of Taiwanese society. First, there is the escalation of the politics of national identity surrounding the question as to whether Taiwan should become (or remain) an independent (nation-)state, or should be ‘unified’ with China in the future. Second, the 1990s have witnessed simultaneous waves of inter- nationalization (guojihua) and globalization (quanqiuhua) in the social, cultural and economic spheres. The general argument of the article main- tains that globalization in this case has promoted rather than impeded the craving for nationhood and nation-stateness. What is more, globalization in certain contexts has been strategically incorporated into the nation-building process. ‘The global’ and ‘the national’ need not be two dichotomous, con- flicting categories; instead, their relationships have to be reconceptualized. Before analyzing such a case, however, some qualifications have to be made regarding the two messy concepts, ‘nationalism’ and ‘globalization’. Nationalism itself has been conceptualized in a variety of ways. Rogers Brubaker (1996) has usefully distinguished between polity-seeking and polity-based nationalisms that are usually at odds with each other. My dis- cussions in the following cover both kinds of nationalisms – namely, the polity-seeking TI nationalism and the polity-based Chinese nationalism of the KMT state. However, since the state of Taiwan is virtually de-recognized by other nation-states, the two supposedly conflicting nationalisms converge from time to time in their pursuit of Taiwan’s nationhood. Under these circumstances, national imaginations have become inseparable from sover- eignty of Taiwan’s state.5 06 Wang (jr/d) 28/7/00 1:02 pm Page 95 Wang – National Imaginations in Taiwan 95 Meanwhile, globalization also comes in different flavors with different implications. To avoid conceiving of globalization as a homogeneous, all-in- one package of world-historical development, we need to unpack some of the different aspects of the globalization concept. Arjun Appadurai (1996) has proposed five ‘scapes’ to conceive of global cultural flows, namely, ethnoscapes, technoscapes, finanscapes, mediascapes and ideoscapes. Simi- larly, in analyzing the impacts of globalization upon nation-states, David Held (1990) has also brought up four ‘disjunctures’ between the power of the nation-state and global structures: the world economy, hegemonic powers and power blocs, international organizations, and international law. Synthesizing their frameworks, among others, I will examine Taiwan along the following four dimensions: (1) flows of people, (2) flows of culture, (3) flows of capital and economic globalization, and (4) international organiz- ations and institutions. The following discussions will address each of these four dimensions. Flows of People Flows of people, characterized by Lash and Urry (1994) as ‘mobile subjects’ of the postmodern era, include large-scale movements of migrants, refugees/exiles, tourists, overseas students and transnational elites (such as professional/managerial strata and intelligentsia who travel across national borders regularly and frequently). It is often held that transnational flows of people have diversified the ethnic and cultural composition of society, ‘thus shattering the illusion of homogeneity and closure on which the modern nation, as imagined community, was founded’ (Comaroff, 1994, not pagi- nated). However, if we consider the people flows of ‘export countries’ such as Taiwan, the story may develop quite differently. In Taiwan, flows of people are a newly emerging phenomenon of par- ticular significance. According to the Ministry of the Interior, from 1990 to 1996 the number of emigrants from Taiwan has increased more than four- fold, from 25,500 to 119,100 , of which the majority consists of middle-class businesspersons, investors and professionals. These emigrants, however, do not leave their homeland for good. On the contrary, no matter where they settle, a majority of them continue to be integral members of the society from which they originated.6 Although the absolute number of migrants is not exceptionally large, previous studies have pointed out that Taiwan is becom- ing one of the major exporters of emigrants in the world, while emigration has become a public concern in Taiwanese society (see Tseng, 1998). The same holds true for overseas students and, above all, tourists. In 1991, the total of outbound travelers from Taiwan reached 3.36 million, equal to one- sixth of the entire population. This ratio, exceeding that of Japan for the first time, was then ranked number one in the world. The following year, the ratio jumped to one-fifth, hailed by Taiwanese journalism as another title of ‘World’s No. 1’. As these statistics indicate, Taiwan’s population is traveling across national boundaries regularly and frequently, and this proportion is still 06 Wang (jr/d) 28/7/00 1:02 pm Page 96 96 Theory, Culture & Society 17(4) growing rapidly. More importantly, most of the political and cultural elites – the social stratum that is most likely to participate in the construction/con- testation of national identity – has had transnational experiences (e.g. having lived or studied abroad for a considerable length of time, or having dealt with transnational institutions on a regular basis, etc.). These transnational experiences, in turn, are of particular importance in shaping and trans- forming one’s national identity. As the ‘cultural contents’ of transnational experiences will be examined in the next section, my discussion here will focus on three points: the question pertaining to citizenship and nationality, the national imagination based on the hyper-mobility of the people, and the role of diasporic communities in the nationalist movement. First, as Taiwanese people interact with people from other parts of the world more intensely, citizenship and nationality are becoming more and more problematized, but only to the extent that a new quest for an emerging national identity is growing and spreading. In the public sphere, more and more people complain about discrimination in foreign countries due to having an unrecognized passport, or due to being misidentified as PRC citi- zens. Troubles concerning visas and travel documents are most often ridiculed when people talk about Taiwan’s awkward international status and dubious national identifications. For instance, a popular writer, Kuling, wrote a sarcastic comment in the newspaper: If you have a chance to go abroad, you will know that Taiwan’s [national] status has never been ‘gradually established.’ Most nations do not even issue visas to us [directly].
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