ABSTRACT

REENVISIONING : A CRITIQUE OF POPULISM AND NEO-LIBERALISM IN MODERN CITY PLANNING

This thesis analyzes two models of government in , populist and neo-liberal, and how their policies are translated into urban planning. I examine the urban planning polices of Beirut since 1977, and analyze their evolution from a populist model to neo-liberal model of planning. In addition to an extensive literature review, on these two models I compared other cities that utilize a populist or neo-liberal form of urban planning. The urban plans for downtown Beirut, APUR (1977) and Soilidere (1992), are examined and used to question downtown Beirut’s urban planning. The intent of this study is to propose alternative ideas to the current urban plans for the city. This analysis highlights discussion on Beirut’s urban design. Is it well structured or should further planning have been done? In addition, it underscores the importance of basing urban design on traditional foundations for a city known as the “ of the .”

Nicole Kamal Tannous December 2015

REENVISIONING BEIRUT: A CRITIQUE OF POPULISM AND NEO-LIBERALISM IN MODERN CITY PLANNING

by Nicole Kamal Tannous

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art in the College of Arts and Humanities California State University, Fresno December 2015

© 2015 Nicole Kamal Tannous APPROVED For the Department of Art and Design:

We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the university and the student's graduate degree program for the awarding of the master's degree.

Nicole Kamal Tannous Thesis Author

Andrew Anker (Chair) Department of Design California State University, Sacramento

Laura Meyer Art and Design

For the University Graduate Committee:

Dean, Division of Graduate Studies AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS

I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in its entirety without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of authorship.

X Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must be obtained from me.

Signature of thesis author: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my committee members Dr. Andrew Anker, my committee chair, and Dr. Laura Meyer for their guidance through my graduate work. I would also like to thank other faculty members and professionals, Dr. A. Sameh El Kharbawy, Silvan Polgar, Richard McQuone for their advice and support. Furthermore, I would like to thank Nayla Abu Aziz, Nabil Rached, Zoujeir Samir Berjawi, Raja Alameddine from ; Khaldoun Nasreddine and Carine Lteif, Professors at American University of Beirut, Sami Feghali from the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR); Maud Charasson from Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme (APUR); Rafic Bizri, President of the Hariri Foundation; and Fatima El Baba, urban planner in Beirut; for providing me with urban plans, documents for downtown Beirut or who to contact. Finally, I would like to thank my family here and in Lebanon for their continued support, patience, love, picking up documents and taking me from one meeting to another; without you this could have not been possible. A special thanks to my grandfather Youseff, whose words of wisdom played a big role in pursuing my graduate degree. Shoukran ya jhede ala kilche. Also to a dear friend who stuck with me the last eight years through my undergraduate and graduate degrees and whose patience, words of wisdom and encouragement meant more to me more than they know. Without you this dream and thesis wouldn’t have come true. Thank you. Lastly to my friends for their moral support and understanding while I completed my study. No words can express my appreciation for everyone who helped me in completing this thesis. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

LIST OF FIGURES ...... viii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 CHAPTER 2: WHAT ARE POPULISM AND NEO-LIBERALISM? A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 5

What is Populism? ...... 5

Populism’s Historical Background ...... 7

The Rise of Populism in Lebanon ...... 12

What is Neo-Liberalism? ...... 15

Neo-Liberalism Historical Background ...... 18

The Rise of Neo-Liberalism in Lebanon ...... 24 CHAPTER 3: POPULIST AND NEO-LIBERAL MODELS OF GOVERNMENTS IN LEBANON: FU’AD CHEHAB, AND ...... 27

Fu’ad Chehab’s Government and Its Policies ...... 27

Fu’ad Chehab and Urban Planning ...... 31

Elias Sarkis’s Government and Policy ...... 34

Sarkis and Urban Planning ...... 39

Rafic Hariri’s Government and His Polices ...... 41

How Planning Polices Translated Into Policy...... 47

CHAPTER 4: LEBANON AND URBAN PLANNING ...... 52

Urban of Beirut ...... 52

Fu’ad Chehab and IRFED ...... 57

Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme ...... 60 Société libanaise pour le développement et la reconstruction de Beyrouth (Solidere) Urban Planning Schéma ...... 71 vii vii Page

CHAPTER 5: POPULIST AND NEO-LIBERAL URBAN PLANNING: A CITY ANALYSIS ...... 92

Defining Populist Urban Planning ...... 92

Other Cities That Are Designed Similar to APUR ...... 93

Defining Neo-Liberal Urban Planning ...... 98

Other Cities That Are Designed Similarly to Solidere’s Plan ...... 99

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION ...... 104

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 108

APPENDICES ...... 122

APPENDIX A: THE CASE STUDY OF DOWNTOWN BEIRUT ...... 123

APPENDIX B: LEGISLATIVE DECREE NO. 5 ...... 132

APPENDIX C: DECREE NO. 1163 ...... 143

APPENDIX D: APUR RELEASE FORMS ...... 151

LIST OF FIGURES

Page

Figure 1: Ministry of Planning Organization Chart, 1926 ...... 32

Figure 2: Programming of 1964 ...... 34

Figure 3: Map of Beirut, 1841...... 53

Figure 4: Place de l’Etoile plan...... 56

Figure 5: Downtown Beirut Urban Footprint, 1960 ...... 58

Figure 6: Estimation des destructions (Estimation of Destruction)...... 62

Figure 7: Synthèse de l’état du bâti (Synthesis of the State of the Buildings) ...... 63

Figure 8: Schéma d’aménagement (General Plan) ...... 66

Figure 9: Downtown Beirut Following the Civil War, 1993 ...... 71

Figure 10: BCD Plan of Divided Sectors...... 78

Figure 11: Sector Plan A ...... 79

Figure 12: Sector Plan B ...... 81

Figure 13: Sector Plan C ...... 82

Figure 14: Sector Plan D ...... 83

Figure 15: Sector Plan E...... 84

Figure 16: Sector Plan F ...... 85

Figure 17: Sector Plan G ...... 87

Figure 18: Sector Plan H ...... 88

Figure 19: Sector Plan I ...... 89

Figure 20: Sector Plan J ...... 90

Figure 21: Focus Area: Sahat Al Shouhada ...... 126

Figure 22: Sahat Al Shouhada 1960s...... 127

Figure 23: Sahat Al Shouhada April 2011 ...... 128

Figure 24: Legislative Decree No 5. 1977 ...... 142 ix ix Page

Figure 25: Legislative Decree No 1136 dated April 15th, 1978 ...... 150

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Lebanon sits along a long plain along the edge of the , with mountain ranges more than 2,500 meters in height. Beirut is built on a plateau that projects nine kilometers into the Mediterranean Sea. It is a country with a unique heritage that brings together Eastern and Western cultures. The Phoenicians were the first to settle in Lebanon, leaving a distinct mark upon the country, followed by the influence of both the Ottoman and French cultures. This left behind distinctive influences on the country’s urban fabric, its people, and its history. I am writing this thesis from a unique perspective, being a first generation Lebanese American in my family. I was brought up in a house where we speak , watch Arabic television, eat Lebanese cuisine, and where Lebanese traditions and culture are part of our daily life. Very few Lebanese Americans in my generation understand their roots, speak the dialect, or know about Lebanon’s history. I have always been fascinated by my heritage and where I come from, especially since my parents and their friends always spoke about Lebanon and how it is portrayed as “Paris of the Middle East.” I have always wanted to know more about where I came from and how the city evolved after the civil war. I first researched the urban history of Beirut, and then I came across a shift in government models and two urban plans for downtown Beirut, one that was proposed in 1977 and approved and the current urban plans today. After looking into the different Lebanese administrations, I realized that one favored a populist model of government and the other favored a neo-liberal model of government. Furthermore, these two models of government were reflected in the urban planning of the city. I studied two specific urban plans, the Atelier Parisien 2 2 d’Urbanisme (APUR) 1977 Plan, and the Société libanaise pour le développement et la reconstruction de Beyrouth (The Lebanese Company for the Development and Reconstruction of Beirut, Solidere) 1994 Plan. The APUR plan reflects a populist model of urban planning and the Solidere plan reflects a neo-liberal model for planning. Before the (pre-1975), Beirut was designed around a populist model- a city for everyone. This meant there were public spaces for everyone to meet, creating an environment that was inclusive and provided equal treatment for all social classes. Citizens coexisted in the city center and didn’t see religion or social status as an issue. Now it’s designed around a neo-liberal model, meaning that the state is not involved in the planning; it is privatized, exclusive, and encourages foreign investments and caters to the elite. After my primary research, I concluded that there were two models of government and that their policies were reflected in the urban design of the city center. I focused on the administrations of president Fu’ad Chehab (1958-1964), president Elias Sarkis (1976-1982), and the late Prime Minister Rafic Hariri (1992-1998 and 2000-2004), whose administrations were clearly at odds with one another. Chehab and Sarkis were populist leaders and Hariri was a neo-liberal leader. Chapter 2 defines populism and neo-liberalism and their historical background. To understand populism and neo-liberalism in Lebanon, I discuss how populism and neo-liberalism developed in other nations. The chapter concludes by providing an insight into the emergence of populism and neo- liberalism in Lebanon. Chapter 3 examines three administrations that utilized populist and neo- liberal models, the policies they established, and how their policies were translated 3 3 into urban planning. Fu’ad Chehab was the first president to model his administration around a populist model. He wanted a corruption- free government, to provide public services to all citizens, and improve urban conditions. Elias Sarkis was Chehab’s protégé as a populist leader. In the midst of the civil war cease-fire, Sarkis attempted to reconcile his government and established a new department to handle and oversee the reconstruction efforts in downtown Beirut. The last section examines a shift in administrations, from a populist government model to a neo-liberal government model. Upon taking office, Prime Minister Hariri’s administration was centered on business and privatization, which is demonstrated in the urban design of the city center. Chapter 4 focuses on the urban development of downtown Beirut and summarizes the APUR and Solidere urban plans. The first section focuses on the urban development of the city center, from Ottoman rule (1516-1918) to the French Mandate (1920-1946) era. The following section looks at the study commissioned by Fu’ad Chehab to assess the country and city center. The next section focuses on the surveys and urban plans produced by the APUR. The surveys document the city center’s damage and reconstruction proposals. Finally, I discuss the current urban plans produced by Solidere. In chapter 5, I develop a working definition for populist and neo-liberal urban planning. I also compare other cities that were designed around a populist and neo-liberal model of urban planning. The goal of this thesis is to call into question the current urban plans of downtown Beirut produced by Solidere. In the case of the three governments studied, two focused on providing for the people; the other focused on business and privatization and these differences are evident in how their policies were translated into the urban planning. The study of other cities plans revealed how 4 4 similar they were to those of APUR and Solidere, and how they have helped these cities achieve their planning goals. This analysis shows how populism focused on all city citizens where neo-liberalism cities catered to the city’s elites and wealth.

CHAPTER 2: WHAT ARE POPULISM AND NEO-LIBERALISM? A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

This chapter provides definitions and historical background on populism and neo-liberalism, and identifies when populism and neo-liberalism emerged in Lebanon.

What is Populism? Populism may be difficult to define. It is frequently viewed as a political doctrine that sides “with the people,” fighting against the elites, or as a feature of representative politics. However, there is no clear definition of populism. For example, in America populism has a different meaning than in Latin America. For the purpose of this study, populism is defined as a broad coalition spanning all social classes, races and religions. Populism responds to the social transformation that occurs in economic modernization. It mobilizes people as individuals rather than members of a group, against a state that is believed to be controlled by a vested interest.1 Furthermore, populism supports the preferences of the ordinary people.2 Yves Mény and Yves Surel call populism an “empty shell which can be filled and made meaningful by whatever is poured into it,”3 meaning that populism conforms to a leader’s platform. Taggart states, “populism is

1 Scott, John, and Gordon Marshall. “Populism.” In A Dictionary of Sociology. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780199533008.001.0001/acref- 9780199533008-e-1756.

2 McLean, Iain, and Alistair McMillan. “Populism.” In The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/ 9780199207800.001.0001/acref-9780199207800-e-1050.

3 Mény, Yves, and Yves Surel. “The Constitutive Ambiguity of Populism.” In Democracies and the Populist Challenge. New York: Palgrave, 2002, 6. 6 6 chameleonic […] another way of expressing a simple statement that populism is neither the preserve of the left or the right.”4 However, Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell define populism as “an ideology which pits a virtuous and homogenous people against a set of elites and dangerous ‘others’ who are together depicted as depriving (or attempting to deprive) the sovereign people of their rights, values, prosperity, identity and voice.”5 This definition deliberately evades considering populism as a basis for economic and social platform, but as a means for identifying issues and electorates. Ernesto Laclau writes that “‘populism’ intends to grasp something crucially significant about the political and ideological realities to which it refers.”6 Therefore, Laclau implies that populism could be defined as a comprehensive definition. Populism doesn’t refer to a specific ideology, but rather to the way a populist leader comes into power. A populist leader develops a relationship with “the people,” giving them a political agency or affecting a reform that the constituency will benefit from.7 Instead of viewing populism as an ideology, it is seen as a representation for a style of politics. Populist movements are connected

4 Taggart, Paul. “The Populist Turn in the Politics of the New Europe.” Paper prepared for the presentation at the 8th Biannual International Conference of the European Union Studies Association conference, Nashville, Tennessee, March 9-27, 2003, 14.

5 Albertazzi, Daniele, and Duncan McDonnell. “Introduction: The Sceptre and the Spectre.” Chap. 1 In Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy, 1-11. New York Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, 3.

6 Laclau, Ernesto. On Populist Reason. : Verso, 2005, 3.

7 Greenfield, Rebecca. “Populism and Liberal Democracies: Why Palin’s Populism Won’t Work.” CUREJ- College Undergraduate Research Electronic Research (2010): 9. Accessed September 8, 2013. http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/119. 7 7 by the way a leader relates to “the people,” and how he/she came into power and operates. The inability to apply specific political leanings to populist administrations also makes it difficult to define populism. Populism could be summed up as a claim for equal political rights, universal participation for “the people,” a denial of class consciousness and the importance of the rights of the common people over those of the elite.

Populism’s Historical Background Populism has a different historical background in different regions of the world. According to Harry Boyte, “populist movements are culturally based, not structurally based.”8 Populism not only challenges the elite but the culturally uprooted individual.9 According to Christa Deiwiks, populism emerges when social order breaks down and there is a loss of confidence in the government’s ability to restore itself.10 Social disruptions are a result of economic crisis. Social constrictions are not solely American but worldwide and trace back to the industrial revolution.11 As economic organizations developed throughout the Western Hemisphere, factories and corporations became more centralized and more political. The People’s Party was created as a result of the National Farmers Alliance from 1877 to 1892 in the American Midwest.12

8 Boyte, Harry C. “Populism—Bringing Culture Back In.” The Good Society 21, no. 2 (2012): 300-19. http://muse.jhu.edu/. 300.

9 Ibid.

10 Deiwiks, Christa. “Populism,” Living Reviews in Democracy 1 (2009), 3.

11 Goodwyn, Lawrence. “Introduction,” In The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America USA: Oxford University Press, 1978. http://www.celdf.org/downloads/ Populist%20Moment%20-%20Introduction.pdf. 4.

12 Ibid., 9. 8 8

Before the nineteenth century, anti-government movements, egalitarianism and anti-elitism were populist themes that played a crucial part in American politics.13 For example, American Populism was frequently consistent with contemporary American culture. It centered on the notion of it being a Farmers’ Alliance, based in the Midwest.14 During the 1880s and 1890s, farmers were facing a series of financial setbacks due to being locked into an agricultural market. As a result, farmers fought back, placing the blame on commerce, the nation’s credit institutions and transportation. In 1881, Farmers sought relief by forming the People’s Party. The People’s Party was a classic populist movement. Its goals concerned, “national ownership of railroads, reduced inflation, and the general enhancement and advancement of popular referendums as a political institution.”15 In 1892, the People’s Party challenged the corporate state. Populists enlisted black sharecroppers and the urban working class. Their goal was to “bring the corporate state under popular control.”16 The party pressed for “reform of the nation’s financial and transportation system.”17 Lawrence Goodwyn claims that the “nation’s agriculturalists had worried and grumbled about ‘the new rules of commerce’ ever since the prosperity that accompanied the Civil War had turned into widespread distress soon after the war ended.”18

13 Deiwiks, “Populism,” 6

14 McMath, Robert C. American Populism: A Social History 1877-1898. New York: Hill and Wang, 1993. 5

15 Deiwiks, “Populism,” 6

16 Goodwyn, “Introduction,” 10

17 McMath, American Populism, 10. 18 Goodwyn, “Introduction,” 1. 9 9

Senator William Alfred Peffer of Kansas wrote that the “Populist Party is an organized demand that the Functions of government shall be exercised only for the mutual benefit of all the people.”19 It became the populist mission to establish a value for their crops. In place of money for wheat, silver or aluminum, paper would be used as remuneration. In this case, “value resides in the property dealt in, and not necessarily in the money pieces which pay for it.”20 Furthermore, the populist mission demanded interest rates be reduced. Margaret Canovan writes in Populism that the “populist movement in the USA was not only a farmers’ agrarian movement but also had ‘a prominent political aspect as a grass-root revolt against the elite or plutocrats, politicians and experts’ inspired by Jacksonian democracy.”21 Populism in America was a platform for other democratic movements, including the cultural works movement in the 1930s, and in the 1960s for the black freedom movement.22 As Boyte claims, the black freedom movement used “populist” as a “self-description.”23 In the 1960s, populism became the central theme in American politics. Alan Ware writes that when the presidential nominations process was transformed, giving candidates the power, it moved away from being controlled by party elites, resulting in “candidate-centered politics to become important.”24 In order to

19 Peffer, William Alfred. “The Mission of the Populist Party.” The North American Review 157, no. 445 (1893): 665-78. doi:10.2307/25103240, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25103240. 665.

20 Ibid., 669.

21 Canovan, Margaret. Populism. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich 1981, 58. 22 Boyte, Harry C. “Introduction: Reclaiming Populism as a Different Kind of Politics.” The Good Society 21, no. 2 (2012): 173-76. http://muse.jhu.edu/. 173.

23 Ibid.

24 Ware, Alan. “The : Populism as Political Strategy.” Chap. 6 In Democracies and the Populist Challenge, edited by Yves Mény and Yves Surel, 101-19. New York: Palgrave 2002. 10 10 appeal to the common people the populist message was simple and straightforward. Populist leaders maintain their relationship with the people, not because they remain one of the people, but because their visions and qualities enabled them to become ‘the peoples’ savior.25 Some notable populist movements in Latin America took place in , Brazil, Venezuela, Mexico and Peru. Paul Cammack claims that populism does not only take into account the “appeal to the people” but the specific character, time and place in Latin America.26 Specific Latin American regimes have been analyzed in a historical context based on their structure and/or political economy, their institutions, their populist discourse, and the appeal it had for “the people.” Populism emerged when there was a social crisis. This allowed potential leaders to fashion their platforms around the issues at hand, making populism a political strategy. It was then viewed as a, “set of practices not connected to any such idea of crisis.”27 Furthermore, populist movements differed from place to place and time-to-time based on capitalist buildup and class politics. According the Kurt Weyland, the Latin American populist movement was a multi-class movement for the working class.28 This was evident in Argentina. Juan Perón, the former president of Argentina, was the leader of political and social change.29 Perón established his presidency by using the new urban

25 Albertazzi, Daniele, and Duncan McDonnell. “Introduction: The Sceptre and the Spectre,” 5.

26 Cammack, Paul. “The Resurgence of Populism in Latin America.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 19, no. 2 (2000): 149-61. doi:10.2307/3339425, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3339425. 150.

27 Weyland, Kurt. “Neopopulism and Neoliberalism in Latin America: Unexpected Affinities.” Studies in Comparative International Development 31, no. 3 (Fall 1996), 5.

28 Weyland, Kurt. “Clarifying a Contested Concept: Populism in the Study of Latin American Politics.” Comparative Politics 34, no. 1 (2001): 1-22. doi:10.2307/422412, http://www.jstor.org/stable/ 422412. 11 11 working class as his power base. Under Perón’s presidency, new institutions were implemented while “shaping political forces from within the state.”30 Prior to becoming president, Perón was a minster of labor and improved the quality of workers’ lives. In return, Perón was able to gain their loyalty. Growing up in an immigrant middle-class family, Perón was able to understand the realities of Argentina and its rural poverty. Perón intervened in strikes and made decisions that were in favor of the workers, taking money from business owners and other capitalist interests and placing them into the hands of the workers. Furthermore, Perón was able to make working an honorable occupation. According to Daniel James, “In an important sense the working class was constituted by Perón: its self-identification as a social and political force within national society was, in part at least, constructed by Peronist political discourse.”31 Perón’s success in appealing to the people was his ability to communicate with them and his being cognizant of their problems. As president, Perón improved workers’ wages and their working conditions, granted women the right to vote and nationalized public services. There are many views on what made Perón successful. Joseph Kahl viewed Perón’s success as “the particular quality of Peronism was linked to cultural habits of recent rural migrants to the city who needed a personalistic and charismatic

29 Berhó, Deborah L. “Working Politics: Juan Domingo Perón's Creation of Positive Social Identity.” Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature 54, no. 2 (2000): 65-76, 65.

30 Cammack, Paul. “The Resurgence of Populism in Latin America,” 156.

31 James, Daniel. Resistance and Integration: Peronism and the Argentine Working Class, 1946- 1976. New York Cambridge University Press, 1988, 38. 12 12 leader to formulate their demands.”32 Perón recognized workers as a class and distinct social force through trade unions.33

The Rise of Populism in Lebanon The previous sections provide context into understanding and recognizing the rise of populism in Lebanon. During the 1950s, Lebanon was “caught between the Nasserist wave and the pro-Western conservative resistance.”34 This led to internal and external problems within the country. Many Lebanese supported Gamal-Abdel Nasser’s Arab nationalist ideology that wanted to prevent the rise of communism in the Middle East. President wanted to follow American policies and accept the .35 By doing this, Chamoun not only alienated Lebanese Muslims, but would violate the National Pact of 1943 that was an agreement between the Christian president and the Muslim prime minister. External alliances were not allowed. In 1958, between May and October, Lebanon was on the brink of civil war and President Chamoun attempted to capitalize on events happening in and around Lebanon. It was under Chamoun’s presidency that Lebanon was facing internal and external crises, triggered by President Chamoun severing ties with and strengthening “his own powers.”3637

32 Kahl, Joseph A. “Gino Germani 1911-1979.” Latin American Research Review 16, no. 2 (1981): 185-90. doi:10.2307/2503133, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2503133. 188.

33 Deiwiks, “Populism,” 8.

34 Hudson, Michael C. “The Lebanese Crisis: The Limits of Consociational Democracy.” Journal of Studies 5, no. 3/4 (1976), 116.

35 According to the Eisenhower Doctrine, a Middle Eastern country could seek economic assistance or US military aid from American if the state was being threatened by another state.

36 Massoud, Daher. “Public Administration and Governance: Lebanon as a Case Study,” 1-31. Beirut: Lebanese University. 13 13

During Chamoun’s presidency, he “pushed his exercise of power to the limits of autocracy” and interpreted the constitution at the National Pact’s expense.38 Chamoun was giving himself more power than warranted by the constitution. With the support of Britain and the United States, Chamoun was planning his bid for re-election, while his ties with President were ending.39 Christians, Muslims, and were against Chamoun’s government and wanted to prevent him from seeking another term in office.40 Chamoun’s administration was corrupt and monopolized by the “business oligarchy” forming an “exclusive ruling class.”41 As a result, Muslims and Druzes resented the monopolization of power. There was dissatisfaction with Chamoun’s unsuccessful efforts to modernize Lebanon and provide services for the expanding society.42 Furthermore, Lebanese citizens felt disengaged from political participation because of the lack of money, leading to sectarian tension between Christians and Muslims.43

37 El-Khazen, Farid. The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon, 1967-1976. Harvard University Press, 2000, 19.

38 Traboulsi, Fawwaz. History of Modern Lebanon. London, GBR: Pluto Press, 2007, 129.

39 Attie, Caroline. Struggle in the : Lebanon in the 1950s. London, GBR: I.B. Tauris, 2004, 136.

40 Salibi, Kamal. “Lebanon under Fuad Chehab 1958-1964.” Middle Eastern Studies 2, no. 3 (1966), 211.

41 Ibid., 214.

42 Hudson, “The Lebanese Crisis,” 114.

43 Ibid., 262. 14 14

In addition to political conflict, already established labor laws allowed employers to fire workers for any reason and on short notice.44 Labor movements demanded the review of Article 50 as the number of unionized workers grew. People wanted an increase in minimum wage, a fund to be established for social security, paid holidays, reduced working hours, and for workers to establish unions without government involvement.45 During the 1958 crisis General Fuad Chehab gained in popularity and succeeded Chamoun as president. As the country’s army Commander-in-Chief, Chehab kept the army out of the country’s conflict.46 Chamoun’s government sought to minimize public demonstrations. President Chamoun called for General Chehab’s army to intervene, but Chehab opposed Chamoun’s order. Following the bloody events of May 30, 1958, General Chehab negotiated an agreement that satisfied all parties involved.47 General Chehab was well aware of the country’s social conditions. He was able to understand Lebanon and the crisis as a result of his position within the army. He knew that Lebanon needed to modernize politically and administratively.48 It was not until Chehab became president that accomplishments were made in social security, planning, agricultural

44 Baroudi, Sami E. “Economic Conflict in Postwar Lebanon: State - Labor Relations between 1992 and 1997.” Middle East Journal 52, no. 4 (1998): 531-50. 532.

45 Ibid., 532.

46 Attie, Struggle in the Levant, 138.

47 Ibid., 141.

48 Hudson, “The Lebanese Crisis,” 114. 15 15 development, and civil service reform.49 In addition, Chehab’s reforms expanded the state’s role socially and provided benefits for workers.50 Chehabism referred to Chehab’s social and economic reforms. The following chapter will further explain Chehab’s government and influence on later governments.

What is Neo-Liberalism? Neo-liberalism is easier to define than populism because most scholars agree on the concept. Neo-liberalism favor privatization and deregulation, reducing the role of the state and encouraging foreign investments. This form of neo-liberalism was characterized by an economic ideology that stemmed from capitalistic globalization. The primary goal of neo-liberialism was to reduce the role of the state in social and economic affairs. For example, neo-liberals reduced the state’s role in fiscal policy and welfare, while engineering economic growth for social problems. The state’s role was diminished and replaced with a framework that allowed for an effective global market to function. The neo- liberals in question believed in free-market principles and that capital and labor should be allowed to move freely within a self-regulated market, while de- emphasizing the social effects related to class and poverty. The Oxford English Dictionary defines neo-liberal as, “characteristic of a modified or revived form of traditional liberalism, esp. [especially] one based on belief in free market capitalism and the rights of the individual.”51 This definition

49 Hudson, “The Lebanese Crisis,” 114.

50 Baroudi, “Economic Conflict,” 533.

51 Neo-Liberal. Oxford Oxford University Press, 2003. http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/ 245592?redirectedFrom=neo-liberal. 16 16 is somewhat enlightening and is further elaborated on by other scholars’ definitions of neo-liberalism. According to Dag Einar Thorsen and Amund Lie, neo-liberalism is the “‘paradigm’ for economic theory and policy-making- the ideology behind the most recent stage in development of capitalist society.”52 In addition, Thorsen and Lie also believe that the “state ought to be minimal or at least drastically reduced in strength and size, and that any transgression by the state beyond its sole legitimate purpose is unacceptable.”53 In A Brief History of Neo-liberalism, David Harvey defined neo-liberalism as a “theory of economic practices that propose that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade.”54 The state’s role is to ensure that the legal organization of police and military is secured in order to guarantee private property rights and functioning markets. Furthermore, Harvey explained that “state interventions in markets (once created) must be kept to a bare minimum.”55 Neo-liberalism is not only a political ideology but also a theory of political- economic principles. Neo-liberalism functions at various levels. In a guest editorial in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, Wendy Larner claims that neo-liberalism is “a supranational project (neoliberal globalization), it

52 Thorsen, Dag Einar, and Amund Lie. “What Is Neoliberalism?”, edited by University of Oslo, 1-21. Oslo: Department of Political Science, 2006, 8.

53 Ibid., 14.

54 Harvey, David. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. United States Oxford University Press, 2005. 2.

55 Ibid., 2. 17 17 involves nation-state and local (particularly urban) political projects.”56 Neo- liberalism is understood to be a top-down approach because economic growth is managed by the very powerful not the people. However, neo-liberalism takes on multiple forms in different contexts, offering political, economic and urban opportunities. According to Ilana Gershon, neo-liberalism is an “encompassing hegemonic project” and is involved in the “de-statization of governmental activity and the marketization of labor and budgetary austerity policies.”57 Neo-liberal policies are reconfigured and put into operation in there locales. As Bob Jessop writes, “neoliberalism calls for the liberalization and deregulation of economic transactions, […] the privatization of state-owned enterprises and state-provided services.”58 It is evident that neo-liberalism promoted an economic and social reorganization which included privatization, and liberalization from the state sector along with deregulation for market solutions. An important element of neo-liberalism is a free market, where the private sector is the foundation for sustainable development. In order for the private sector to invest, Julien Barbara writes that neo-liberalism is “centered on privatisation [sic], market deregulation and fiscal austerity.”59 Furthermore, Neil Barenner and Nick Theodore claim that neo-liberalism is an ideology that believes in an “open, competitive, and unregulated markets,

56 Larner, Wendy. “Neoliberalism?” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 21, no. 5 (2003), 509.

57 Gershon, Ilana. “ Neoliberal Agency,” Current Anthropology 52, no. 4 (2011): doi:10.1086/660866, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/660866. 537.

58 Jessop, Bob. “Liberalism, Neoliberalism, and Urban Governance: A State–Theoretical Perspective.” Antipode 34, no. 3 (2002), 454.

59 Barbara, Julien. “Rethinking Neo-Liberal State Building: Building Post-Conflict Development States.” Development in Practice 18, no. 3 (2008), 309. 18 18 liberated from all form of state interference, represents the optimal mechanism for economic development.”60 In conclusion, neo-liberalism ideology is dominated by the influence of society’s most powerful forces. It focuses on capitalism, deregulation, no state intervention, and private enterprise.

Neo-Liberalism Historical Background Neo-liberalism is a dominant ideology that is shaping the world today. Neo-liberalism is viewed as a new phenomenon that dates back to the nineteenth century. However, neo-liberalism is approached, used and implemented differently in cities and city-regions. Neo-liberalism is traced back to classical liberalism. Under this view, neo- liberalism is thought to be a “new paradigm for economic theory and policy- making.”61 Neo-liberalism is an ideology in the development of a capitalistic society. The classical liberalism ideology believes that state involvement should be kept to a minimum and the role of the state should be to uphold public order. Just like neo-liberalism, classical liberalism also favored a laissez-faire policy. According to Dag Thorsen and Amund Lie, neo-liberalism was seen as a revival of Adam Smith’s “classical liberal economic theories.”62 As a political ideology, neo-liberalism took its form by reviving classical liberalism prior to and during World War II.

60 Brenner, Neil, and Nik Theodore. “Cities and the Geographies of ‘Actually Existing Neoliberalism.’” Antipode 34, no. 3 (2002), 350.

61 Thorsen and Lie, “What Is Neoliberalism?” 8.

62 Ibid., 9. 19 19

The liberal concept is an ensemble of economic, political, and ideological discourse. For example, from an economic standpoint, liberalism endorses market economy expansion. However, from a political standpoint, neo-liberalism implies that “decision making should involve a constitutional state with limited substantive powers of economic and social intervention.”63 Following World War II, an array of social democratic states emerged. The United States developed into a liberal democratic state. According to David Harvey, states focused on economic growth, the welfare of citizens, and the free organization of state power.64 Fiscal and monetary policies were referred to as “Keynesian.” Keynesian emphasized economic success. The focus was on full employment and reducing monopolies. Embedded liberalism, a political-economic organization, indicated how the market processed, and how entrepreneurial and corporate activities were bounded by political and social constraints.65 There was a period of doubt following the crisis of Fordism. Fordism pertains to an economic and social system which provides low cost goods. According to Contesting Urban Futures, neo-liberalism emerged as a result of Fordism and an attempt to regenerate capitalism under Keynesianism.66 Between the 1950s and 1960s, capitalist countries advanced in economic growth as a result of embedded liberalism. For example, the United States was equipped to take in excess products within its borders, as well as the shortages of the world. By the late 1960s, embedded liberalism started to collapse both

63 Jessop, “Liberalism,” 453.

64 Harvey, A Brief History, 2.

65 Ibid.

66 Leitner, Helga, Anant Maringanti, Eric S. Sheppard, and Kristin Sziarto. “Contesting Urban Futures: Decentering Neoliberalism.” In Contesting Neoliberalism: Urban Frontiers, edited by Helga Leitner, Jamie Peck and Eric S. Sheppard, 353. New York: Guilford Press, 2007, 3. 20 20 domestically and internationally because economies in many countries worldwide were not thriving. Unemployment and inflation surged, lasting into the 1970s. As the social order was threatened, neo-liberalism emerged as a possible solution to the capitalistic troubles of public policy. In 1974, renowned political philosopher Friedrich von Hayek, along with Ludvig von Mises, Milton Friedman, and Karl Popper, created Pelerin67 and were dedicated to the standards of personal freedom. The label “neo-liberal” signaled an “adherence to those free market principals of neoclassical economies that had emerged in the second half of the Nineteenth Century”68, therefore resulting in a neo-liberal doctrine that opposed state intervention and state planning. Following the periods of violent conflict in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the international community made efforts to rebuild. The focus was centered on “neo-liberal state building” and focused on free markets that would simulate growth.69 The private sector would lead the growth and remain central to economic development. In order for the private sector to develop under neo-liberalism, there was an emphasis on deregulation and privatization.70 There are two parts to the neo-liberal doctrine. First, the doctrine represents the state and market. Second, the neo-liberal model is designed as a policy model that assumes identical results will follow market oriented reforms.

67 Pelerin is a group that is composed of economists, business leaders, historians, intellectuals and philosophers who have committed heir understanding of personal and economic freedom.

68 Harvey, A Brief History, 2.

69 Barbara, “Rethinking Neo-Liberal State Building,” 308.

70 Ibid., 313. 21 21

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, neo-liberalism gained widespread prominence as a political response to the global recession. According to Neil Brenner and Nik Theodore, “neoliberal doctrines were deployed to justify, among other projects, the regulation of state control over major industries, […] reduction of corporate taxes, [and] the enhancement of international capital mobility.”71 When neo-liberalism emerged in the 1980s, it was, “interlaced with the geopolitical imperative to stop the spread of communism and socialist development in the third world.”72 Describing a general characteristic of a neo-liberal state can be challenging. For instance, it became evident there is a systematic variance from the neo-liberal theory template.73 Neo-liberalism promotes a limited role of the state and differs from other premarket schemes that are accepted by elites and mainstream political parties.74 In addition, the adaptations of neo-liberalization have differed over time, as well as from place to place. In the late 1970s, there was a “neoliberal regime shift” in Britain and the United States, resulting in the foundation of neo-liberalism.75 Neo-liberalism took shape as a meaningful political-economic philosophy. The historical evolution of neo-liberalism is reflected in the elections of Margaret Thatcher in the and Ronald Regan in the United States. Their rise to power reflected the

71 Brenner and Theodore, “Cities and the Geographies,” 350.

72 Steger, Manfred B., and Ravi K. Roy. Neoliberalism : A Very Short Introduction. Oxford, GBR: Oxford University Press, 2010, 47.

73 Harvey, A Brief History, 70.

74 Leitner et al., “Contesting Urban Futures, 353.

75 Jessop, “Liberalism,” 457. 22 22 growing economic conservatism of their country’s citizens. The initial start of neo- liberalism was a political and economic strategy. During the Thatcher and Regan administrations, there were actions taken to eliminate fundamentals of a Keynesian state.76 This included cutting back on medical, income supplements, public housing subsidies and public spaces. President Ronald Regan’s Program for Economic Recovery had been formed upon neo-liberal principles.77 Reganomics dealt with reducing tax rates and fiscal policy. One of President Regan’s neo-liberal reforms was the attempt to privatize federally owned land.78 Just like Thatcher, Regan claimed “transfer of public resources to private investors meant better management and increased productivity.”79 However, this reform never passed. Margaret Thatcher is a good example for pioneering neo-liberalism in Great Britain. Thatcher, a disciple of Fredrich von Hayek, justified her programs in one word: TINA (There Is No Alternative), and competition was a central value to her doctrine.80 Prime Minister Thatcher opposed the Keynesian model. The United Kingdom, for example, witnessed an extension of financial markets, intense competition, privatization and deregulation of other sectors.81 This was all a part of Thatcher’s doctrine, limiting the state’s roll to make way for

76 Hackworth, Jason. The Neoliberal City: Governance, Ideology, and Development in American Urbanism. United States Cornell University Press, 2007, 10.

77 Steger and Roy, Neoliberalism, 24.

78 Ibid., 34

79 Ibid.

80 George, Susan. “A Short History of Neoliberalism.” Paper presented at the Conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalising World, Bangkok, March 24-26 1999.

81 Peck, Jamie, and Adam Tickell. “Conceptualizing Neoliberalsim, Thinking Thatcherism.” Chap. 2 In Contesting Neoliberalism: Urban Frontiers, edited by Helga Leitner, Jamie Peck and Eric S. Sheppard, 26-50. New York: Guilford Press, 2007, 28. 23 23 private enterprises. Her neo-liberal reforms intended to reduce regulations, diminished labor unions, liberalized the exchange rate and privatized national industries.82 Furthermore, Thatcher did not like local governing authorities. She viewed them to be ineffective and liable to introduce possible corruption through the “influence of political patronage.”83 A distinct feature of Thatcherism was privatization. Thatcher pushed the idea for public-private partnerships as she was setting up “quasi-governmental institutions,” i.e., urban development businesses.84 Not only did businesses and corporations work closely with state actors, but they also had a “strong role in writing legislation, determining public polices, and setting regulatory frameworks (which are mainly advantageous to themselves).”85 Both Reagonomics and Thatcherism took management techniques from the private sector and applied it to the public sector.86 The point was to determine which government programs were not showing any considerable benefits. In developed neo-liberal governments, the political roles of democracies were reduced.87 Because of power shifts, state responsibility transferred to the private domain, allowing for the market sphere to reduce.88

82 Steger and Roy, Neoliberalism, 38.

83 Ibid., 40.

84 Harvey, A Brief History, 76.

85 Ibid., 77.

86 Steger and Roy, Neoliberalism, 44

87 Ku, Agnes Shuk-mei. “Contradictions in the Development of Citizenship in Hong Kong: Governance without Democracy.” Asian Survey 49, no. 3 (2009), 508.

88 Ibid., 508-509. 24 24

New Zealand has gone through three phases of neo-liberalism. In the 1980s, the state withdrew from economic production, while trying to preserve the welfare and social justice related with social democracy.89 In the 1990s, there was an extension of market programs that introduced neoconservative policies and programs in social policy.90 In the late 1990s, both economic and social policy ethos joined forces.91 Each phase relates back to neo-liberal politics, programs, and ideologies. According to David Harvey, a typical neo-liberal state, “sides with a good business climate as opposed to either the collective right (and good quality of life) of labour or the capacity of the environment to regenerate itself.”92 In addition, in times of conflict, neo-liberal states lean towards favoring a financial system integrating, rather than the well-being of the people and the quality of the environment.93

The Rise of Neo-Liberalism in Lebanon Following the fifteen years of Civil War (1975-1990), Lebanon was left in a state of peril. The country’s infrastructure was destroyed, especially in downtown Beirut, the economy was down, and government was rebuilding itself. Rafic Hariri, a Lebanese citizen and self-made millionaire, was interested in a government position but also in reviving the city center. Hariri was involved in welfare and philanthropic programs as well as the reconstruction efforts of

89 Larner,“Neoliberalism?” 510.

90 Ibid.

91 Ibid.

92 Harvey, A Brief History, 70.

93 Ibid., 71. 25 25 downtown Beirut. Between 1982-1983, Hariri took it upon himself to have his company Saudi Oger clear out the debris from downtown Beirut and commissioned Dar al-Handasah to develop new urban plans for (BCD). Upon becoming Prime Minister, Hariri’s approach to governing Lebanon was based on the businessman from within him. However, many saw Hariri as reiterating neoliberal clichés and running the government as a private firm.”94 Hariri’s political views were formed as there was a shift towards globalization and neo-liberalism. As a businessman, Hariri believed in the private sector. Hariri’s plans to revitalize the economy were to “enhance [Lebanon’s] competitiveness, create job opportunities and improve standard of living of the Lebanese through balanced development.”95 Without wasting time, Hariri began to finance the reconstruction of downtown Beirut and develop and implement the Horizon 2000 plan. The Horizon 2000 plan established how the city center would be reconstructed. According to Hariri, “enhancing the competitive advantage of the Lebanese economy is contingent on reasserting Lebanon’s economic identity.”96 Hariri identified several primary economic strengths. The first was for the support of individual initiatives. The second was to develop strength pertaining to a capital free of mobility. Third was the freedom for currency and exchange. The fourth dealt with stability for taxes and legislation. The fifth strength was for banking

94 Nadim Zaazaa, Structural Limitations to Modernization in Lebanon: The Experience of Chehab and Hariri, June 2010, cited in: Dib, Kamal. Umara Al-Harb Rijal Al-Sulta Wal Mal Fi Lubnan (Men of Power and Money in Lebanon). Beirut Dar Annahar, 2007, 530.

95 Hariri, Rafic. Statesmanship in Government: Emerging from War and Entering the Future. Beirut: Arab United Press Co., 1999, 61.

96 Ibid., 62-63. 26 26 secrecy laws. The last strength Hariri identified was for an economy that was free and liberal. Hariri compared Lebanon’s economic growth and structure to Asia. To Hariri, Asia was “a major economic power that has altered the global competitive structure, the universal acceptance of market economies.”97 In order to achieve the model established in Asia, Hariri presented a series of policies as outlined below. One of the seven policies that Hariri presented pertained to privatization. Hariri believed that privatizing would reduce the cost of production and allow for administrative reform.98 In a statement to his cabinet, Hariri emphasized the importance of rehabilitating infrastructure and reconstructing the BCD (Beirut Central District).99 In 1993, Hariri’s government started to develop the groundwork for the reconstruction of BCD. During this time, the government, “continued efforts to establish the controversial Downtown Real Estate Company.”100 As a result, Société libanaise pour le développement et la reconstruction de Beyrouth (Solidere) became a great example of a private company that was solely responsible for overseeing the reconstruction and preservation of downtown Beirut. The following chapters focus on how two different models of government, populism and neo-liberalism, shaped the urban planning of downtown Beirut in 1977 and today.

97 Hariri, Statesmanship in Government, 60.

98 Ibid., 72, 74.

99 Salem, Paul E. “The Wounded Republic: Lebanon's Struggle for Recovery.” [In English]. Arab Studies Quarterly 16, no. 4.

100 Ibid.

CHAPTER 3: POPULIST AND NEO-LIBERAL MODELS OF GOVERNMENTS IN LEBANON: FU’AD CHEHAB, ELIAS SARKIS AND RAFIC HARIRI

This chapter focuses on the two models of government in Lebanon, a populist model and a neo-liberal model, and their effects on policies and urban planning. The first two sections will focus on the presidencies of Fu’ad Chehab and Elias Sarkis, who established their governments around a populist model. The last section focuses on the emergence of a neo-liberal model of government under the leadership of the late Prime Minister Rafic Hariri.

Fu’ad Chehab’s Government and Its Policies Lebanese recognize Fu’ad Chehab for building Lebanon’s state institutions. Chehab stands out from past presidents because of his objective stature when faced with communal tensions. According to Rola el-Husseine, Chehab’s presidency, from 1958 to 1964, was viewed as the “golden age of Lebanon.”1 He is also recognized for modernizing politics and administrations.2 Some of Chehab’s greatest achievements included implementing social security, reorganizing the government, agricultural development, urban planning development and civil service reform. Prior to becoming president, Chehab was commander-in-chief of the Lebanese army. In this capacity, he witnessed firsthand a number of societal inequalities that created significant trouble within the country. Between May and October of 1958, animosity between Muslims, Christians and Druzes created a

1 El-Husseini, Rola. Modern Intellectual and Political History of the Middle East: Pax : Elite Politics in Postwar Lebanon. Syracuse, NY, USA: Syracuse University Press, 2012, 123.

2 Hudson, Michael C. “The Lebanese Crisis: The Limits of Consociational Democracy.” Journal of Palestine Studies 5, no. 3/4 (1976), 114. 28 28 crisis for the government. They were rebelling against a constitutional amendment that would allow President Camille Chamoun from seeking another term of office.3 During the crises of 1952 and 1958, Chehab played a crucial role as moderator between the factions, enhancing his reputation amongst the Muslim community when he kept the army out of the crisis and brokered a deal. His neutral position helped pave the road for him to become the next president. On August 31, 1958, parliament elected General Chehab as , by a vote of 48 to 7. President Chehab didn’t affiliate himself with any populist za’ama (leader), but “he was viewed as such.”4 Chehab wanted a welfare state, believing it was the best way to facilitate societal development and national unity. To Chehab, the socioeconomic inequalities of the country were causing great tension, both socially and politically. Once in office, however, these tensions intensified, especially between Christians and Muslims, and the Chehab administration was soon on the verge of breaking down. His opposition argued he no longer had any authority.5 The new policies presented by president Chehab, reflected the 1958 conflict, with the emphasis on restoring national unity, and reforming the administrations. Upon taking office, Chehab launched two successful reform initiatives. Chehab wanted a corruption-free government. In order to achieve this, he created two new institutions, the Civil Service Council and the Central Inspection Board. The Civil Service Council was responsible for recruiting and training public

3 Salibi, Kamal. “Lebanon under Fuad Chehab 1958-1964.” Middle Eastern Studies 2, no. 3 (1966), 211.

4 El-Khazen, Farid. The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon, 1967-1976. Harvard University Press, 2000, 51.

5 Salibi, “Lebanon under Fuad Chehab 1958-1964,” 218. 29 29 officials, whereas the Central Inspection Board was created to oversee public servants.6 The new councils acted as a checks and balance system. President Chehab was able to maintain, “unofficial contact with politicians, reducing their personal influence on the administration to a minimum.”7 In addition, his administration was successful in reducing political abuse at the upper levels; however, it was not possible to eliminate abuse at other levels.8 Chehab was able to establish a fixed policy which maintained an equal amount of posts in all administration levels between Muslims and Christians.9 Independent services and agencies were restored, allowing for building the state sector without the bureaucratic red tape.10 This move created 10,000 new public servants for the Civil Service Council and Central Inspection Council, while limiting administrative corruption. This allowed for recruiting to be based on merit and specialization. By restructuring and organizing ministries and public agencies, it was possible to gain insight into which jurisdictions overlapped. By December, 1959, new legislative decrees were introduced which modified the structure of departments and allowed for better performance of state tasks and diversification.11

6 El-Husseini, Modern Intellectual and Political History, 129.

7 Salibi, “Lebanon under Fuad Chehab 1958-1964,” 221.

8 Ibid., 222.

9 Ibid., 218.

10 Traboulsi, Fawwaz. History of Modern Lebanon. London, GBR: Pluto Press, 2007, 140.

11 Verdeil, Éric. Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes : Une Ville En Plans (1946-1975). Beyrouth Presses de l’Ifpo, 2010. http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/2101. 30 30

The goals for Chehabist reforms were to improve the state’s economy and provide social protection for citizens. To accomplish this goal, new institutions were established, including the Bureau of Planning, Bureau of Statistics, Office of Social Development, Water Service of Beirut, and Center for Scientific Research. Chehabist reforms helped to modernize the public sector and make it more efficient. In order for this to happen, three major areas of interest were addressed. The first pertained to development. A comprehensive study was initiated to discover which areas of development were most necessary for the country. Second was the creation of new administrations and third was identifying and dealing with the social and regional problems. President Chehab’s first two years focused on neutralizing tensions, while returning the nation to a state of unity and equality.12 On November 21, 1960, Chehab called for “comprehensive social reform” along with “building a new society.”13 In April, 1963, social security legislation was signed into law.14 One way Chehab wanted to correct the sectarian system was through economic and social justice.15 Economically, Chehab wanted to gain control of the country’s capital development. In order to achieve this task, Chehab reorganized the banking sector. With regard to social justice, the country was already playing an active role in both regional development and the distribution of economic

12 Traboulsi, History, 138.

13 Ibid.

14 Makdisi, Samir A. Lessons of Lebanon: The Economics of War and Development. London, GBR: I.B. Tauris, 2004. 12.

15 Traboulsi, History, 140. 31 31 growth.16 In order to unify the domestic market, the government funded infrastructure projects to bring water and electricity to rural villages.

Fu’ad Chehab and Urban Planning Chehab considered the country’s urban planning an important element in building a successful state. Under his presidency, planning made great advances. This included developing new administrations and commissioning an outside advisor to see where improvements needed to be made. In 1959, the groundwork was laid to reorganize the offices that fell within development. This allowed for planning projects to be implemented across various economic sectors. For this to happen, a framework for planning administration was created, which included the General Directorate of Urban Planning (GDUP), Higher Council of Urban Planning, and the Urban Planning Code. Under Chehab’s administration, planning and urban development were reorganized to include foreign experts.17 Chehab relied on the expertise of his French advisers, Father Louis-Joseph Lebret, a Jesuit priest and the head of the Institute International de Recherche et de Formation en vue Développement (IRFED), and Jean Lay, an engineer.18 This allowed for Chehab to know where infrastructure needed to be improved within the country and where there was a lack of services.

16 Traboulsi, History, 140.

17 Verdeil, Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes.

18 Attie, Struggle in the Levant,. 138. 32 32

An act passed on June 12, 1962, reformed the Ministry of Planning. Under this law, the Director of Studies and Planning was created and divided into six services (fig. 1).19

Figure 1: Ministry of Planning Organization Chart, 1926. Source: Verdeil, Éric. Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes : Une Ville En Plans (1946-1975). Beyrouth Presses de l’Ifpo, 2010. http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/2101.

The reorganization allowed for an analysis by sector and regime into budgetary legislative terms.20 With the increase of tasks under the Ministry of Planning, 150 employees were hired. Because of the reorganization, the Ministry

19 Verdeil, Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes.

20 Ibid. 33 33 of Planning monitored and decided on other departments, creating an inter- ministerial commission.21 In 1963, the le Conseil exécutif des grands projets de la ville de Beyrouth, CEGPVB (Executive Council of the Major Projects of the City of Beirut) was established to implement projects in the capital brought on by the Chehabist reforms.22 Before Chehab became president, there were concerns about roads and urban development. The first breakthrough was when Bechara al-Khoury Ave, a project launched in the late 1940’s which connected downtown Beirut to the airport, was completed.23 Ring Road, named after Fu’ad Chehab, was a symbol of his urban policy. Chehab was the first president who took interest in developing urban policy and making sure infrastructure and services were provided throughout the country. Ghalghoul and Safi, two areas not affected by the French Mandate, became an urban renewal project and signified his dedication to innovation and interventionism.24 These areas, dating back to Ottoman rule, housed artists, hotels, and immigrants. The were narrow, which caused traffic and parking problems. In 1964, the CEGPVB proposed a program that outlined the proposed land use for the Safi and Ghalgoul districts (fig. 2). Downtown Beirut was intended to be shared by Muslims and Christians. The French Mandate and Chehab’s presidency reflected strong ruptures politically and symbolically.25 It was a way to establish a national identity and the city

21 Verdeil, Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid.

24 Ibid.

25 Ibid. 34 34

Figure 2: Programming of 1964: Source: Verdeil, Éric. Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes : Une Ville En Plans (1946-1975). Beyrouth Presses de l’Ifpo, 2010. http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/2101 center was the best place to express this policy. President Chehab wanted downtown Beirut to serve as a political vision.26 This vision was to demonstrate no sectarian tension and where all citizens could come together in one place.

Elias Sarkis’s Government and Policy Elias Sarkis was inaugurated as president on September 23, 1976, as the sixth president of Lebanon at the Park Hotel in Shtaura, with two thirds of

26 Verdeil, Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes. 35 35

Parliament in attendance.27 Sarkis gained the reputation of having an “honesty, serious, and efficient administration.”28 Sarkis was viewed as a Chebahist, like his predecessors Fu’ad Chehab and by other members of parliament. Like them, Sarkis was a defender of his country’s sovereignty and incorporated that attitude into his policies. After Sarkis’s inauguration, his first order of business was to establish his cabinet. Sarkis’s goal was to have a cabinet that would be acceptable to all sects involved in the first seven months of the civil war.29 During his presidency, Sarkis and Prime Minister Salim al-Hoss jointly drafted the Fourteen Points Consensus for a National Accord, which was signed in March 1980.30 This accord outlined national sovereignty and political reforms; however, it did not specify how these goals would be met. Like his predecessor, Chehab, Sarkis envisioned a country that maintained harmony between all religious groups and would return the country to a sovereign state prior to the civil strife. As the result of the civil strife, citizens left their jobs. Sarkis, reconvening the civil government, ordered civil servants, and technocrats back to work. Prime Minister al-Hoss populated his new cabinet with businessmen and technocrats. Cabinet posts were distributed among the different religious sects. Cabinet members were tenured for six months, which was not enough time to revitalize Lebanon’s economy or deal with its political dilemmas.

27 Abraham, Antoine J. The Lebanon War. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1996, 91.

28 Goria, Wade. 1985. Sovereignty & Leadership in Lebanon 1943-1976. London: Ithaca, 120

29 Abraham, The Lebanon War, 91.

30 Irani, George Emile. “1975-2008: Pulling Lebanon Together.” iened.org. http://www.iemed.org/publicacions/papers6-web.pdf (accessed February 5, 2013). 36 36

In order to achieve political stability and social control, Sarkis pushed forward a series of major economic, social, educational, administrative, and political reforms. As a Chehabist, Sarkis attempted to implement these reforms. The Chehabist thought process was to envisage state reforms that went along with “social and economical nation-wide urban and rural development.”31 Chehabist objectives were to protect Lebanon’s independence and sovereignty. In addition, Chehabist policy believed in preserving National Unity, establishing Lebanon as a nation for all Lebanese.32 Chehabist thought respected and protected constitutional legitimacy, democracy, and public freedom. Furthermore, the Chehabists believed in social justice and that basic needs, such as roads, electricity, and water should reach everyone. Citizens’ needs should be delivered by the state and should establish a unified national identity. Economically, Chehabists believed in a free and liberal market, protecting personal initiatives, free capital, and bank confidentiality. They supported limiting foreign interferences that pertained to internal affairs. After taking office, Sarkis’ consolidated his presidential prerogatives. He had promised to uphold Lebanon’s sovereignty and national integrity.33 His emphasis led banks and businesses to reopen in the capital, with industrial production reaching pre-war levels.34 Economic recovery was limited because while land was highly valued, little construction was being done.

31 “President - Official Website.” President Fouad Chehab - Official Website. http://www.fouadchehab.com/en/?loc=chehabism (accessed February 6, 2013).

32 Ibid.

33 Ṭarābulsī, Fawwāz, 2007. A History of Modern Lebanon. London: Pluto, 207.

34 Gilmour, David. 1983. Lebanon, the Fractured Country. New York: St. Martin's Press. 144 37 37

The economic impact between 1975-1976 from the seven month civil strife caused severe and widespread damages to the country’s physical assets, including factories, farms, business establishments, and public utilities.35 There was widespread destruction to infrastructures and services, resulting in losses estimated to be between LL 5 and LL 7 billion (Lebanese Lira [LL]). Two-hundred fifty industries were destroyed, with an estimated capital worth of $1 billion LL, resulting in one-fifth of the industries declaring fixed capital losses.36 A drop in the national income created a domino effect. The damage to Lebanon’s transportation network, including both foreign and domestic trade routes, and the departure of businesses from the city’s capital, led to a reduction in both governmental and private expenditures.37 This domino effect resulted in a drop in employment. Due to physical destruction and pillaging, the private sector suffered losses which led to additional losses in human resources and a distribution change in asset holdings. As a result of the fifteen month war, residents were displaced from their traditional districts and forced to move to other districts. Fifty thousand families, comprising a total of two-hundred and fifty thousand people, were displaced.38 This resulted in a housing problem, which created additional socio-political consequences that needed to be addressed.39

35 Makdisi, Samir A. 1979. Financial Policy and Economic Growth: The Lebanese Experience. New York: Columbia University Press, 125.

36 1989. Lebanon, a Country Study. Washington, D.C.: Headquarters, Dept. of the Army.

37 Makdisi, Financial Policy, 125. 38 . “Lebanon - Reconstruction Project (English).” Documents & Reports - All Documents. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/1977/06/724266/lebanon-reconstruction-project# (accessed February 3, 2013). 39 Makdisi, Financial Policy, 126. 38 38

Sarkis was facing a less than obvious economic policy in his administration. Ministries and public bodies ceased to function as a complete unit. President Sarkis replaced local bodies but attempted to salvage existing governmental tools and personnel. The government could not afford to revive the economy through export subsidies as it had before.40 On February 21, 1976, the Lebanese cabinet held a special meeting to discuss a plan to revise the country’s economy following the months of civil unrest.41 The government’s priority was to focus on restoring security and economic activity. The new cabinet’s major task was to reactivate the economy by contacting potential donors and seeking assistance from banks. A plan was developed and drafted by four financial experts. The proposed plan called for providing an emergency fund to finance the reconstruction process, housing, and public utilities, and to rebuild the damaged economy. From late 1976 to early 1978, there were improvements to security conditions; relative peace facilitated the recovery of commerce, which yielded economic benefits. The government intervened in an attempt to strengthen the public sector, while improving regulation of the private sector.42 It was the private sector that bore much of the responsibility for repairing the Lebanese economy. As a result of its activity signs of growth started to emerge in the postwar period.43 It was the private sector that most significantly contributed to the rebuilding of Lebanon’s infrastructure.

40 LexisNexis January 25, 1976, New York, Time.

41 Ibid.

42 World Bank. “Lebanon - Reconstruction Project (English).”

43 Makdisi, Financial Policy, 26 39 39

The economic policy that evolved contained three major elements. First, the policy was to restrict the liabilities incurred by the public and private sectors as a result of the war. Individuals and businesses were not to expect compensation for their losses. Second, it stipulated that the banking system revive support of the private sector with the government agreeing to secure a part of reconstruction loans. Last, the policy called for external aid to assist in restoring public finances, balancing payments, and securing private and public reconstruction finance. Sarkis’s government planned on assisting the Lebanese population to rebuild and improve the sections that were damaged by war. A major program created was the Housing Bank. It allowed for credit to be made available to low income individuals whose homes were either damaged or destroyed in the war.

Sarkis and Urban Planning Following the civil unrest, Parliament and the Council of Ministers discussed reconstructing Beirut as a rebuilding initiative. Reconstruction proposals were being considered by both the Lebanese government and French Planning agencies. Due to inadequate government units and weak economic planning to oversee or deal with the redevelopment of the BCD, President Sarkis established the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR). The CDR was created on the recommendation of Prime Minister al-Hoss, Michel Doumit, Minister of Planning, and Farid Raphael, Minister of Finance. With signs of revival in economic activity, President Sarkis established the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR) in January, 1977. Legislative Decree No. 544 was signed on January 31, 1977, by President Sarkis, Prime

44 See Decree in Appendix B. 40 40

Minister Salim al-Hoss, Michel Doumit, Minister of Planning, and Farid Raphael, Minister of Finance. The decree was signed into accordance with both the constitution and law number 76/2 and Decree No 9.45 Prime Minister al-Hoss thought of the idea for establishing the CDR. He wanted an organization that could bypass the inefficient Lebanese bureaucracy, as well as the practices associated with it.46 The CDR was an organization that was free of public sector scrutiny. The CDR was organized to bypass routine and normal regulations that would have to go through governmental agencies. Functioning as an autonomous state agency, the CDR was responsible for the redevelopment and reconstruction of the BCD. The CDR was administratively independent and reported directly to the Council of Ministers.47 Planning and guiding the future reconstruction and growth of the national economy was in the hands of the CDR. It was the CDR’s responsibility to influence the character of Lebanon’s path to development, and to address not only the technical problems of planning but also the socio-economic issues the country was facing.48 One of the CDR’s responsibilities was to oversee the planning, financing, and implementation of reconstructing the BCD. The CDR was expected to perform these reconstruction tasks with the effectiveness that characterized the private sector of the Lebanese economy.

45 “Legislative Decree No. 5.” Council for Development and Reconstruction. January 1977. http://www.cdr.gov.lb/eng/decree5e.pdf (accessed September 6, 2012).

46 Najem, Tom Pierre. Lebanon's Renaissance The Political Economy of Reconstruction. First. Reading: Garnet Publishing Limitied, 2000, 86.

47 Mango, Tamam. Solidere: The Battle for Beirut's Central District. Master Thesis, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Massachusetts: MIT Libraries Document Services, 2003, 29.

48 Makdisi, Financial Policy, 130. 41 41

The CDR had to abide by eighteen articles listed in Decree No. 549, undertaking five main tasks, which included planning, consulting, and steering, executive decision-making, financial guidance, and overall control. The CDR received their approval from the Council of Ministers. The CDR was given authority by the government to handle negotiations with foreign governments in matters that dealt with foreign aid, and to implement foreign projects or authorize additional agencies to do it.50 The creation of the CDR was a bold step for the Sarkis administration. The CDR attempted to honor its mandate and started to work on the reconstruction of Lebanon.

Rafic Hariri’s Government and His Polices Following the of President Rene Mouawad on November 22, 1989, was elected and served as president until 1998.51 Hrawi vowed to carry out Mouawad’s work for national reconciliation.52 Hrarwi made every effort to extend his hand of cooperation to every Lebanese in order to bring stability to Lebanon. During his presidency, Hrawi brought stability to the county, oversaw the disarming of the militia (with the exception of ), consolidated the government’s powers and worked to rebuild the country.53

49 See Appendix B for the full decree.

50 1989. Lebanon, a Country Study.

51 Hrawi served six full terms, resulting in a extended term of three years. 52 “Agony in Beirut.” Maclean's D, www.lexisnexis.com/hottopics/lnacademic (date accessed February 3, 2013). 53 “Elias Hrawi (president of Lebanon) -- Britannica Online Encyclopedia.” Britannica Online Encyclopedia. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/273645/Elias-Hrawi (accessed February 2, 2013). 42 42

Unfortunately, Lebanon, especially Downtown Beirut, had been devastated by the war. Due to the severity of destruction, government was not equipped to handle the reconstruction costs of the entire country. Rafic Hariri, a self-made billionaire who served as Prime Minister from 1992 to 1998, handled the reconstruction costs of Downtown Beirut. Before becoming Prime Minister, Hariri made his millions in , forming a close relationship to King Fahd. He built a vast network of businesses throughout the world, ranging from banks to real estate companies, and established a reputation for numerous philanthropic activities. In 1982, Hariri became especially interested in increasing his political influence in Lebanon. He used his vast financial resources to do this. Following the Civil war, Lebanon’s economy had a deficit of $1.5 billion.54 Reconstruction was going to cost the private sector $18 billion. There had been extensive destruction to both residential and industrial areas and the infrastructure for electricity and telecommunications had been devastated.55 On June 8, 1991, the National Reconstruction Program was initiated. This was a first step toward rehabilitation, reconstruction, and development. The Council of Development and Reconstruction (CDP), which represented the Lebanese government, and the Hariri Foundation56 entered into an agreement with International Bechtel, Incorporated (Bechtel) and Dar al-Handasah Consultants.

54 Stewart, Dona J. “Economic Recovery and Reconstruction in Postwar Beirut.” Geographical Review 86, no. 4 (October 1996): 487. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed February 3, 2013).

55 Kirirwani, Maroun. “AUB: The Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of Lebanon.” Edited by Paul J White and William S. Logan. Remaking the Middle East (BERG).

56 The Hariri Foundation raises Lebanese citizen’s economic, social, and cultural situations by reinforcing sustainable human development. 43 43

Both Bechtel and Dar al-Handasah worked on preparing reports and working papers that pertained to reconstruction strategies, laying the groundwork for Horizon 2000. Their work presented an opportunity for recreating and repositioning Lebanon’s future. The strategies developed called for the private sector to oversee their implementation. For example, the private sector was expected to operate with a free market, while concentrating on developing tourism, agriculture, higher education, and rich industries.57 However, these strategies presumed the reconstruction programme would be a success and lead to economic growth. Upon taking office as prime minister, Hariri unveiled his economic plan for Lebanon’s recovery. On November 9, 1992, Hariri outlined the government’s agenda. Hariri believed that the private sector was key to the country’s economic success. He had developed a two-fold redistricting plan, adjusting the macroeconomic policy and rehabilitating plan for reconstruction. Horizon 2000 was Hariri’s plan for reviving Lebanon’s economy. It was based on the theory that the economic future of the country rested with the private sector, which would be the cornerstone of Lebanon’s economic reconstruction.58 The plan’s intent was to double the gross domestic product (GDP) over a ten year period and reclaim Lebanon’s position in the world’s middle income countries. Hariri gave Parliament two tasks. The first task dealt with providing the private sector with an environment favorable for investments. It needed to provide an acceptable social infrastructure, which would include adequate housing and resettlement policies, and improvements in public health, education, and social

57 Kirirwani,“AUB: The Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of Lebanon.”

58 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 58. 44 44 services. Furthermore, the government needed to ensure macroeconomic stability. The second task called for the government to restore the public’s confidence in the current government and the future of Lebanon. The total cost for Horizon 2000 was approximately $11.5 billion, with the plan divided into three phases: rehabilitation, recovery, and development. There were three types of expenditures. Physical investment expenditures dealt with the rehabilitation of existing public facilities, and the expansion and development of new facilities. Non-physical investment expenditures were intended to strengthen public institutions, undertake master planning and other studies and provide assistance in other areas. Grant and credit support expenditures worked with the private sector and included support for housing and resettlement, private service activities, and social institutions. Horizon 2000’s public recovery program was designed sector by sector, with nineteen sectors organized under four core groups.59 The four groups were physical infrastructure, social infrastructure, productive sectors, and other sectors. Physical infrastructures accounted for 56.7 percent of the programme, and included electricity, post and telecommunications, water supply, waste water, solid waste, and transportation. Electricity accounted for 14 percent of the program, representing 23.3 percent in expenditures. Sixty percent of the electricity programme was to be implemented within the first three years. The post and telecommunications, which were severely damaged in the war, accounted for 6 percent of the programme. These improvements were to be essential in helping to regain Beirut’s position as a business and financial hub. Repair of the water supply comprised 3 percent of the Horizon programme. The goal was to repair and

59 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 63. 45 45 increase the liter per capita rate. Wastewater comprised 6.2 percent of the program, and solid waste comprised 1.5 percent. Transportation, the largest segment, comprised 25.4 percent of the Horizon programme. It focused on roads, public transport and railways, airport and port construction. Social infrastructure accounted for 27.8 percent of the Horizon program, and included the oversight of education, public health programs, social affairs, the environment, and housing and resettlement. Education comprised 13 percent of the programme. The goal was to improve public education through physical investment and improving the quality of teachers. Public health accounted for 4.5 percent of the programme. The aim was to provide adequate health care to the population. Social affairs comprised 1.1 percent of the programme. The plan was to extend social services to a greater percentage of the population. Environment accounted for .03 percent of the Horizon plan. The goal was to establish and enforce environmental protection regulations and standards. Housing and resettlement comprised 9 percent of the plan. Improvements were geared towards the displaced and those living in war-damaged homes, by offering those grants and loans. The result was the creation of two thousand service plots for low-income housing, while covering 90 percent of informal housing.60 The productive sector dealt with agriculture and irrigation, industry, oil and gas, private sector services, and tourism. Agriculture and irrigation comprised 5 percent of the plan and was designed for direct credit support which included preserving, reclaiming, and reforestation. Industry made up 3 percent of the programme, and was implemented as a direct credit that was set up to create industrial sites. Oil and gas made up 0.8 percent of the programme. The goal was

60 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 79. 46 46 to rehabilitate and develop the Tarabulus (Tripoli) oil refinery. The private sector made up 0.9 percent of the Horizon programme. This included the provision of credit truck purchasing and storage/distribution facilities. Tourism, which was important to Lebanon’s economy prior to the Civil War, comprised 1.6 percent of the Horizon programme. The plan was to rehabilitate tourist facilities. Other sectors in the programme included information, government buildings, and management and implementation. Information made up 0.4 percent of the plan and was intended to strengthen television and radio networks. Government building made up 2.3 percent of the plan and called for the rehabilitation of numerous buildings. Management and implementation expenditures were intended to enhance the public sector’s ability to manage and reconstruct the country. This comprised 1.3 percent of the Horizon programme. As a result of the Civil War, the government’s resources were limited. The country was not equipped to handle a physical and social reconstruction.61 Horizon 2000 was the solution that would help rebuild Lebanon. Hariri’s plan was to recapture Lebanon and its financial capital, and to reinsert Beirut into the global market.62 Rebuilding the city center was imperative to Hariri’s vision. Hariri’s goal was to transform Lebanon into the ‘Singapore of the Middle East.’63 He not only wanted to return Lebanon back its golden days before the civil war, but also

61 Gavin, Angus. Rethinking Beirut. Beirut, January 5, 2005.

62 Yahya, maha. “Let the Dead be Dead: Memory, Urban Narratives and the Post-Civil War Reconstruction of Beirut.” Urban Traumas. The City and Disasters”. Center of Contemporary Culture of Barcelona, 2004.

63 Denoeux, Guilain and Robert Springborg. “Hariri’s Lebanon: Singapore of the Middle East or Sanaa of the Levant?” Middle East Policy 6, no.2 (1998): 158-173, http://search.proquest.com/ docview/203699477?accountid=10349 (accessed February 2, 2013). 47 47 wanted to compete with neighboring countries in attracting foreign investments and interests. In addition, he wanted companies to reestablish and establish offices in Beirut in order to cater to East and West. Hariri was viewed as the country’s savior and as a man with personal and international resources. However, there were consequences to Horizon 2000 that were overlooked. As a result of Horizon 2000, the population became poorer, the middle class disappeared, and infrastructure damages were extensive.64 For example, the Horizon 2000 plan wanted to create residential areas for all income levels. However, the poor could not afford much of the housing it created and 30,000 premium apartments, valued above $300,000, remained empty in 1994.65 This created a housing shortage in the city.

How Planning Polices Translated Into Policy The Council of Development and Reconstruction was aware that the government had little money to redevelop Beirut Central District. In theory, the CDR was responsible for managing the programmes and assisting the Council of Ministers and agencies with executing projects. However, this was not the case. There was a division of power between the CDR and Council of Ministers, which complicated matters and led to competition between the two.66 In the CDR’s attempt to dominate the organization, coordination between the CDR and the Council of Ministers broke down.

64 Tabbara, Diala Walid. “Downtown Beirut Reborn.” Master Thesis, Department of Social Science, Lebanese American University, Beirut, 2004. 29

65 Stewart, “Economic Recovery,” 487.

66 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 94. 48 48

It was no secret that Hariri held personal control over the recovery programme. Hariri was able to allocate ministerial posts to men that were loyal to him.67 Hariri knew that if he wanted his agenda to go through, he needed the CDR to be under his supervision, and their powers reduced. This happened in several phases. To gain control of the CDR, the director was replaced with one of the heads of Hariri’s corporation.68 Fadel el-Shalaq, the head of Oger-Liban and director of the CDR, was able to legitimize Oger-Liban’s development projects through the CDR.69 Hariri allowed the CDR to act independently in the execution of the recovery programme of Horizon 2000 underscoring his powerful influence in it. He used his ‘trump card’ and threatened resignation from government to gain control.70 Hariri used the CDR to execute Horizon 2000, avoiding political debates and bypassing Lebanese bureaucracy that could have postponed the recovery process. It was evident that Hariri held the power in the recovery programme. The second phase was to propose that a real estate company be created to manage the reconstruction of BCD. The CDR proposed that a private company be formed to handle the responsibility of redeveloping the devastated BCD, and that shares be given to the owners and tenants in return for their property.71

67 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 94.

68 Bayhum, Nabil. The Crisis of Urban Culture: The Three Reconstruction Plans for Beirut. Vol. 4, in Beirut Review, 43-62. 1992.

69 Khalaf, Sami and Philip S. Khoury. Recovering Beirut Urban Design and Post-War Reconstruction. New York: E.J. Brill, 1993.

70 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 96.

71 Kabbani, Oussama. The Reconstruction of Beirut. Oxford: Center for Lebanese Studies, 1992. 49 49

The real estate company would be responsible for 130 hectares (321.237 acres). I t would also need to raise $500 million, as opposed to the 1977 estimated cost of $450 million spread over several years.72 Furthermore, owners were not compensated for expropriated property. By 1991, a plan was set in motion and the city was dominated by Hariri’s political and financial influence. As a result, the property in downtown Beirut was in the hands of only a few, public spaces were reduced, and the state and its authority were privatized. This resulted in the city being viewed as a Wahabi City, where a central authority controlled the distribution of wealth while reorganizing and weakening civil society.73 On December 7, 1991, Karami, President of the Council of Ministers, amended Decree No. 5 by adding Law No. 11774,75 This authorized the CDR to implement projects in damaged areas assigned by the Council of Ministers. Article 1 of Law No. 117 pertained to the establishment of a joint-stock company that would be formed with the CDR’s participation. This included the articles of incorporation for a joint-stock company to work with the CDR. Article 2 of Law No. 117 focused on the development of a real estate company. It allowed for the organization of rights of ownership prior to the settlement of conflicts. According to Article 3 of Law No. 117, the real estate

72 Bayhum, The Crisis of Urban Culture, 43-62.

73 Ibid.

74 See Appendix B for Law No. 117

75 Joint Parliamentary. “Law No. 91-11.” Al Mashriq- the Levant- Lebanon and the Middle East- BA,rre Ludvigsen. http://almashriq.hiof.no/lebanon/300/340/342/law_no91-117.html (accessed September 11, 2012). 50 50 company would reorganize the areas damaged, sell the reorganized properties; building and selling or leasing.76 To sum up, Law No. 117 paved the way for the development of a joint- stock company. Its responsibility was to oversee the development, reconstruction, and sale of developed areas, the formation of buildings and the sale or lease of buildings. The government and the real estate company would share reclaimed land with approval by the Council of Ministers. It was up to the Council of Ministers to decide what properties would belong to the real estate company. Law No. 117 gave the CDR the legal right to establish one or more real estate companies to take over and rebuild the destroyed areas.77 The belief was that a private company supported by the government would be better able to quickly and efficiently manage the redevelopment efforts than individual property owners. The state’s strategy for economic and fiscal reform was privatization. This encouraged economic growth, improvement to government institution efficiency, and offered investment opportunities. Furthermore, privatization redirected the government’s costs from infrastructure to social spending. Hariri was a supporter of Law No. 117. It was Hariri’s idea to establish a private real estate company. Hariri’s government endorsed Société libanaise pour le développement et la reconstruction de Beyrouth (Solidere) and used Law No. 117 to form a private company to oversee the reconstruction of downtown Beirut. On December 23, 1992, the CDR established the Board of Founders, taking the necessary steps to Solidere. The board was made up of twelve members,

76 Mugraby, Muhamad. “The Syndrome of One-Time-Exceptions the Defeat the Rule and the Drive to Establish the Proposed Hariri Court (Part 1) || Opinions || CGGI.org” Campaign for Good Governance in Lebanon. http://www.cggl.org/scripts/opinion.asp?id=258 (accessed September 22, 2012).

77 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 159. 51 51 representing the CDR, owners and tenants of BCD, prospective investors, and well known businessmen. There was also Saudi involvement in Soldiere, indicating Arab interest in Lebanon’s reconstruction efforts.78 On May 5, 1994, Solidere was incorporated. There were two types of shares. Share A was intended for property owners who received compensation from Solidere for their property in BCD. On February 25, 1993, the government appointed an appraisal team. They ruled that the properties in BCD were valued at $1.17 billion. A judicial committee was responsible for overseeing the distribution of company shares to property owners.79 By April, 1995, 2.6 million shares were allocated. Share B was intended for open purchase by investors. There were a few stipulations. Shareholders could not own more than ten percent of the shares in the company. This prevented any single shareholder from dominating the company. Furthermore, Solidere was exempt from taxes for ten years from the date of formation.80 Solidere was responsible for undertaking the financing for the state oversight of wholesale reconstruction and infrastructure renewal. Solidere was a pioneering venture in operating with less government involvement, creating more direct private investments, and bringing stakeholders into the urban restoration process.

78 Najem, Lebanon’s Renaissance, 166.

79 Ibid.

80 Gavin, Angus, and Ramez Bahige Maluf. Beirut Reborn: The Restoration and Development of the Central District. London: Academy Editions, 1996.

CHAPTER 4: LEBANON AND URBAN PLANNING

This chapter analyzes the urban history of Beirut, and proposed and current urban plans for downtown Beirut. It focuses specifically on the IRFED study, Atelier Parisien D’Urbanisme (APUR) urban plans and study, and the current urban plans done by Société libanaise pour le développement et la reconstruction de Beyrouth (Solidere). Many urban plans were developed, focusing on rebuilding or rehabilitating the city center. Each plan’s intent was to restore centrality at a local, national, and regional level.

Urban History of Beirut From the start of the twentieth century until the civil war erupted, Lebanon experienced two profound political changes: Ottoman rule and the French Mandate. In this case, planning was used as a service for national construction and state affirmation: symbolically, modern aesthetics and functionality. The old city of Beirut shows how a city evolves over time. Beirut lies between mountains and the Mediterranean Sea in which the city developed in a radial pattern because of the geography. The city has rebuilt itself after fires and earthquakes. Downtown Beirut has three distinct urban layers that have been uncovered, the Roman grid, Arabic structure, and Hausmannian urbanism. In the nineteenth century, Beirut was the only small town along the Mediterranean Sea. It is classified as having a typical classic Arab-Ottoman structure, because the layers are made up of housing structures mixed with administrative buildings. This left a dense urban fabric left behind by the , the Crusaders, and the Ottomans. 53 53

In the early stage of Ottoman control, a “self developed” urban fabric was maintained. There was no longer any evidence of the influence in the city. Ottomans were responsible for Beirut’s early modernization. The planning model used were Western influences, applied first in , then Beirut.1 The Ottoman reform applied to Beirut was referred as “Tanzeemat.” This was applied to building regulation and upgrading of infrastructure (fig. 3).

Figure 3: Map of Beirut, 1841. Source: Davie, Michael F. "Maps and the Historical Topography of Beirut." http://almashriq.hiof.no/lebanon/900/ 930/930.1/beirut/reconstruction/davie/Davie-text.html.

1 al-Asad, Mohammad, Majd Musa, and Robert Saliba. “Emerging Trends in Urbanism: The Beirut Post-War Experience.” Center for the Study of the Built Environment, http://csbe.org/e-publications- resources/articles-and-lectures-on-urbanism/emerging-trends-in-urbanism-the-beirut-post-war- experience/page-5 54 54

After , from 1920 to 1943, Lebanon was under French authority, known as the French Mandate. The French had great objectives for the city, including the creation of and urban projects and teaching the Lebanese about their culture. The French Mandate instilled the modern concept of city planning. It continued the Ottoman idea of building regulations and infrastructures and designed the on an orthogonal grid. French planners superimposed on the old Ottoman urban fabric. The municipality and parliament were designed according to “Levantine” architecture. They also superimposed the Beaux Arts/Haussmanan2 models. Wide boulevards were created that would intersect at monumental squares. As more business began to emerge, residents from villages began to move closer to the city. Hotels, cafes, cabarets, and entertainment houses were established for merchants and travelers. Prior to the implementation of La Palace de L’Etiole, other plans were developed for Beirut. In 1930, the Danger brothers proposed organizing the city and its neighborhoods into three different scales. The plan consisted of linking Beirut to nearby cities, reinforcing an east- west major axis, and organizing peripheral roads. According to Toffel and Vimercati, the Danger brother had three goals for their master plan: to make the city hygienic, solve circulation and zoning problems, and lastly, to embellish the city.3

2 Georges-Eugéne Haussnann, a French town planner, known for rebuilding and mondernizing Paris during the reign on Napoleon III. Haussmann was responsible for demolishing medieval and over- crowed neighborhoods and replacing them with wide avenues, parks and squares, and annexing the suburbs that surrounded Paris.

3 Toffel, Ludovic, and Alain Vimercatio. The French Mandate. ETH Studio Basel Contemporary City Institute, 2009. http://www.studio-basel.com/projects/beirut/damascus/student-work/the-french- mandate-(beirut).html. 58. 55 55

Between 1920 and the 1930s, the Place de l’Etoile was designed and implemented based on a typical French planning concept. This included wide gallery- lined avenues and linking them to important buildings and monuments. The plan was implemented in the middle of nowhere and designed in a star shape. Construction was interrupted by existing buildings and archeological sites, changing the shape of the plan slightly (fig. 4). The intent of the plan was to create organization and allow the area to operate independently. Architecture reflected French styles, as well as neo-traditional and neo-ottoman. However, in the planning and implementation phase, other buildings obstructed the intended star shape. Figure 4 shows how the intended star shaped changed in the implementation phase. In 1941, the De La Halle plan was developed. It was a unique design to re- embellish downtown Beirut. The plan attempted to imitate Phoenician architecture. It was designed to open the Place des Cannos to the sea by creating a terraced space. This plan was never implemented. In 1941, Michel Ecochard, a French architect, created a master plan for Beirut called the Ecochard Plan. He had grouped the public buildings into Quarter des Ministeres along the Place de l’Etoile axis. Ecochard’s plan established a circulation system. He wanted the roads to link east and west Beirut and the terminal roads to penetrate the urban layers and link them with downtown. Ecochard’s plan applied a “functional rationalist” approach by functionally zoning the different activities.4 Ecochard’s important point to his plan was to create Beirut as a “regional perspective.” He wanted to integrate the idea of urban

4 Toffel and Vimercatio. The French Mandate, 60. 56 56

Figure 4: Place de l’Etoile plan. Source: Toffel, Ludovic, and Alain Vimercatio. The French Mandate ETH Studio Basel Contemporary City Institute, 2009. http://www.studio-basel.com/projects/beirut/damascus/student-work/the-french- mandate-(beirut).html. 73.

57 57 documentation toward new cities linked by an agglomeration by a network of freeways. It would be a city renovated with high rises. In 1958, the Doxicidis plan was proposed by Constantinos Apostolou Doxiadis, a Greek architect and town planner. The plan was to provide a scientific method of how to solve the growing housing shortage. The plan consisted of developing a housing program and surveying Lebanon’s physical conditions. Based on the housing program, the quality of housing would be improved by being equipped with adequate facilities.5 The goal was for affordable housing to be built within one year. However, the proposed plans that followed Place de l’Etoile were never implemented. The city center wouldn’t see any urban changes until after the civil war.

Fu’ad Chehab and IRFED One of downtown Beirut’s major problems was the high density of its population (fig. 5). Because of this, President Fu’ad Chehab established the Directorate for Urban Planning in 1959 and passed laws to introduce planning tools to control growth in the city. Joseph Lebret and his team were commissioned to conduct a study of the country. This task was entrusted to Father Labret and his colleagues because Chehab expected there to be influence from Lebanese sectarian power holders.6 The IRFED study would provide insight into the social issues confronting the city and its surrounding rural areas.

5 Sarkis, Hashim. Circa 1958: Lebanon in the Pictures and Plans of Constantinos Doxiadis. Beirut: Dar An-Nahar, 2003.

6 “President Fuad Chehab.” http://www.fouadchehab.com/. 58 58

Figure 5: Downtown Beirut Urban Footprint, 1960. Source: Zouheir Berjawi, AutoCAD File, April 2011

The theory behind IRFED was to “créer un État libanais structuré à la fois verticalement, chaque organisme exerçant son action du sommet à la base, et horizontalement, des organismes assurant la coopération et les coordinations au plan national et aux divers échelons intermédiaires” (“Create a Lebanese state structured both vertically, each agency exercising its action top to bottom, and horizontally, organizations ensuring cooperation and coordination at the national level and the various intermediate steps.”7 The IRFED mission documented the country’s inequalities, as well as the economic and social inequalities. In 1961, IRFED presented an extensive report.

7 Verdeil, Éric. Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes : Une Ville En Plans (1946-1975). Beyrouth Presses de l’Ifpo, 2010. http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/2101 59 59

The report concluded the insufficiency in the political system and confessional variance of serious economical and social problems. The study pointed out a shortage of roads, electricity, water, schools, and hospitals in rural areas.8 Based on the findings, the Council of Ministers approved a five year plan structured around five main areas. 1. The mission director’s report, along with the constraints and requirements of population and economy, in addition to the guidelines that were already accepted by the government; 2. The infrastructure and community facilities program; 3. Programs and incentives guidelines; 4. Adjustments to development institutions, along with administrative and financial structures; 5. Bias network and equipment cluster programs.9 Social development and public state services, such as electricity, roads, health, education, water, and social services should be available in all regions. Because of population growth, 20,000 jobs would be created per year. In addition, the IRFED plan wanted to strengthen the country’s local production activities.10 The success of Beirut was covering up the under development and poverty in other regions, Bekka, Hermel, the North and South. These areas lacked in basic infrastructure, electricity, water, roads. Residents from rural neglected areas were

8 Picard, Elizabeth, and Franklin Philip. Lebanon, a Shattered Country: Myths and Realities of the Wars in Lebanon. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1996. 90.

9 Verdeil, Beyrouth Et Ses Urbanistes.

10 Ibid. 60 60 moving to the suburbs of Beirut to find a better income, creating what became the “belt of misery” around the capital.11

Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme The Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme (APUR) ¸ a Paris Urban Planning Agency, studied and surveyed Beirut’s Central District and proposed reconstruction plans. The study was prepared for the Municipality of Beirut12 and was developed during the cease-fire of the civil war (1977). The committee was made up of APUR members and Lebanese urban planners.13 The plan was completed by Mitri Nammar, the muhafiz (governor) of Beirut, and several urban architects under the guidance of the Directorate Générale of Urbanism (Directorate General of Urbanism). Marty El-Namar, an engineer, oversaw the redevelopment studies. The goal was to design a planning proposal for downtown Beirut. The APUR study focused on 130 hectares (321.24 acres), corresponding to the devastated areas of the city. This study focused from the west to Phenicsie Kakhreddine ; east to the first harbor; side of the College of the Sacred Heart and Tabaris Place; and from the south of Fouad Chehab Boulevard.14 The APUR consisted of several studies, project planning, a building and infrastructure programme, a balance sheet sketch, and a proposal of implementation.

11 “President Fuad Chehab.” http://www.fouadchehab.com/.

12 Gavin, Angus, and Ramez Bahige Maluf. Beirut Reborn: The Restoration and Development of the Central District. London: Academy Editions, 1996.

13 Khalaf, Sami and Philip S. Khoury. Recovering Beirut Urban Design and Post-War Reconstruction. New York: E.J. Brill, 1993.

14 Atelier Parisien d'Urbanisme (APUR). “Schema Directeur D'Amenagement et de Reconstruction du Centre de Beyrouth.” Note de Synthese, Paris, 1977, 3. 61 61

The APUR plans were influenced by urban ‘culturalist’ models.15 There were two objectives in reconstructing Beirut. First, to remodel the city into a meeting place for different communities to establish a national consciousness while reinforcing Lebanon’s unity. Second, to modernize the city center, solve access and functioning problems, while maintaining the city’s image, character, and history. This was a modicum of the realism to the APUR proposals. The plan called for minimal intervention and maximum preservation. French architects wanted to focus more on regenerating public space and private property. Fortunately, there was not much damage caused by the war, which allowed for a preservational approach to the city’s urban fabric. The APUR team surveyed the damages of downtown Beirut, produced the Schema Directeur D'Amenagement et de Reconstruction du Centre de Beyrout (Schema Director of Development and Reconstruction of Beirut Central), doumenting the estimated destruction, the building heights, C.O.S plots, the state and conditon of the buildings, and the state of the built field. Figure 6 documents the areas that were heavily damaged and needed to be destroyed, along with areas that did not suffer much damage and could be rehabilitated. The color red represents 80 percent or more in damages. The Port and surrounding areas, souks (shops), and the northern part of the city were heavily damaged. Brown represents 50 to 80 percent in damages. This included the areas of Bab Idriss, near the souks, and along Shahat al Shouhada (Martyr’s Square). The green areas indicated 30 to 50 percent destruction, in the areas of St. George Bay, Serail, and the Ghalghoul sector. Yellow represents less than 30

15 Beyhum, Nabil. “Communication Arts Forum: The Failure of Modernity (Beirut).” Communication Arts Forum. http://liustudentsforum.blogspot.com/2011/02/failure-of- modernity_3180.html (accessed October 9, 2012). 62 62 percent in damages, which was around the outskirts of the city center, in Etoile Square, and Wadi Jamil.

Figure 6: Estimation des destructions (Estimation of Destruction). Source: Schéma directeur d’aménagement et de reconstruction du centre de Beyrouth Mission franco-libanaise Apur juin 1977 Estimation des destructions 1349-77-C-001 © Apur pour tous les documents de cette page.

Before the APUR could produce their general plan, they developed a synthesis plan on the state of the buildings. This synthesis is the result of three different sets of data collected, including an estimation of the destruction, building heights, and the architectural quality of the buildings. The plan was broken into five distinct categories (fig. 7). Red represents the first category, which is located along the port and includes Bab Idriss, the Ghalghoul sector, St. George Bay, Wadi Jamil, and the 63 63

Figure 7: Synthèse de l’état du bâti (Synthesis of the State of the Buildings). Source: Schéma directeur d’aménagement et de reconstruction du centre de Beyrouth Mission franco-libanaise Apur juin 1977 Synthèse de l’état du bâti 1349- 77-C-006 © Apur pour tous les documents de cette page 64 64 souks. The category is further divided into four sub- categories: solid, diagonal, horizontal, and vertical. Solid red in the plan indicates little destruction in the areas of Bab Idriss, along Wegynad Street, along the Port, and Sahat al Shouhada. Buildings that were either unoccupied or partially occupied were represented by red diagonals. This is found in Zok el Bolat, the Ghalghoul sector, Safi, the Port, Wadi Jamil, and around St. George Bay. The red horizontal lines stood for buildings that were single to two storys in height (R and R+1), in which the buildings suffered over 50 percent in damages but the architectural quality was good or indifferent. This was found in the areas around Foche and Allemby Streets, along some parts of Sahat al Shouhada, Safi, Wadi Jamil, and souks. The color rose represents the second category in the plan. Buildings that were single story to two storeys (R and R+1), are represented by the solid rose block, meaning that the architectural quality was mediocre, and buildings sustained less than 50 percent in damages or were intact. Areas that fit this criteria were found in the Ghalghoul sector, Bab Idriss and Wadi Jamil, the areas surrounding Rivoli Theater, and St. George Bay. Buildings that were two to four storys (R+2 to R+4), represented by rose horizontals, were less than 30 percent destroyed and presented zero architectural quality. It also illustrated buildings that were 30 to 80 percent destroyed and their architectural quality was between one or two, and buildings that were 50 percent destroyed with an architectural quality of three. This was found in the Souks, Foche and Allemby Streets, Safi, and around Debbas Place. The vertical rose illustrated buildings heights of five or more floors, sustaining 30 to 80 percent in damages, and an architectural quality that rated mediocre to good. As the plan indicates, these kinds of buildings were found in limited areas near the port. 65 65

The color blue represents the third category. As the plan shows, the horizontal blue lines represents low building heights that sustained less than 50 percent in damages, with an architectural quality of three as listed in figure 5 but not clearly defined.. This included areas near the port and the Municipality of Beirut. The blue vertical lines stood for buildings of average height between two to four storeys, suffering less than 30 percent in damages, with intact or good architectural quality of one to three. The areas that fit this criteria included Maarad Street, along Riad al-Solh, Sahat al Shouhada, Etoile Square, Bab Idriss, and Wadi Jamil. The solid blue portrayed buildings of five or more floors that endured 30 to 50 percent destruction and have an indifferent architectural quality of zero to two. The plan shows the theatre near Riad al-Solh, a few buildings in Etoile Square, parts of Bab Idriss, buildings near the port, and St. George Bay were affected. The purple horizontals stood for buildings with an architectural quality of four, which suffered less than 80 percent in damages, and varied in building heights. This included the areas near Wadi Jamil and Serail. The purple hatching depicted places of worship and religious colleges. This included the churches in Etoile Square, the mosques along Weygand Street, Bab Idriss, the church in the Wadi Jamil sector, the churches near Serail, and a synagogue. Solid purple indicated buildings with five or more floors, which were either intact or sustained less than 30 percent in damages, and were of indifferent or good architectural quality. The affected areas included the Ghalghoul sector, Safi, Debbas, Bank Street, parts of Wadi Jamil, Rues (streets) Riad al-Solh, Parliament, Maurice Barres, Mar Mansour, and Ibriskallah. On the plan, the green represented green spaces or gardens (dark green), cemeteries, and swimming pools (light green). According to the plan, this was 66 66 along General Fouad Road, in Zok el Balat, Wadi Jamil, near St. George Bay and the port. Based on their findings, the APUR team was able to develop a Schéma d’ Aménagement (General Plan) for the BCD. The plan was broken up into six parts, focusing on building rehabilitation, building heights, alignment, public spaces, buildings of interest and religion, and the redevelopment of the Port for a later time (fig. 8).

Figure 8: Schéma d’aménagement (General Plan). Source: Schéma d’aménagement - plan directeur centre ville de Beyrouth – 1977 1349-I-78 © Apur pour tous les documents de cette page

Zone A, Zones a Dominante de Rehabilitation (Dominant of Rehabilitation), determined whether the buildings could be restored, modified, or needed to be destroyed and reconstructed. This pertained to buildings near and 67 67 around the Souks and along Damascus Road. A majority of the buildings were deemed to be restored, whereas twenty-four buildings were deemed to be modified, and fifteen buildings needed to be reconstructed. The Zone de Reamenagement (Redevelopment Zone) documented the building heights in the city. Maximum heights ranged from sixteen meters (52.49 feet) to an undermined height limit. The APUR team documented ten groups of buildings at sixteen meters, seven groups of buildings at twenty-two meters (72.18 feet), fourteen groups of buildings at thirty meters (98.43 feet), thirty-four groups at forty meters (131.23 feet), and twenty-seven buildings at an undetermined height. According to the APUR Alignments (alignments) section, the team determined whether 60 percent or a 100 percent of the façade would be replaced. Twelve groups of buildings were documented to have 60 percent of their façades replaced, whereas the remaining buildings needed the entire façade replaced. The Schéma d’ Aménagement (general plan) also focused on espaces publics (public space). According to the plan, the light green areas represented twelve current public spaces in the city center, the darker green represented reserved public spaces. The green circles on the plan represented landscaping in the city. Landscaping was planned around Serail, Wadi Jamil, along Bank Street, Riad al-Solh, Wegnayd Street, Etoile Square, and Sahat al Shouhada. Reserved pedestrian use was represented by beige lines and is found throughout the city. Parking was proposed between Serial and Petite Serail (small Serail), in Bab Idriss, near Avenue des Fancai, at the Port, in Sahat al Shouhada, near Rue Gouraud, and across the street from Place Debbas. As for transportation stations, they were proposed at Rue Khaled, the corner of Bab Idriss, and at Rue Azmi Ban Hamiye. 68 68

In the synthesis produced by APUR, Schema Directeur D’Amengement et de Reconstruction du Centre de Beyrouth (Schema Master Development and Reconstruction of Beirut Central), development was recommended around important monuments in the city, such as the Great Mosque and the churches of Saint Elie and Saint George.16 The landscaping around Beirut Municipality was looked at, and included improving the treatment of the walkway on the west side of . It was evident to the APUR team that souks needed to be reconstructed. The APUR’s proposal was to modernize the souks, create parking garages and parking lots, build storage areas, improve sanitation and security, and add additional levels.17 The souks character would remain the same, as would its traditional organization and its urban composition of narrow blocs (blocks), vaulted passages, basements, and construction. There were eight main points proposed for the transformation, reconstruction, and layout of downtown Beirut. The first point pertained to implementing a long promenade that ran along the coast, free of traffic and surrounded by a garden. The promenade would start at St. George Bay and end at the harbor wall, and the path would continue into the inner city. Second, the APUR recommended transforming the western and southern shores of the first basin of the Port to industrial facilities and warehouses. It proposed a built-up district at the edge of the docks, which would include restaurants, ground floors, and various shops. There would be car parks, warehouses, and port activities that would be located at another level.

16 Atelier Parisien d'Urbanisme (APUR). “Schema Directeur D'Amenagement et de Reconstruction du Centre de Beyrouth.” Note de Synthese, Paris, 1977, 5.

17 Ibid., 6 69 69

Third, APUR proposed a prestigious Beirut, equipped with two elements at the edge of the vast public square, the Palais des Congress (Palace of Congress), to be equipped with a cultural center, and an area for exhibitions. The same would apply on the opposite side of the square, le Parliament (parliament). Fourth, a series of connections was proposed to extend between the main centers in the city core to the new attractions and features on the waterfront. This included the new avenue from the bottom of Serail to the coastal promenade; from the sea to Foche and Allemby Streets, to be lined with traditional architecture and arches, and stairs leading from the sea front docks to Sahat al Shouhada. Fifth, APUR proposed renovating several areas that were degraded and had few occupants, which would aid in strengthening Beirut’s economic potential. One area of interest was Safi. It would be transformed into a dominant area with shopping and leisure activities, along with housing. Another area of interest was around Debbas Place. In the Ghalghoul neighborhood and the area located south of Serail, it was proposed that office spaces be provided, which would create areas for commercial companies and financial areas; in the Minet el Hosn sector, between the promenade and Omar Daouk Street, the establishment of a hotel district was proposed. Another part of the plan dealt with transportation. The APUR team knew there needed to be a set of traffic patterns within the city that would help with transportation. They proposed primary and secondary road infrastructures and improve existing roads. The plan called for creating a coastal route between Charles Helou Avenue and Ibn Sina Street, developing a layout for Fakhreddine Street, and creating an opening under Serail. For example, with Weygans and Georges Picot, they wanted to widen the existing road network and create several new additional avenues. The purpose was 70 70 to absorb the “points noirs” (black spots) of narrow intersections while ensuring that there would be a smooth exchange between existing and future highways and network services, and ensuring a coherent circulation network. Riad al-Solh, Debbas, and Sahat al Shouhada, for example, would be used for parking. This would include five to six thousand parking spaces, which would be added to different building programs. Along with improving transportation networks, there was also a proposal for an underground road that would connect east to west, bordering the coastline.18 The purpose was not only to solve traffic issues but help in organizing transportation. The last point of the APUR proposed creating an organization with a circulation network to establish a large pedestrian area in the heart of the city, without interfering with traffic. The APUR plan envisioned that property owners who sustained minimal damages would be responsible for their own repairs. This amounted to 75 percent of the land that needed to be rehabilitated. The areas that suffered heavier damages would be financed and repaired by private firms or the government. The Master Plan of 1977, proposed by APUR was approved by the decree Law No. 1163 on April 15, 1978.19 The reconstruction cost was estimated at LL 22 billion ($2.5 billion), over an eight year period. Soon after it was approved, the plan was only partially put into effect because fighting broke out again in the city, and reconstruction was halted due to limited funding.

18 Beyhum, Nabil. “Communication Arts Forum: The Failure of Modernity (Beirut).”

19 Feghali, Sami. e-mail, February 15, 2013 2013. 71 71 Société libanaise pour le développement et la reconstruction de Beyrouth (Solidere) Urban Planning Schéma Prior to the Civil War, downtown Beirut was home to a mixed and diverse community, and a microcosm of a pluralistic society. Beirut was the regional hub, not only for Lebanon but the . However, following the civil war, downtown Beirut was devastated and reduced to a dumpsite. The BCD was 120 hectares (296.53 acres) of destroyed buildings and landfill. This began a massive reconstruction of a city center (fig. 9).

Figure 9: Downtown Beirut Following the Civil War, 1993. Source: Zouheir Berjawi, AutoCAD File, April 2011

Rafic Hariri achieved his objectives, taking control of the CDR, pushing his Horizon 2000 plan, the creation of Solidere and reconstructing Downtown Beirut. His vision for a ‘Singapore of the Middle East’ came true. In 1991, Henri Eddeh, a French-Lebanese architect with Dar al-Handasah, was commissioned by CDR but financed by the Hariri Foundation to develop a 72 72 design for the city center.20 Eddeh, an advocate for a private real estate company, claimed that a real estate company could better handle the financing for the reconstruction costs and reduce the government to a stakeholder.21 The Master Plan of 1991 focused only on the old city center and sought to re-centralize activity in the old city. Eddeh’s plan called for widening roads and other public spaces and strengthening the street grid by adding greenery. The plan also included the creation of a 30 hectares (74.12 acres) island. To sum up Eddeh’s plan, he wanted to build two twin towers near the sea to resemble Manhattan and repress the city’s memory.22 In July 1992, the plan was submitted to the Directorate General of Urbanisme; it was not approved. In February 1991, the CDR initiated a study on BCD that included four phases: surveys, development options, master plan, and detail plan. The CDR appointed Dar al-Handasah to review the APUR Plan and to develop a new master plan for BCD.23 On October 16, 1992, the Council of Ministers approved the first three phases of the master plan. Changes and improvements were made to the detailed plan at the request of the Council of Ministers before giving approval to the master plan. The detailed plan defined public domain, roads, pedestrian spaces, open spaces and retained buildings. Changes were allowed to the master plan when it was deemed they were justified. The detailed plan highlights the following three aspects of a surviving urban fabric in downtown Beirut. The first was what remained of townscape

20 Charlesworth, Esther. Architects without frontiers: war, reconstruction and design responsability. Oxford: Architectural Press, 2006, 67.

21 Khalaf and Khoury. Recovering Beirut.

22 Ibid.

23 Dar al-Handasah. Beirut Central District Detailed Plan Report. Vol One. Beirut, 1994, 5. 73 73 features. The townscape analysis pointed out important features in the urban fabric that survived. They included landmark buildings, important street frontage, and views and vistas. Second were the archeological opportunities that were hidden, like the Roman Baths. Third was the preservation and conservation of existing buildings. This included surveying the existing land use, building heights, townscape values, and heritage. Dar al-Handasah established criteria for the building survey based on social grounds and building value. Buildings were selected for preservation based on whether they were prominent public or religious buildings and if they had historical or architectural value. They could then be incorporated into the future urban fabric; and if the original tenants occupied the building and could bear the financial responsibility.24 Dar al-Handasah concluded that retained buildings made up 40 percent of the surviving city fabric, leaving 60 percent left in land area. Downtown Beirut was seen as a “melting pot” where diverse sects and ideologies interacted peacefully. Thousands of families and who were displaced by the war occupied the city center. Demolishing 60 percent of the city center in to establish a modern downtown not only distorts the social relationships of the citizens but their relationships to a once familiar city center. The master plan of the Beirut Central District needed to correspond to the city’s role and function. The BCD was the hub for administration, commercial, service, recreational, and cultural functions. It was also the hub for international trade in the Middle East. The reconstruction of downtown Beirut needed to include all these activities in order to enhance its role as a main centre (center),

24 Dar al-Handasah, Beirut Central, 20. 74 74 reestablishing its role not only in the Middle East but also at the international level. In October 1992, a master plan was approved. The plan covered 150 hectares (370.66 acres); 119 hectares (294.05 acres) were the pre-war limits and an additional 31 hectares (51.89 acres) were reclaimed from the Mediterranean Sea. Based on the Master Plan Decree, issued in October 1992, the allowable floor space built-up area ratio allowed was five. The total floor space was 3,300,000 meters squared (32.29 square feet), with an additional 1,100,000 meters squared (10.76 square feet) allocated from reclaimed land, making the overall BCD floor space 4,400,000 meters squared (43.05 square feet). The slogan for the plans being developed was “Beirut: An Ancient City of the Future.”25 The Master Plan’s objective was to mix the old with the new, ensuring that the old urban city fabric would be integrated carefully into the new city urban fabric. The Master Plan called for creating a lively and attractive urban core, balancing residential areas, office spaces, commercial and retail zones, parks and yacht clubs. The Master Plan was divided into public and development land. Public land pertained to roads and open spaces. Development land dealt with vacant land and retained buildings. In October 1992, the amendments and improvements to the Master Plan were approved. Elements of the public realm, such as roads, pedestrian paths, and open spaces were defined. There was coordination between both the circulation requirements and urban design objectives. The hotel district had two squares, with

25 Gavin and Maluf. Beirut Reborn, 55 75 75 local squares in residential communities. There was intent to formalize a pedestrian network because of the disconnected pedestrian route in Wadi Jmil. On May 5, 1994, Solidere was formed and launched the largest urban redevelopment project for Beirut. The project focused on 1.8 million square meters, including Place de l’Etoile, Sahat al Shouhada, parliament, Serial, and traditional souks. Its objective was to reintegrate the BCD with greater metropolitan Beirut while strengthening the links between neighborhoods, pedestrian, and vehicle networks, and to establish a public transportation policy. This marked a symbolic desertion of the government in lieu of private enterprise.26 Solidere was given sole propriety authority over the decision-making that pertained to reconstruction.27 The plan included preserving and restoring the historic core from Serial in the west to Sahat al Shouhada in the east. The buildings along Riad al Solh and historical significance were included in the Solidere preservation plan. The plan included developing a mixed-use zone, financial districts, entertainment, recreational, and shopping facilities. Two hundred and sixty-five buildings and monuments were deemed historically valued. The buildings were a symbol of Beirut’s architectural tradition. These buildings were built during the Ottoman and French rule where each era left an architectural print in the city center. Solidere’s plan was to create a modern city that would have permanence with the past. In addition, there was a subtle integration between the old city center and the new one. The plan called for continuing both the street grid and urban grain of

26 Calame, Joh, and Esther Charlesworth. Divided Cities Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Mostar, and Nicosia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009. 184

27 Ibid., 184 76 76 the city. This was an extension of the pre-war city, which would define the future land subdivisions. Districts would have a distinct character, strengthening the development in the area and helping to enforce zoning. The 265 buildings that were retained would be integrated with the new townscape features and buildings. The restoration work included repairing damaged stonework or re-establishing the original façade. Existing roads, alignments, and right of ways were kept as they were in the Master Plan. Transportation was also taken into account. There was a demand for movement to and from downtown Beirut, requiring an effective form of public transportation. Traffic coming into downtown Beirut exceeded what was available, exceeding the demand for private vehicles. The model that was developed reflected what infrastructure was available, not private vehicle demand.28 The intent was to shift the use of private cars and taxis to buses that were going to BCD. Car ownership cannot be sustained long term in the city center. There is an anticipation that the government will implement taxes and tariffs on new cars.29 This would result into a reduction of car ownership. With the anticipation of policies that would increase costs on private cars, the Master Plan proposed a light rail, metro, and bus system. Planners estimated 800 buses for Greater Beirut with 30 percent destined for BCD. Planners developed eleven routes with four to five buses per hour, making passengers wait only a few minutes.

28 Dar al-Handasah, Beirut Central, 51.

29 Ibid., 52. 77 77

New parking standards were implemented. It was the developers’ responsibility to incorporate parking into their schemes. The plan called for a large underground parking structure to be built in the areas adjacent to Ghalghoul, Sahat al Shouhada, Serail and the souks. As for urban design, roads and other infrastructure would reduce the impact of new development. This would be done in small areas and divided into sections based on such distinct features as architecture, roads, and streets. High rises were limited and grouped together. Reconstructing the city center was a symbol of progress and modernity for Lebanon. Landscaping was a part of the urban design. Planners aimed for developing a landscape plan for the entire BCD. It would relate to public space and to the treatment of the different pedestrian paths. The Master Plan allocated public spaces, the new waterfront park, promenades, and public squares. Public spaces were pocket spaces, meaning they were local squares that would be surrounded by developments. Public squares were significant based on their location, the proximity of public gatherings and the city’s social areas. There were two main public spaces in national collective memory, Nijmeh and Riad el Solh squares and the gateway to Ghalghoul and Khan Antoun Bey Squares.30 These public squares that once played an important role in the city center’s memory, have now been capitalized by Solidere with plans to enclose the squares with high-rises. The overall Master Plan was divided into ten main sectors (fig. 10). A simple framework for planning regulations and guidelines was developed for each sector. It outlined and defined its land use and character.

30 Gavin and Maluf. Beirut Reborn, 115 78 78

Figure 10: BCD Plan of Divided Sectors. Source: Solider. General Guiding Design and Detailed System: Master Plan of Central Beirut June 19, 2001.

The sector plans defined the limits of public domain, public space and pedestrian areas, identified exempt plots and retained building footprints. These plans informed developers of the urban design intent, assisting in their development preparation. Sector A was defined as park and waterside, and divided into four sub- sectors: Park, St. Georges Bay Marina, Corniche Promenade, and East Marina (fig. 11). For example, the parks were restricted to public space and recreation, public performance space, and an indoor garden. As for the marina, its use was for docking boats, commercial ancillary services, boat storage, and parking. Furthermore, the sea front lagoon is restricted for recreation and no permanent structures are allowed. 79 79

Figure 11: Sector Plan A. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “A.” June 19, 2001.

The park’s urban appearance would reflect a Mediterranean vernacular and would be fenced for security. This would reflect Ottoman architectural influences like the red tile roof, three arches, or influences established during the French Mandate and the use of natural stone. The north-west axis of the corniche would have cafés and shops, with buildings limited to two storeys in height. A building height was established in order to not obstruct the Mediterranean Sea views. St. George Marina was designed to maintain a balance between public use and boat owners. Like the park, the marina would also have a Mediterranean vernacular style, with buildings limited to two storeys in height. As for the Corniche, it was part of St. George Marina and an extension of Beirut’s old 80 80 corniche. The promenade was restricted for public and recreational use, equipped with pedestrian paths. As for the urban character, it also reflected a Mediterranean vernacular. The overall sector A plan is designed to maintain the old city center vernacular style, while incorporating public spaces. However, this sector seems that those who dock their boats and yachts in the marina would utilize it more. There isn’t an attraction that would draw an average citizen to this sector of the city. Sector B is defined as the Hotel District (fig. 12). It is a high-density area centered in the pre-civil war hotel district. This sector was divided into two sub- sectors, one sector for high density, while the other sector was limited to a maximum height of forty meters (131 feet). The intended use was for the sector is commercial, offices, restaurants, leisure and entertainment; hotels, residential, and community facilities. The urban character of the area presented a large modern, ebullient, and competitive atmosphere. The buildings will not reflect the city center’s vernacular architecture but use modern materials such as glass and steel. This area will attract tourist to this portion of the city center. Sector C pertained to the Serail Corridor, and maintains a higher zone control to ensure the preservation of Serail’s view (fig. 13). Serial Corridor is zoned for institutional, residential, and commercial use. The objective was to encourage cultural and international institutions, such as embassies, for example. The sector is governed by a view corridor, meaning that buildings were not allowed to obstruct the view to the bay. Buildings north of Zeytouni Avenue could be five storeys in height, and buildings that were south could be six storeys high. The architectural character of the sector was Mediterranean, with the roofs that were either flat, pitched or hip-shaped with terra cotta tile. 81 81

Figure 12: Sector Plan B. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “B.” June 19, 2001.

82 82

Figure 13: Sector Plan C. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “C.” June 19, 2001.

Sector D represents the new financial district (fig. 14). This is a high- density area with new developments on the Normandy landfill and around the First Basin, creating a new waterfront. This sector is divided into three subsectors. The core and First Basin plan called for a building height of forty meters, and the other sub-sector had a special massing control. The designated use for this sector is offices, commercial, restaurants, leisure, entertainment, residential, company support, cultural use, and hotels. This sector would be mandated through private developments, with twelve hours per day for public access, and active with commercial and retail use. Developments north of Khan Antoun Bey and Boulevard were restricted to ten storeys in height. This was a prestige development area, especially for high density 83 83

Figure 14: Sector Plan D. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “D.” June 19, 2001. residences and hotels. Developers and architects were not bound by an urban character and were given free rein on architectural character. The district would be divided into four quarters, each with a different character and use. This part of the city is not mandated to use traditional architectural elements or materials found in the city center. This area is designed to be a modern and miniature version of Manhattan and Singapore. This area is designed to attract international businesses, investments and potential residents. This area reflects cosmopolitan portion of the city center. 84 84

Sector E was zoned for retail, mixed commercial use, restaurants, offices, residential, and community support facilities (fig. 15). The intent was to recreate the scale and the previous environment of the souks with long alleyways, accompanying open spaces, and simple buildings.

Figure 15: Sector Plan E. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “E.” June 19, 2001.

However, this design does not reflect the souks pre-civil war design with narrow arched alleyways and natural stone. It is quite the opposite. The alleyways are wide and do not have any vernacular architectural elements of the city center, its modern with glass, steel, metal and stone façades. Sector F pertains to Wadi Jmil (fig. 16). This sector has a significant amount of retained buildings, along with residential infill of comparable scale. The 85 85 original urban character was preserved and enforced in new developments, along with special height controls. The primary use of Sector F was residential and community support facilities. There was a widespread presence of mixed use and commercial buildings, small offices, and restaurants. This is the only part of the city center where you will find villas that were preserved from the civil war.

Figure 16: Sector Plan F. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “F.” June 19, 2001.

Sector F retained the Mediterranean vernacular along with the stone pitched red tiled roof. New construction was to follow the vernacular architecture of the area. The sector also defined a network of tertiary roads and pedestrian routes. The plan encouraged shared courtyards. This implies that pedestrian access is a 86 86 priority before vehicle access. This enables pedestrian activity within the sector by linking neighborhood spaces and footpaths. Sector G referred to the Conservation Area, defining the areas of Etoile and Balladiya, Serail, and Grand Theatre (fig. 17). The primary use for Sector G was for offices, mixed commercial, public, government, residential, and small hotels. North of Weygand Street was planned for offices, mixed commercial, and special residential use. South of Weygand Street was designated for office and government use. The objective was to reinstate the buildings’ pre-war urban character. The area was to be restored to the pre-war days and the contextual infill development to be of the highest quality. Buildings would be restored and rebuilt according to their previous designs. Their heights would remain as is, and surface parking will not be allowed in this sector. Maintaining the architectural style of this area is Solidere’s attempt to keep the city center’s memory partially intact. This was an attempt to give a familiarity to residents. However, Soildere was not successful in this attempt. The company preserved only 265 buildings instead and found it cost effective to tear down the rest of the buildings rather than preserving more of the city center’s architectural history. Sector H is known as Bourj, the new central feature (fig. 18) of the city center that extends from Bachoura and Damas through Sahat al Shouhada, down to Port Street. This sector was divided into three sub sectors. The first sub sector focused on the area between Place Debbas and El Azarieh, building the central zone of Sahat al Shouhada. The second sub sector was an archeological opportunity between Etoile Square and Sahat al Shouhada. The third sub sector was a high density area at the northeast corner with special massing controls.

87 87

Figure 17: Sector Plan G. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “G.” June 19, 2001.

The primary use of Sector H was for government and private offices, commercial, restaurants, leisure and entertainment facilities, cultural facilities, and hotels. Sahat al Shouhada was planned to be enclosed with boulevard-type blocks, with street walls. It would be similar to its pre-war character, with bus stops and taxis stand as part of the landscaped garden and market. A car park was planned under the square. Buildings east of the square were limited to forty meters in height and would link to the Safi community. West of Sahat al Shouhada was zoned for an archeological park. Following the excavation, the streets, pedestrian pattern, and parcellation would be planned.

88 88

Figure 18: Sector Plan H. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “H.” June 19, 2001.

To date, no real efforts have been made in an archeological park. The city center has many archeological treasures that have not been discovered or overlooked by Solidere. The question to ask is how Solidere determines what an archeological find is and is not. Sector I was known as Safi, a residential community in the southeast corner of the BCD (fig. 19). A large number of buildings were retained in this sector. The main use of this sector was for residential, community support facilities, commercial, restaurants, private offices, and residential workspace. New parcellation infill complemented the existing scale and orientation of the retained 89 89 buildings must retain a French colonial style. New developments would be six to seven storeys and nine storeys for plots in front of Place Debbas.

Figure 19: Sector Plan I. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “I.” June 19, 2001.

This once affordable neighborhood has now transformed into an upper class neighborhood with designer boutiques like Nada Debs and car dealership boutiques like Ferrari. This is a serious deterrent for lower-income families, as well as visitors. Sector J is known as Ghalghoul and Murr (fig. 20). These two high-density areas are divided into two subsectors. The first subsector was high density and subject to massing controls. The second subsector restricted building heights to 90 90 forty meters (131.23 feet). Both sectors’ intended use was high-density offices, commercial, and residential. They would conform to street wall controls and be constructed to ‘build to’ lines. Buildings that lined Riad al Solh square would have a heritage façade of natural ctone and existing trees would be preserved. Buildings along Fouad Chehab Avenue were required to have either six or seven story frontages and could not exceed more than forty meters (131.21 feet) in height.

Figure 20: Sector Plan J. Source: Solidere. Detailed Maps of the Institutional Sectors in Central Beirut Commercial: Sector Regulations “J.” June 19, 2001.

This area was intended to demonstrate that the city center could accommodate for commercial and residential use. Solidere’s intent was to demonstrate that it could replicate a lower Manhattan version within this sector. 91 91

There has not been much progress on Solidere’s end in developing this area outlined in their plan. In conclusion, downtown Beirut was mostly transformed to accommodate corporate tenants. This is seen with the design of the financial sector and making offices available thought the city center. Not all the plans developed by Solidere have been fully implemented. Based on my personal examination of the city center, it appears that 40 percent of the entire plan is complete, 30 percent is currently being worked on, and 30 percent of the plan remains as it. The project is expected to be completed by 2030. Hariri’s vision was to create the BCD as “Singapore of the Middle East” and reclaim Beirut’s status as the economic and financial hub it was before the war. Unfortunately, Hariri never saw his dream come to life. The city center has not made much progress since Hariri’s death and continues to be a work in progress in order to be recognized as “Singapore of the Middle East.” The pre-war middleclass and trade society were replaced and forced out to accommodate financial opportunities and upper class elites. Solidere’s attempt to return the city center to the way it once was is a failure on their end. There plans do not include all residents but only a target audience. The city center that many citizens remember has become a distant memory and the city center today has become an unfamiliar landscape that lost its symbolic meaning.

CHAPTER 5: POPULIST AND NEO-LIBERAL URBAN PLANNING: A CITY ANALYSIS

The goal of this chapter will be to provide a definition of populist and neo- liberal urban planning. In addition, it will provide an analysis of various city planning models that are similar to those proposed by APUR and designed like Solidere.

Defining Populist Urban Planning For the purpose of this thesis, populist urban planning is defined as creates an inclusive city for citizens. An ideal populist city would highlight public spaces, government buildings, mixed-use buildings, transportation, and street life. Sir John Sulman (1849-1934), an architect and town planner, thought city centers should have central squares, civic centers, and “an inspirational symbol of civic pride and progress.”1 Public spaces have special meanings to different socials groups and evolve “from social negotiation and conflict.”2 Public spaces are viewed as the “glue of urban society.”3 Streets transform space into a “collective domestic interior” that connects with the world.4 Planning should be approached by means of three perspectives: physical structure and population base; social organization and social characteristic structure and relationships; and, the attitudes of groups/individuals in social

1 Freestone, Robert. “Sulman of Sydney: Modern Planning in Theory and Practice 1890-1930.” Town Planning Review 67, no. 1 (1996), 56.

2 Wakeman, Rosemary. The Heroic City: Paris, 1945-1958. University of Chicago Press, 2009. 65.

3 Ibid., 65.

4 Ibid., 69. 93 93 control.5 For example, use values, a phrase used in urban planning, are based on quality of life, social activities, and congestion. These values shape economic development and land use in urban areas. Urban populism is seen as organizing neighborhoods and community empowerment.6 According to Erik Swyngedouw, “populism invokes ‘THE’ [sic] city and the ‘THE’ [sic] (undivided) ‘people’ as a whole in a material and discursive manner.”7 In other words, urban population is described as ‘people know best,’ and an inclusive city. Furthermore, urban populism is “universalisation [sic] as a positive urban project.”8 Jane Jacobs believed that downtowns should enhance culture, open spaces, and entertainment.9 This attracts people to come downtown and want to stay there. In addition, downtown can, “capitalize on its own peculiar combinations of past and present.”10 Downtowns are capable of providing for everyone.

Other Cities That Are Designed Similar to APUR After analyzing and studying the APUR Master Plan of 1977, I researched other cities that implemented the same visions proposed for Beirut. The implementations, such as public spaces, mass transportation, biking and cycling, and urban renewal, have been successful in the following cities.

5 AlSayyad, Nezar. Urban Informality: Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia. Lexington Books, 2004. 8.

6 DeLeon, Richard E, and Sandra S Powell. “Growth Control and Electoral Politics: The Triumph of Urban Populism in San Francisco.” The Western Political Quarterly (1989): 307-31.

7 Swyngedouw, Erik. “Post-Democratic Cities for Whom and for What.” Paper presented at the Regional Studies Association Annual Conference Pecs, Budapest, 2010. 9.

8 Ibid, 11.

9 Jacobs, Jane. “Downtown Is for People.” The Exploding Metropolis 168 (1958). 125.

10 Ibid., 129. 94 94

Amsterdam is a city that is densely populated, known for its biking, walking, mass transit, and public spaces. Throughout its planning, it was important for planners to preserve the city’s history and culture.11 For example, Amsterdam’s urban planning is sensitive to both basic human and environmental needs. Bicycles and trams have replaced cars as the most favored means of transportation. The city is designed to have open spaces, including five green connectors that lead to the heart of the city. In total, Amsterdam has thirty parks, which act as green anchors in the city. These anchors are linked by the street systems, creating an organized network of open spaces rather than a series of random spots for recreation. Urban sprawl was a concern for planners, leaving densification as the only solution.12 Maintaining green spaces was a main priority for planners. Not only did parks act as city anchors but they offered relief from the city bustle. The parks ranged in size from small parks, which were planted with flowers and trees, to large parks equipped with picnic areas, water features, sport facilities, bicycle paths, and hiking trails. Canals throughout the city provide both transportation and living space. They create links and habitat corridors that are ecologically functional. Another example of Amsterdam’s city planning pertains to the civic, and downtown. Leiseplein for instance, is made up of cafes and restaurants and is amply equipped with outdoor seating. There are places to watch live street entertainers and people- watch. Dam Square is known as an important social

11 Hines-Elzinga, Savannah. “Amsterdam, Nl,” http://depts.washington.edu/open2100/ Resources/1_OpenSpaceSystems/Open_Space_Systems/Amsterdam.pdf. 6.

12 Ibid., 1. 95 95 space. It is located in the heart of the city, providing a place for various activities, from political rallies to live concerts. Another city I researched was Istanbul, . Like European cities, Istanbul has multiple urban layers under the buildings foundation.13 The city’s social and cultural activities and its facilities are open to the public. City planning is designed around creating and developing public spaces that facilitate the modern lifestyles of its citizens and their needs for public and social spaces.14 Public spaces and buildings are important elements in defining a city. For example, community centers and city parks act as centers of socialization. They become important places for social and cultural activities, along with being places for rest, sporting events, and entertainment. They are strategically placed in central locations that are adjacent to city squares. Due to traffic congestion, citizens often travel by foot or utilize the tram and metro systems that have developed within the city. Another example is Belgrade, Serbia. City planners wanted to transform Belgrade into a modern European city. City planning included protecting and restoring the city’s historical heritage, taking into account the socio-economic, technological, and technological alterations to the society.15 It became clear that reconstruction within the city should reinterpret its past heritage. Planners aimed at utilizing the natural characteristics of the city to emphasize, develop, and preserve its cultural heritage and ambience.

13 Burdett, Richard. Istanbul: City of Intersections. United Kingdom: Urban Age London School of Economics and Political Science, 2009. http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/33333/. 3.

14 Keskinok, H Çağatay. “Urban Planning Experience of Turkey in the 1930’s.” METU JFA 1, no. 27 (2010): 2. 182

15 “Vrzić, Đina. “Analysis of Planning Activities for Belgrade Fortress Area – Consideration of the Area in Master Plans for Belgrade (in 1923, 1950, 1985, and 2003), Detailed Urban Plan and Regulation Plans.” 1-52: The Cultural Heritage Protection Institute of the City of Belgrade. 96 96

As part of Belgrade’s reconstruction, special elements were instituted to help shape the city’s image. For example, traffic arteries were designed in the shape of wreaths.16 Pedestrian walkways, cavaliers, and horse traffic pathways were all carefully planned. The city center was surrounded by greenbelts. Trenches were transformed into green promenades. Small parks were established, creating green oases in places where there were ancient ruins.17 As for transportation, planners also wanted to utilize the water traffic on the Danube River. This included building a boardwalk around the city and near the Danube. Public transportation and railway systems would be located in a central zone. This allowed the riverbanks to be separated from the railway and become a more integral part of the city’s landscaping. Plans called for modifying and preserving certain buildings. For example, parts of the existing railway tunnel, the Captaincy building, and part of the Concrete-Hall were altered, changing them into centers of amenities. In the end, city planning protected and promoted cultural movements, historical sites, archeological finds, and renowned places. It protected landmarks; expanded pedestrian zones, and preserved the spirit and character of the urban space. Paths were created to separate bicyclists from pedestrians, eliminating potential collisions. Pedestrian walkways were enhanced in order to improve existing paths, and new walkways were designed. These walkways will establish a connection between amenities and buildings, and link them to other areas in the city center.

16 “Vrzić, “Analysis of Planning Activities for Belgrade Fortress Area.”

17 Ibid. 97 97

Montréal is another example of a city that utilized elements similar to those of APUR planning. The master plan endorsed the principles of sustainable development. With regard to urban planning, it took a balanced approach to social equity and environmental preservation.18 Montréal’s master plan supported an improved quality of life for residential dwellings and the environment.19 The existing urban fabric was preserved, which reinforced a link to other urban activities. This improved the cost-effectiveness of alterations to the urban infrastructure and reduced rehabilitation costs. In addition, the plan’s goal was to improve the quality of architecture and the urban landscape. The focus was to respect Montréal’s urban fabric character, while being attractively designed and maintain economic longevity.20 Urban development would increase the use of public transportation, as well as promote cycling and walking. The purpose was to facilitate mobility within the city’s increasing urban density, while respecting the unique characteristics of neighborhoods. The goal of the master plan was to promote a variety of different uses within the city, while reducing the distances to shops, housing, and work.21 As for the city’s architecture, it was characterized by a selection of buildings that would enhance and maintain its heritage.22 Neighborhood features would be preserved, along with their distinctive styles of architecture, while

18 “Montréal Master Plan November 2004.” edited by Ville de Montréal, 1-328. Montréal, 2004. 5.

19 Ibid.

20 Ibid., 113.

21 Ibid., 6.

22 Ibid., 7. 98 98 public spaces would be designed in a way that would ensure a safe and comfortable experience.

Defining Neo-Liberal Urban Planning For the purpose of this study, elements of neo-liberal urban planning include the participation of private companies, capitalistic activities, state deregulation, economic development, the elimination of the public sector, exclusivity, a top-down approach, business driven activities, and the existence of free markets. Neo-liberalism reflects capital development, the privatization of space, affordability, and the elimination of state involvement. According to Tuna Taşan-kok and Guy Baete, neo-liberalism, “manifests itself as a prevailing pattern of market-oriented, market-disciplinary regulatory restructuring.”23 As a result, city development has been affected by market- friendly and neo-liberal policies. Neo-liberalism is a “top-down approach” rather than “bottom-up” approach to planning.24 With a “top-down” approach, the state is viewed as the entity, which manipulates or plans a society.25 Vanessa Watson states that neo-liberalism minimizes the state’s role and that public services are privatized.26 In order to attract the global market, neo- liberalism promotes a “competitive city.”27 This not only attracts global investments but also draws residential elites and tourists to the city’s

23 Taşan-Kok, Tuna, and Guy Baeten. “Contradictions of Neoliberal Planning.” Cities, policies, and politics. Dordrecht: Springer (2012) 1.

24 Ferguson, James, and Akhil Gupta. “Spatializing States: Toward an Ethnography of Neoliberal Governmentality.” American ethnologist 29, no. 4 (2002), 982.

25 Ibid., 983.

26 Watson, Vanessa. “Deep Difference: Diversity, Planning and Ethics.” Planning Theory 5, no. 1 (2006), 36.

27 Ibid., 37. 99 99 developments and waterfronts. This demonstrates that a city center has everything to offer. The urban population is excluded as neo-liberal planning promotes a new urban identity and redevelopment objectives.28 This would include high rent, expensive property, designer boutiques, five star hotels and restaurants. Cities are becoming entrepreneurial hubs. As a result, “business and political elites who control urban economic policy have become focused on competition for investments from mobile capital.”29

Other Cities That Are Designed Similarly to Solidere’s Plan After analyzing and studying Solidere’s urban plans for downtown Beirut, I researched other cities that implemented similar plans. This included one which emphasized a business- focused city center, exclusivity, and an international setting. Dubai, , is an excellent example of neo-liberal urban planning. The city has been identified as being successful because of its prolific economic growth and real-estate activity. Dubai once a fishing settlement has been transformed into a cosmopolitan city. Dubai’s urban economy once was diverse based on business activities, such as oil and marketing. During the - war, Dubai thrived with entrepreneurs.30 The city’s merchants got involved in exchanging supplies for either consumer goods or equipment. An emphasis was placed on expanding the

28 Mele, Christopher. “Neoliberalism, Race and the Redefining of Urban Redevelopment.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37, no. 2 (2013), 600.

29 McCann, Eugene J. “Collaborative Visioning or Urban Planning as Therapy? The Politics of Public‐Private Policy Making.” The Professional Geographer 53, no. 2 (2001), 207.

30 Pacione, Michael. “Dubai.” Cities 22, no. 3 (2005), 257. 100 100 sale of real estate, the building of hotels and other commercial structures, and other consumer services. Dubai wanted to be viewed as a ‘visitor’s economy.’ Attention was focused on developing up-market tourism. This included luxurious development projects like Burj al Arab, Palm Jumeriah, Burj Khalifa, and the Dubai Marina. As a result, the city’s socio-cultural character was impacted by the arrival of numerous immigrants. The city is now home to Europeans, Americans, and Asians. Dubai’s urban development created in an international setting. The goal was to have a significant role in the “global urban economic system.”31 Dubai’s plans strive to create a competitive and attractive environment for international investments. As a result, state- of- the- art provisions such as offices, residential areas, and entertainment facilities emerged, in order to accommodate the needs of ‘footloose’ capital.32 Planning was determined by Sheikh bin Rāshid al Maktūm, the Vice President, Prime Minister and part of the ruling family. The vision was for a capitalistic market bringing in foreign investments by reducing restrictions on free enterprise. As a result, economic growth led to a “socio-spatial polarisation [sic] between high-and-low-income groups in society, and to the possibility of social conflict.”33 Dubai continues to be transformed into a cosmopolitan city where wealth is not distributed, creating a vast segregation between affluent and poor citizens.

31 Pacione, “Dubai,” 263.

32 Ibid.

33 Ibid., 264. 101 101

Beijing, China, is also an example of a neo-liberal city. It is experiencing massive urban sprawl, spatial segregation, and social polarization. Since the 1980s, China has been transitioning into a market economy.34 In 1978, China executed an economic reform and open door policy. The plan was to sync in with the globalizing world economy. Because of globalization, it has had an impact on urban reforms and the way cities have been shaped. With the in pouring of foreign investments into , a new elite class was created, which transformed the socio-spatial structure. A new “rich urban zone” was created in the Central Business District.35 Because of the lack of state- owned enterprises, this left a market for competitive private businesses.36 After 1985, Beijing used different methods to push out rural migrants from the city. Beijing was transforming itself into a metropolitan city to accommodate businesses, institutions, and real-estate development. Urban planning in Beijing had to follow the national economic target plan. London, a densely developed city, is another example of neo-liberal urban planning. The city is the world’s leading international financial hub, and a business and maritime center. Over 370,000 people work in London, and 75 percent of the buildings are occupied with businesses and financial services.37 In order for the financial and business sectors to continue helping the economy flourish, the city must continue to offer an environment that suits the

34 Gu, Chaolin, and Jianafa Shen. “Transformation of Urban Socio-Spatial Structure in Socialist Market Economies: The Case of Beijing.” Habitat International 27, no. 1 (2003), 108.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid., 111.

37 Everett, Philip, and Peter Wynne Rees. “Core Strategy Development Plan Document Delivering a World Class City “, edited by Department of the Built Environment, 1-184. London City of London Corporation, 2011, 12. 102 102 needs of business and its goal of competing internationally. The strategic objective was to maintain London’s position as the world’s leading financial and business center.38 Offices make up a majority of the land use within the city. This facilitates London’s ability to meet its future business needs. Key districts within the city are designed to keep their own character and incorporate mixed-use into their planning. This includes constructing and clustering taller buildings together, which would accommodate a greater number of businesses and provide for increased employment.39 Tokyo, is another example of neo-liberal urban planning. Since the twentieth century, Tokyo has experienced rapid growth. The city’s goal was to “revitalize Tokyo as a place in which to live and work.”40 In addition, Tokyo wanted to be an attractive city and friendly to the global environment. The intent was to become a model for the world. The city wanted to maintain and develop its economic energy in order to compete internationally. Following World War II, the private sector had the power to dictate urban landscape changes. These private investments created a negative impact on Tokyo’s urban design. The private sector was left to collaborate and support the core areas of the city.41 The historical landscape needed to be preserved but the area needed to include high-quality businesses, commercial facilities, and cultural sites.

38 Everett and Rees, “Core Strategy,” 17.

39 Ibid., 19.

40 “Urban Development in Tokyo,” edited by Bureau of Urban Development, 1-31. Tokyo Tokyo Metropolitan Government 2011, 2.

41 Ibid., 5. 103 103

This chapter summarizes how the urban designs of other cities are similar to those created by APUR and Solidere. The APUR’s proposal emphasized creating and maintaining public spaces, supporting public transportation, and preserving architectural details and landscapes. This is evident in the planning of Amsterdam, Montréal, Istanbul and Belgrade. These cities encourage the use of alternative transportation, while maintaining architectural and urban features. Solidere plans, however, focus on business development, limited state involvement, and high-end housing. This is demonstrated in the planning of Dubai, Beijing, Tokyo and London. These cities are business-driven and focus on foreign investments. Amenities cater to wealthy patrons from high-end shopping and dining to, high-end housing.

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION

In my trips to Lebanon, it was not until Spring, 2011, that I began to think about downtown Beirut’s lost urban history. Walking down the streets and alleys, I knew there was a rich cultural urban fabric that was being replaced by modernization. Structures that housed stone buildings with bakeries and shops below and housing above, was replaced with glass and steel buildings that housed high-end retail space, dining, offices and housing. This change made me wonder how the city could have been designed differently. I acknowledge that my study has limitations because I did not conduct a survey on how residents viewed the city or how they viewed the city’s urban design. In addition, the cities I compared to the APUR and Solidere plans are made up of different cultural heritages. My research analyzes the current city’s urban planning schematics. In addition, it provides an opportunity to continue this study by proposing alternative urban design plans and by surveying how residents view the city center. My proposed modifications follow. After studying the city center’s urban plans and reviewing other cities’ designs, I think that Solidere’s plans could be modified to better incorporate the city’s urban heritage and culture. The APUR plans on the other hand, urged the preserving of the urban character of the city. Elements from the APUR plan could be incorporated into the current city’s urban design. Prior to the civil war (1975-1990), downtown Beirut was an inclusive city that met the needs of its residents and was affordable to live in. It was densely populated, had mixed-use buildings, residential units and villas, businesses, public spaces and activities, affordable entertainment and a symbolic significance. 105 105

However, that is not the case today. Downtown Beirut now is exclusive; it caters to wealthy elites with high expectations for shopping and residences. It is business driven, and has lost significant parts of its architectural and urban history. Between 1965 and 1975, Beirut's population increased 66 percent, from 331,000 to 551,000. The land use pattern in 1974 was 31 percent residential, 26 percent offices, 16 percent commerce, 11 percent industry and warehouse, 7 percent leisure, 5 percent hotels and 4 percent for other uses. Today the total land area of downtown Beirut is 444.79 acres, in which 150.73 acres have been reclaimed from the Mediterranean Sea. Thirty-eight percent is dedicated to new developments, 33 percent is for roads, 16 percent is for open spaces, and 13 percent is for retained buildings. If this is broken down further, 42 percent is for residential, 34 percent is for offices, 12 percent is for commercial, 4 percent is for hotels, and 8 percent is for government and culture. The first modification I propose is to add more affordable housing. To buy a house in Beirut’s Central District, in either Safi Village or the new Marina development, can cost anywhere between $1,750,00 for 2,960 square feet, to $4,400,00 for 7,965 square feet. To rent an apartment in the BCD can cost between $2,000 to $5,000 per month. Before the civil war, affordable housing was not limited to certain areas in the city center. Affordable housing could be incorporated into all sectors rather than limiting it to certain ones. This would allow potential residents to reside in the arts and culture district area or the financial district and resulted in a more dynamic and diverse urban environment. The second modification I propose is preserving more of the city’s historic urban fabric and architectural details. Solidere’s plan only preserved 265 buildings, although many other buildings could have been saved after the war. For Solidere, it was more cost effective and more profitable to demolish buildings 106 106 rather than preserve them. Unlike Solidere, the APUR plan called for rehabilitating buildings rather than demolishing them. The architectural details and materials have been replaced with modern finishes using metal and glass, rather than Ottoman and French nouveau architectural styles. The third modification I propose is incorporating more public spaces and street activities throughout the city center. Prior to the war, there were vendors who sold Turkish coffee, kaak (type of bread), and handmade goods; there were numerous street performers and activities. Neighborhood coffee shops, restaurants, and bakeries were very common prior to the civil war, but now have been replaced with a and other franchises. Pop-up parks could be incorporated into the city planning and culminate a placemaking typology. This could include pop-up art exhibitions for local artists, temporary installations, or parklets. The forth modification I propose is bringing back souqs, with their narrow alleys and traditional architectural details. The traditional souq could be constructed in Sector A and would be closed off to traffic. It would be constructed to reflect traditional Ottoman architecture, using stones, wooden archways, and narrow stone paved alleys and walkways. The souq that was previously here used to sell low- to high-end products. Items sold included spices, clothing, jewelry, oils and perfumes, soaps, alterations, and food. These items catered to all social classes. The current souq is very different, featuring modern houses and high-end Europen retailers such as Hermés, Burberry, and Chloé. The fifth modification I propose is improving mass transportation. The APUR plan called for incorporating an underground tunnel to help alleviate traffic congestion. Before any construction could begin, of course, archeological studies must be conducted in order to determine if there are any potential historical site that would be damaged. APUR also called for utilizing buses and metros to 107 107 connect the city center with surrounding areas. A generational shift away from car use towards public transportation adds to the success of the city center development. There would be a renewed interest in public transportation, which maximizes traffic congestion into the city center. Jane Jacobs said it best, “Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.”1 I strongly agree. Before the civil war, downtown Beirut was dynamic “mixed-use” urban areas. There were diverse buildings like residential, business, and non- residential uses. There were diverse types of commercial and residential buildings that brought people together people from all economic classes and all age groups. The city center provided something for everybody. In conclusion, I encourage further research and discussion on the urban design of downtown Beirut. I hope this study will encourage others to discover Beirut’s urban history and learn how different populist and neo-liberal governments influenced urban planning. Finally, I challenge future scholars and designers to develop alternative urban plans for downtown Beirut. Such plans should be based on surveying residents and use their response to help guide them. Then the true “Paris of the Middle East” will be unearthed.

1 Rus, Miguel “Quote #27 – Jane Jacobs.” I Like Architecture, http://www.ilikearchitecture.net/ 2012/09/quote-27-jane-jacobs/.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A: THE CASE STUDY OF DOWNTOWN BEIRUT 124 124

Downtown Beirut is an affluent city center rich with an urban history and architectural styles. The city center has a variety of borrowed architectural elements from Ottoman and colonialism. The Ottoman introduced red-tiled roof villas, while the French introduced colonialism and modernism. Downtown Beirut’s architectural heritage had a collective memory that had a special connection between the people and the architecture that was cultivated. Beirut was influenced by a hybridization of local architecture and western styles. In early 20th century, French colonial architecture was introduced to Lebanon. Under the French Mandate, a variety of architectural elements were drawn from the West and blended with neo-Ottoman and Eastern styles. In the 1930s, new multi-story buildings were constructed in downtown Beirut, declaring a new era of rule in the country. As seen with the Beirut Municipality and Grand Theater with a Neo-Ottoman, Art Nouveau, and Art deco. It was under the French mandate that Lebanon experienced modernization as the French began to implement their own urban and architectural models into the city. The French Mandate left behind a Beaux Arts grid of radiating streets where Place de l’Etoile was at the center. Following Lebanon’s independence from , modern architecture began to appear through the country. Modernism began to emerge in the late 1930s. During the 1950s, Beirut began to capitalize on social, political, and economics; transforming Beirut into an avant-garde city of the Middle East. Downtown Beirut has its own unique ambience from modern to arabesques buildings dating back to Ottoman rule and European architecture instilled during the French Mandate. Today, Beirut’s skyline is filled with high-rise luxury apartments, limiting the city’s old buildings dating back to Ottoman and French periods. The city center once housed 1,000 traditional buildings and today, 265 125 125 remain. These buildings are essential to the wellbeing of downtown Beirut, which provides a sense of community and space. Amin Maalouf, one of Lebanon’s celebrated authors, house was demolished to make way for luxury high-rise. Vinicius de Moraes, a Brazilian poet said, “Life is the art of encounter even though there might be so much discord in life.” Building on this, public spaces are the essence of urban life. It is there where people encounter and produce “the art of city life.” Public spaces play an important role in a city. This is where political and or social movements are held, and where interactions are made between people. After closely analyzing the APUR plans, aerial photographs and photographs dating back to the 1870s, I noticed a change in the city’s designs and plans from 1977 to the current plans. Prior to the civil war, the city center was densely populated; streets were narrow and the land size was smaller. The area that caught my attention was Shahat Al Shouhada (fig. 21). As one can see in figure 22, Shatah Al Shouhada was a public square and is the main artery that leads into the city center. Prior to the civil war, Sahat Al Shouhada accommodated for public transportation and had ease of access to businesses, local shops, cafés, residences, theaters, hotels, and activities. Local residents and tourist could go see a movie at Rivoli Theater or attend an opera. Not only was there residential living within the area, but there were a few hotels nearby that allowed tourists to enjoy the local amenities of the area. Street vendors were present in the area selling either kaak, a type of bread, or coffee to people passing by.

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Figure 21: Focus Area: Sahat Al Shouhada. Schéma directeur d’aménagement et de reconstruc- tion du centre de Beyrouth Mission franco-libanaise Apur juin 1977 Hauteur des constructions 1349-77-C-003 © Apur pour tous les documents de cette page

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Figure 22: Sahat Al Shouhada 1960s. Source: “Old Beirut- Preserving Beirut, One Image at a Time” http://oldbeirut.com/. Accessed March 19, 2012.

During the civil war, Sahat Al Shouhada was part of the green zone that divided East and West Beirut. This division divided the Muslim factions (West Beirut) from the Christian front (East Beirut). After the civil war, Sahat Al Shouhada was one of the areas severely affected by arterial fire. Rockets and bullet shells destroyed the buildings that once lined this area and the once busy area was now desolate. After Solidere took over the city center and began the cleanup process, many of the buildings were torn down. In figure 23, one can see that the buildings are no longer present and the square is empty. The construction in the background is part of Safi Village, for new residential and mixed-use buildings. The only building that was preserved following the war was the . The opera 128 128 house was converted for another use and today is occupied by Virgin Mega Store. Rivoli Theater was torn down, along with approximately three quarters of the other buildings in the area.

Figure 23: Sahat Al Shouhada April 2011. Source: Author

Sahat Al Shouhada has a symbolic meaning not only to the city center but also to the county. The first event happened during World, War I. In order to starve out the Turks from Lebanon, Allies placed a blockade around Lebanon. As a result, the country suffered from a famine, killing a quarter of the country’s population. Lebanese nationalist revolted against the Turks but were unsuccessful and were executed in Sahat Al Shouhada. One of the most recent and significant moments in the country’s history was after the assassination of Prime Minister 129 129

Hariri where Sahat Al Shouhada became ground zero for political sit-ins, protests, and demonstrations. Sahat Al Shouhada has played an important political symbolic role throughout the country’s history. Along with mixed-use buildings and businesses, the area also had private villas. Private villas could be found throughout the city center, especially in this area. Unfortunately, the city center lost many of these villas especially in the Sahat Al Shouhada area. In my opinion, Solidiere could have done other things with the area instead of tearing down all the buildings. Solidere could have assessed the damaged buildings as APUR did in 1977 and determine which buildings were repairable and which needed to be demolished. An assessment was made, but it seemed flawed. How did the company come up with the criteria for a building to be restored? Why wasn’t an outside company brought in to assess the damages to see if they agreed with Solidere’s findings. Had they done that, then more buildings could have been preserved than just the 265 that were restored. The buildings that could have been restored could have told the city’s story from the war and displayed the architecture that was present during that time. For the new generation, all they will know is what Solidere created and would have to look for old pictures to see what Sahaht Al Shouhada looked like before the war broke out. Another thing that Solidere could do is create more of the businesses that were there before the war and affordable housing in the area. Before the war, there were little grocery shops, cafés, and bakeries that residents would frequent every day. The grocery and meat shops were places that residents would go to everyday to pick up their fresh vegetables and meat for that day’s meal. Today, there isn’t a local grocery or meat market within the city center leaving residents to travel further from their homes to get the necessities they need. Solidere did not 130 130 accommodate for these shops to reopen within the redeveloped city center. It makes you wonder why these staple shops are nowhere to be found downtown. The café was the place where residents would come to hear the news or play a game of cards or backgammon, while enjoying a cup of Turkish coffee and listening to the greats like Wadi al Safi or Fairouz. The café was a place of community where friends and neighbors could come together and just enjoy their time. In addition, to the cafes, residents would go to the bakeries to get fresh bread everyday to have with their meals. Bakeries were also a staple to neighborhoods because they didn’t just supply pita bread, but also fresh croissants, mahnoosh b’zaatar (a flat bread with dried thyme and oil), fa’toy’yeh b’sbaanegh (spinach pie) and lahem b’ajeen (meat pizza). Today there isn’t a bakery in the city center where a resident could pick up some bread or any other item they may need. This obviously did not fit within Solidere’s plans and vision of the city center and it doesn’t make sense why it couldn’t. Finally, more affordable housing could be established within the city center. Housing was not expensive before the civil war and now the prices are unbelievable. It certainly did not cost $5,000 a month to rent an apartment in Safi as it does today. To buy a house in the city center is over a million dollars and no middle class Lebanese citizen can afford those prices. Housing in the city center it directed towards the upper class and outside investors. This causes a social division between upper, middle, and lower classes, which presents an unwelcoming atmosphere to an average citizen. There are other areas that have changed significantly since the civil war like the design of the suoks, businesses, and shops that were once there. One can hope that it isn’t too late for Solidere to make modifications to their plans to give the city center its appeal and character it once had. There is still hope that Soilidere 131 131 can modify their urban plans since a good portion of the city center hasn’t been developed.

APPENDIX B: LEGISLATIVE DECREE NO. 5 133 133

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Figure 24: Legislative Decree No 5. 1977. Legislative Decree No. 5, edited by Council for Development and Reconstruction. Lebanon.

APPENDIX C: DECREE NO. 1163 144 144

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Figure 25: Legislative Decree No 1136 dated April 15th, 1978. Source: Sami Feghali, Legislative Decree No 1136, March 2013

APPENDIX D: APUR RELEASE FORMS 152 152

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Date : Signature : Ce bon doit être impérativement signé et daté Sa signature implique l’acceptation des conditions d’utilisation de la banque images APUR Conditions d’utilisation de la banque images de l’Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme (APUR)

153 153

- Respecter les MENTIONS OBLIGATOIRES : le crédit mentionné © Apur

- Toute reproduction ou utilisation de documents photographiques ou cartographiques de la banque images

APUR est interdite sans autorisation préalable.

- Elle ne peut être effectuée qu’en vue de l’utilisation définie. Toute réutilisation devra recevoir un nouvel accord. Tout document prêté ne peut être, à quelque titre que ce soit, communiqué à un tiers.

- L’utilisateur s’engage à faire parvenir à la photothèque de l’APUR au maximum 30 jours après la communication au public un justificatif complet de publication ou envoyer un bon de commande lorsque aucun justificatif ne peut être fourni (publicité, film documentaire…)

A Adresser à :

APUR – Service Documentation – Photothèque

17 bvd Morland

75004 Paris

- Toute modification du document, du crédit du document, de sa légende engage la responsabilité de l’emprunteur.

L’APUR ne détient pas les droits des personnes photographiées. C’est à l’utilisateur de s’assurer qu’il peut utiliser les images librement. L’APUR ne pourra être engagé en cas de litige.

De même l’architecture contemporaine, certains monuments relèvent du droit d’auteur. Il est de la responsabilité de l’utilisateur d’obtenir les autorisations nécessaires des auteurs ou ayant droits avant toute utilisation.

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Banque Images APUR A compléter et à retourner Bon de commande de document par mail : [email protected] électroniques (photos, cartes) ou télécopie : 01 42 76 22 85 à l’attention de Maud Charasson Je soussigné(e) : Nicole Kamal Tannous Agissant pour le compte de la société : Graduate Student at California State University, Fresno (Étudiant diplômé de la California State University, Fresno) Adresse : 5202 N. Valentine Ave Apt 102 Code Postal: 93711 Ville: Fresno Tél : 0015592748674 Fax : Mail : [email protected]

Recherche : (merci de préciser le sujet, le lieu, le format éventuellement (vertical, horizontal) et toute autre indication importante pour vous) The urban plans and studies of Beirut in 1977 (Les plans d'urbanisme et des études de Beyrouth en 1977) Préciser l’utilisation qui sera faite de ce(s) document(s) : For my graduate work to obtain my Master’s Degree (Pour mes études supérieures pour obtenir ma maîtrise) Usage à nature commerciale : no Diffusion gratuite : no Pour les publications (revues, ouvrages) : no

Nombre d’exemplaires : 1 Date de parution : Date : 1/28/13 Signature : Nicole Tannous 155 155

Ce bon doit être impérativement signé et daté Sa signature implique l’acceptation des conditions d’utilisation de la banque images APUR Conditions d’utilisation de la banque images de l’Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme (APUR)

- Respecter les MENTIONS OBLIGATOIRES : le crédit mentionné © Apur

- Toute reproduction ou utilisation de documents photographiques ou cartographiques de la banque images

APUR est interdite sans autorisation préalable.

- Elle ne peut être effectuée qu’en vue de l’utilisation définie. Toute réutilisation devra recevoir un nouvel accord. Tout document prêté ne peut être, à quelque titre que ce soit, communiqué à un tiers.

- L’utilisateur s’engage à faire parvenir à la photothèque de l’APUR au maximum 30 jours après la communication au public un justificatif complet de publication ou envoyer un bon de commande lorsque aucun justificatif ne peut être fourni (publicité, film documentaire…)

A Adresser à :

APUR – Service Documentation – Photothèque

17 bvd Morland

75004 Paris

- Toute modification du document, du crédit du document, de sa légende engage la responsabilité de l’emprunteur.

L’APUR ne détient pas les droits des personnes photographiées. C’est à l’utilisateur de s’assurer qu’il peut utiliser les images librement. L’APUR ne pourra être engagé en cas de litige.

De même l’architecture contemporaine, certains monuments relèvent du droit d’auteur. Il est de la responsabilité de l’utilisateur d’obtenir les autorisations nécessaires des auteurs ou ayant droits avant toute utilis

Fresno State

Non-Exclusive Distribution License (to archive your thesis/dissertation electronically via the library’s eCollections database)

By submitting this license, you (the author or copyright holder) grant to Fresno State Digital Scholar the non-exclusive right to reproduce, translate (as defined in the next paragraph), and/or distribute your submission (including the abstract) worldwide in print and electronic format and in any medium, including but not limited to audio or video.

You agree that Fresno State may, without changing the content, translate the submission to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation.

You also agree that the submission is your original work, and that you have the right to grant the rights contained in this license. You also represent that your submission does not, to the best of your knowledge, infringe upon anyone’s copyright.

If the submission reproduces material for which you do not hold copyright and that would not be considered fair use outside the copyright law, you represent that you have obtained the unrestricted permission of the copyright owner to grant Fresno State the rights required by this license, and that such third-party material is clearly identified and acknowledged within the text or content of the submission.

If the submission is based upon work that has been sponsored or supported by an agency or organization other than Fresno State, you represent that you have fulfilled any right of review or other obligations required by such contract or agreement.

Fresno State will clearly identify your name as the author or owner of the submission and will not make any alteration, other than as allowed by this license, to your submission. By typing your name and date in the fields below, you indicate your agreement to the terms of this distribution license.

Embargo options (fill box with an X).

Make my thesis or dissertation available to eCollections immediately upon X submission.

Embargo my thesis or dissertation for a period of 2 years from date of graduation.

Embargo my thesis or dissertation for a period of 5 years from date of graduation.

Nicole Tannous

Type full name as it appears on submission

October 27, 2015

Date