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ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • 2016 • 139-156 approaches in divided

Gizem CANER1, Fulin BÖLEN2 1 [email protected] • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Graduate School of Science, Engineering and Technology, Technical University, Istanbul, 2 [email protected] • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of , Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

Received: April 2014 • Final Acceptance: December 2015

Abstract This paper provides a comparative analysis of planning approaches in divided cities in order to investigate the role of planning in alleviating or exacerbating urban division in these societies. It analyses four urban areas—, , , —either of which has experienced or still experiences extreme divisions related to nationality, ethnicity, religion, and/or culture. Each case study is investigated in terms of planning approaches before division and after reunifi- cation (if applicable). The relation between division and planning is reciprocal: planning effects, and is effected by urban division. Therefore, it is generally assumed that traditional planning approaches are insufficient and that the recognized engagement meth- ods of planners in the planning process are ineffective to overcome the problems posed by divided cities. Theoretically, a variety of urban scholars have proposed different perspectives on this challenge. In analysing the role of planning in di- vided cities, both the role of planners, and planning interventions are evaluated within the light of related literature. The case studies indicate that even though different planning approaches have different consequences on the ground, there is a universal trend in harmony with the rest of the world in reshaping these cities. This conclusion draws another one; the contemporary planning interventions in divided cities do not address the root causes of division. Hence, incorporation of ‘difference’ as a prominent feature of the to its plans is not addressed as it should be in these special cases.

Keywords doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2016.74936 10.5505/itujfa.2016.74936 doi: Urban space, Divided cities, Divided societies, Urban planning, Segregation. 140

1. Introduction city to observe commonalities as well A search on the term ‘divided city’ as incoherencies between case studies. reveals the work of a variety of urban This conclusion will reveal that in spite scholars who use the same term but of the unique attributes these cities have very different research perspec- shelter, their contemporary planning tives. These different approaches appear approaches are in harmony with the in a duality. The first discourse focuses rest of the world in reshaping the ur- on divided cities as places where divi- ban. All in all, it is expected that this sions of capitalist production processes paper will contribute to further studies are more pronounced. They emphasise which aim to understand urban divi- class, race and gender relations, urban sion and strive to change it with the segregation and increasing inequality help of urban planning. between the affluent and deprived city as their main concerns. Their 2. Planning in divided cities geographical concern is with global When dealing with divided cities, cities such as New , , planning profession becomes insuffi- and (see, for example, Mallen- cient to cope with the fierce situations kopf and Castells, 1991, Fainstein et al., caused by contestations over space. 1992, Marcuse and van Kempen, 2002; In such circumstances, it has to be Marcuse, 1995). re-conceptualized to go beyond the In the last three decades however, narrow framework of physical land- there has been a growing body of lit- use planning. Taking into account that erature concerned about a more spe- planning has the power to change the cific form of urban division, classified spatial, economic, social, and political by its extremeness (Safier, 1997). These dimensions of urban space, the ques- divided cities are less in numbers and tion becomes, which of these dimen- indicate physical or political contes- sions can be used to intensify or less- tations in certain special cases. Well- en contestations over space in divided known examples of such cities are cities? Belfast, Jerusalem, , Mostar, Bollens (1998, 2002, 2007) and Beirut, and Berlin. Prominent scholars Yiftachel (1995) propose a group of working in this field (see, for exam- urban ethnic dimensions which are ple, Bollens, 1998, 2007, 2009; Calame used in planning processes to exert and Charlesworth, 2009; , 1994; control or repression in divided cities: Gaffikin and Morrissey, 2011; Hep- 1) Theterritorial dimension is the most burn, 2004; Kliot and Mansfeld, 1999; powerful tool used to control and dis- Kotek, 1999), in time, have developed, tribute ethnic groups spatially via the what came to be known as the ‘Divided usage of policies. Problems of Cities Discourse’ (DCD). land ownership, drawing of jurisdic- This paper is concerned with the tional boundaries, displacements etc. second type of divided cities and re- are also important tools for control (El- sides with the literature generated by lis, 2000); 2) The procedural dimension DCD writers. In this framework, the can be used to include or exclude dif- first section of the paper gives a brief ferent sections of society from access literature review regarding planning in to decision-making processes; 3) The divided cities. It identifies the existing economic dimension is used to allocate models of planning approaches sug- urban services and spending. The neg- gested by different scholars and, hence, ative and positive externalities of ur- sets a basis for comparison and eval- banisation are distributed by planning uation for case studies. The following processes causing situations like depri- section is devoted to a comprehensive vation or dependence of certain areas; comparative analysis of the case stud- and, 4) Thecultural dimension where ies, regarding planning approaches group identity is maintained or threat- before division and (if applicable) after ened through cultural institutions, ed- reunification. For conclusion, a chart ucation and religious expression. is drawn to visualise and summarise According to these scholars, plan- planning approaches, professional atti- ning has to deal with these conditions tudes and actual interventions in each in order to achieve an effective plan-

ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • March 2016 • G. Caner, F. Bölen 141

Table 1. Models of urban policy strategies (adapted from Benvenisti, 1986; Bollens, 2007).

Urban Planning Model Strategies

Neutral Strategy • Employs technical criteria in allocating urban resources and Tactic: Address urban symptoms services of ethnic conflict at individual • Distances itself from issues of ethnic identity, power inequalities level and political exclusion Partisan Strategy • Furthers an empowered ethnic group’s values/authority and rejects Tactic: Maintain/Increase the claims of disenfranchised group disparities • Strategies seek to entrench and expand territorial claims or enforce exclusionary control of access

Equity Strategy • Gives primacy to ethnic affiliation in order to decrease inter-group Tactic: Address urban symptoms inequalities of ethnic conflict at ethnic group • Allocation of urban services and spending is based on group level identity

Resolver Strategy • To connect urban issues to root causes of urban polarization Tactic: Address root causes/ • Impacts and authority of policy is challenged sovereignty issues

ning process in divided cities. Building gradual process of ethno-political po- on to Benvenisti’s (1986) views on par- larization. Housing and employment tisan and resolver planning approaches markets are officially open, yet marked in divided cities, Bollens (1998) sug- by deep patterns of ethnic segregation.” gests a four-model approach that can (Yiftachel, 2006: 299). The ethnocratic be conceptualised around the degree it strategy appears a step further from addresses above-mentioned urban eth- Bollens’ (2007) partisan model. nic dimensions (Table 1). In their book, Planning in Divided According to Bollens (2007); 1) neu- Cities (2011), Gaffikin and Morrissey tral strategy, approaches to division conclude that planning in these cit- technically and distances itself from ies has to encompass a collaborative the problems caused by division; 2) model. This approach denotes public partisan strategy, aims to increase dis- policy decision-making that is inclu- parities between two groups and seeks sive and based on dialogue among all 1Bollens (2007) associates a to empower the dominant group’s au- stakeholders, producing ideally con- different meaning thority further; 3) equity strategy, gives sensual outcomes (Brand et al., 2008). to Benvenisti’s primacy to ethnic group identity and Communicative, dialogic, argumenta- (1986) resolver allocates urban services based on this tive or deliberative planning are relat- strategy. According identity; 4) resolver planning, connects ed concepts to collaborative planning to Benvenisti (1986), resolvers urban problems to division and ad- (Gaffikin and Morrissey, 2011). 6 intervene to a dresses root causes of division. According to Gaffikin and Mor- binary situation In a more extreme vein, Yiftachel rissey (2011), the challenge for collabo- by a third-party and Yacobi (2003) and Yiftachel (2009) rative planning in divided cities is that intervention, which identify an ‘ethnocratic strategy’ where there are multiple and rival publics in- inevitably causes either irrelevance all dimensions of planning (territorial, stead of a single one. Since public dis- or rejection. This procedural, economic and cultural) course is closely linked to public space, negative attribute combine to create the ethnocratic city; they suggest that shared spaces have is taken out of “this city is classified and represented as to be created for shared futures. The the equation by mixed but it is dominated by one eth- difference of shared space from public Bollens (2007), by suggesting the no-national group. Urban citizenship space is that there is not only contact, elimination of the [in the ethnocratic city] is unequal, but also engagement. Amin (2002) re- third-party. Hence, with resources and services allocated fers to these places as “sites of cultural Bollens’ (2007) on the basis of ethnicity, not residen- transgression of a prosaic nature” and adaptation is more cy. Urban politics are ethnicised, with a gives examples like colleges, leisure far-reaching and optimistic. places, and ventures Urban planning approaches in divided cities 142 like common gardens. The shared fu- more ‘neutral’); eventually generating ture Gaffikin and Morrissey (2011) are discontent among urban communities. talking about, should be based on cre- Strategies of avoidance also reflects the ating soft boundaries for facilitating in- neutral strategy of Bollens (2007), how- tegrated living and collaborative work- ever, in a more severe context. Unlike ing across divides, rooted in principles strategies of compliance where plan- of inclusion, respect for diversity, equi- ners intervene in ‘neutral’ grounds; ty and interdependence. To achieve all planners who engage with an attitude this, the aim should shift from manag- of avoidance withhold their participa- ing division, to transforming it. tion until a clear political outcome (for Misselwitz and Rienits (2009) eval- example, peace agreement) is achieved. uate the role of planning in mediating They tend to disengage from the ethnic conflicts by a dual classification. Ac- conflict and remain passive.Strategies cording to them, mediated conflicts are of engagement can be pursued via var- where conflicting interests are being ious routes. Engagement through cen- absorbed and resolved or contained by tralised planning can cause planners to established mechanisms of mediation, gain Bollens’ (2007) partisan strategy, to the extent that they do not erupt into if the the planners are violence. In unmediated conflicts on the relying on is lopsided. Engagement other hand, there is destructive con- through collaborative planning can be- frontation, where accepted norms and come successful only if it is supported mechanisms of mediation fail. These by politicians (local government etc.) authors’ views suggest that architecture and/or a social reform. If maintained, and urban planning can become tools it can transform into Bollens’ (2007) in the conflict themselves. In the case equity and resolver planning models. of mediated conflicts, the subjects are Engagement through privatisation oc- ‘ordinary’ cities (Amin and Graham, curs when the local government be- 1997) where well-established planning comes too dysfunctional to provide a mechanisms keep the conflict mediat- platform for professional intervention. ed to a degree. On the other hand, un- By giving in to market forces, profes- mediated conflicts are more appropri- sionals once again engage neutrally. ate for explaining the challenges faced Strategies of advocacy, like engagement by planners in divided cities. through collaboration, coincide with Yiftachel (2006) argues that the Bollens’ (2007) equity and/or resolver above mentioned collaborative, com- models. Here, planning professionals municative, deliberative, or discursive confront the political processes that planning debates focus on ‘the role of cause conflict; they advocate for the planners rather than planning’. This well-being of their city and the urban raises another important subject for community; and in the way, they create planning in divided cities; profession- a public debate. al responses. To evaluate the role of Case studies below are evaluated planners in divided cities, we will re- within this theoretical framework with side with Calame and Charlesworth’s a temporal approach. A comparative (2009) classification among four pro- analysis is carried out regarding plan- fessional approaches; compliance, ning systems, planners’ responses and avoidance, engagement and advocacy. planning interventions in order to These professional approaches reflect portray the contemporary situation in the planner perspectives of Bollens’ each city. (2007) planning models. Strategies of compliance coincide with Bollens’ 3. Comparative analysis: Case studies (2007) neutral strategy where profes- In each case study, introductory in- sionals show a degree of willingness formation on the historical evolution to comply with the orders of political of division will be given. This will be masters. This attitude induces igno- followed by presenting planning ap- rance of political pressures and invites proaches during division and after re- irrelevant implementations (interven- unification (if applicable). We will also tions are generally in public and com- be able to observe the effects/interven- mercial spaces that are perceived to be tions of these planning approaches on

ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • March 2016 • G. Caner, F. Bölen 143

Figure 1. Berlin and Berlin Wall during division, 1961-1989. the urban ground. As a consequence, caused the , which man- the role of planning in divided cities aged the city as a unity, to disintegrate. will be understood comprehensively. A separate council was set up in the East, claiming to be the only legitimate 3.1. Berlin body in Berlin (Elkins et al., 1988). This of division in Berlin culminated in the formation of two Berlin is different from other case rival states; in Western the studies examined in this study because Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), it resembles an ideological separation comprising the American, British, and caused by political differences, rather French Zones; and in Eastern Germa- than ethnic, national or religious ones. ny the German Democratic Republic Berlin was forcibly separated between (GDR), comprising the Soviet Zone. the Allied powers—British, Ameri- GDR declared East Berlin as its capi- can, French and —after the Sec- tal, while FRG carried its to ond World War. While the rest of the . was divided into four zones of Despite the political division, there occupation, Berlin, as the seat of the was no physical division until 1961. At Allied Control Council, was excluded this time, The Berlin Wall was erected from all the zones and put under a sep- to restrict movement and was armed arate four-power regime (Robinson, by military and police forces of the 1953). The city was divided into West GDR. On two sides of Berlin, there was (UK, USA, and ) and East (So- mutual non-recognition and ideologi- viet Union) sectors. West Berlin was an cal conflict; the two sides claimed to be exclave in Soviet , with road, the only legitimate successor of former air and rail connections to West Ger- Berlin. many (Figure 1). Relationship among the two sides In 1948, tension between Allies started to cool off in 1980s wand this and the Soviet Union accelerated and eventually led to the removal of the wall

Urban planning approaches in divided cities 144 in 1989. The fall of Berlin Wall is gen- ners employed technical skills only erally seen as the end of the to allocate urban resources and ser- and disintegration of eastern European vices. Planners engaged through cen- from the Soviet Union (Loeb, tralised planning and complied with 2006). the political administrators. Strategies of avoidance, rendering the planning Planning during division process ineffective in the face of polit- Due to ideological differences be- ical realities were also in effect. On the tween Capitalist and Socialist regimes, other hand, planning in the West did planning discourses evolved differently not ignore the other side and did not during the years of division. Yet, sim- limit itself with division. Planners also ilarities can be observed as well. In engaged through centralised planning, the first years of division until 1950s, but here, the political administrators both sides were mainly concerned anticipated a future reunion, render- with clearing the rubbles of war and ing professionals more effective and reconstruction. Then came the process responsible in the process. of mega housing projects, usually im- plemented on the outskirts of Berlin Planning after reunification in both sides. In the last phase, both With the fall of Berlin Wall, imme- authorities were more concerned with diate action to reunite the city took conservation efforts in city centres. off immediately. Main considerations In the East, planning and imple- were: mentation were centralized at the state • Physical reunification; reconnect- level. The plans showed no sign of the ing East and West in terms of infra- west and the development of the city structure and spatial organization. was pursued as if the city would nev- Prominent issues were housing con- er reunite. Urban construction was ditions, green spaces, clean air and formulated in 1950s with the ‘Sixteen water provision, and establishment Principles’ (Von Beyme, 1990; Elkins et of equal living standards between al., 1988). Some principles, like limita- the inhabitants of the East and West tion on growth of the city and support (Loeb, 2006). for the construction of skyscrapers, • The capital; re-establishing Berlin as were consistent with western modern- the capital of a reunified Germany. ists’ planning ideologies (Von Beyme, This demanded the revitalisation of 1990). central functions of a capital city; In the West, the main instrument that which meant new construction sites guided development was the land-use for new buildings and renovation of plan (FNP) – and still is. Created by the usable older ones to serve govern- administrative department responsible mental needs. for city planning, it contrasted with the • Showcase Berlin; constructing an East’s centralized decision-making and image as well as a set of modern implementation processes. These plans buildings (Marcuse, 1998). Inter- were made “as if no sector boundary national corporations’ investments existed, and as if the city planning of- had to be redirected to Berlin to cre- fice had not been divided in 1950, the ate a competitive, . plans for the central area stretched The main doctrine which shaped eastwards to include the historic in- planning processes after reunification ner city” (Elkins et al., 1988: 180). The came to be identified as ‘Critical Re- context of the surrounding GDR was construction’; postulated at the Inter- included in pale grey, and major routes national Building Exhibition (IBA) that would be reconnected following held right after the fall of the wall. It reunification were indicated by dashes describes “a critical re-appropriation in a light tone (Loeb, 2006). Contrary of the past’s particular urban virtues” to the East, construction that would (Murray, 2003: 4) meaning that objec- impede a future reunification was not tives of planning were shaped accord- permitted. ing to historical claims. The emphasis As can be seen, planning model of was given to pre-1914 history (Mar- the GDR was neutral, where the plan- cuse, 1998). There are some scholars

ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • March 2016 • G. Caner, F. Bölen 145 who do not find this approach fulfilling lived in the south and west, while the (Nasr, 1996; Marcuse, 1998) because, 25% Christian population lived on the the urban environment after reuni- east of the city. fication did not shelter great histori- During 1920s, in the first years of the cal artefacts and was rather an empty French Mandate, Beirut went through plate; anything could have been done rapid urbanisation and industrialisa- in these vacant lands. tion. Immigrants coming from neigh- A coordinating committee was des- bouring countries preferred to reside ignated (Specialist Group on Space with their own ‘kind’. Consequently, near the ), composed of rele- during 1930s there were violent clashes vant planning officers with a between Christian and Muslim gangs balanced participation from the East (Khalaf, 1993). After independence in and West (Loeb, 2006). This collabo- 1943, due to the Arab-Israeli war in rative planning approach had hints of 1948, another influx of populations, equity and resolver planning models this time Palestinians entered the city’s suggested Bollens (2007), as well as urban fringes, increasing the Sunni professional engagement and advoca- Muslim population of western Beirut. cy strategies proposed by Calame and During the first civil war (1956-1958) Charlesworth (2009). a demarcation line which divided the Presence of the Wall was acknowl- city along the former commercial axis; edged in that were creat- ‘Rue de Damas’- Road was ed after reunification. Main consider- drawn. This line accentuated territorial ation was to preserve the memory of identities of Beirut’s West-Muslim and the wall; by locating landmarks; leav- East-Christian residents (Figure 2). ing walkways and bicycle paths along When the of the city ex- the border strip; and preventing tem- panded, Shiite and Maronite commu- porary uses along the border zone. A nities clashed (Davie, 1994) and this report developed in 2000 by the City lead to the second civil war (1975- Development Office gives details on 1990). The government was incapa- certain developments which occurred ble of restraining the conflict (Nagel, after reunification around the Wall: 2002), causing paramilitary organiza- “By far the largest amount of freed tions to take over. The exact demarca- land was devoted to green spaces and tion line established during the hostil- recreational areas (38%), while ities of 1956-1958 was reactivated, this account for the second largest (25%). time known as the . Buildings account for 20% of the new land area, while the rest is part of the In October 1990, the civil war in canal and river (11%) or mass-transit finally ended. The state was (6%) systems.” (Loeb 2006: 80) brought back to power, with equal rep- Berlin planning activity has since resentatives of Muslims and Christians been focused on a number of large in administration. However, it is gen- projects which are centred in the in- erally asserted that (Davie, 1994; Cal- ner city. These projects have generated ame and Charlesworth, 2009; Makdisi, criticism in several respects, for in- 1997), division still lingers in the city, stance, Marcuse asserts that “the pri- and planning remains indifferent to vate market decides what will be built, this reality. There are still clashes be- only the form of the buildings are open tween different religious groups as we to discussion” (Marcuse, 1998: 333). have witnessed in May 2012 and June Potsdamer Platz is an example for such 2013 (url-1; url-2). large scaled, market-driven projects. Planning during division 3.2. Beirut In pre-war Beirut, institutional History of division in Beirut structures of planning had shortcom- Beirut has always functioned as ings (Salaam, 1993). Beirut was as- a multicultural city where religious sociated with the phenomena of pri- groups coexisted, but lived in separate macy and over- (Tabet, enclaves, with few mixed neighbour- 1993), mainly because of laissez-faire hoods (Silver, 2010). During the 19th approaches to planning since the first century, the Sunni Muslim majority years of independence.

Urban planning approaches in divided cities 146

Figure 2. Beirut during division, 1975-1990 (redrawn from Chami, 2013). Following the close of 1975-1976 1993; Makdisi, 1997; Gavin and Maluf, traumatic events, the war seemed to 1996). be over and in 1977 a plan was com- The necessity of a single private missioned to rebuild the , to company was justified by two reasons: restore its centrality, and to improve its 1) extreme fragmentation of property infrastructure (Makdisi, 1997). But the rights in certain zones of the city cen- war carried on, and in 1983 a private tre; and 2) financial and administra- engineering firm owned by Rafiq Hari- tive incapacity of the city to carry out ri took over the reconstruction project the needed reconstruction at the time and commissioned a master plan. In (Kassab, 1994). 1984, another round of violence once ’s thirty year Master Plan again took hold of Beirut, interrupting (1994-2024) incorporates 191 ha: a the reconstruction process. third of which is reclaimed land, 71 ha allocated for new developments such Planning after reunification as a marina, and global com- Following the end of the war, re- merce, and only 21 ha of which are part construction during 1990s was con- of Beirut’s original urban fabric (url-3). centrated in Beirut’s Central District Throughout the early 90s, Solidere sys- (BCD) and became marked with tematically cleared the war damaged Rafiq Hariri’s reconstruction compa- urban fabric, creating a tabula rasa ny Solidere (Höckel, 2007). This proj- at the heart of the city (Larkin, 2010; ect is on-going and it promises social Nasr, 1996). Makdisi (1997) suggests recovery through economic renewal that by 1993, as much as 80% of all the (Fricke, 2005). An ultra-modern glob- structures in the were dam- al cityscape is being created by futur- aged beyond repair, yet only a third of istic urban landscaping (Larkin, 2010) this destruction was war-inflicted. and this process is under great critique These developments coupled with (see, for example, Khalaf and Khoury, displacement of an estimated 2600

ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • March 2016 • G. Caner, F. Bölen 147 families, owners and tenants (Lar- ed to religious (Catholic-Protestant) kin, 2010) has generated considerable and ethnic (Irish-British) divisions; unease in public, academic and civic Nationalist-Unionist (Boal, 1996). In realms. The main concerns of criticism 1921, partition took place. was are: now 80% of the island (mostly Irish/ • The usage of state resources to Catholic) that seceded from the UK; transform the central city into an is- while (predominant- land for the rich, while most of the ly British/Protestant) was granted a de- country remains underdeveloped gree of regional autonomy, with Belfast and segmented due to economic as their capital. As a consequence, seg- inequalities and sectarian divides regation in Belfast gradually increased (Makdisi, 1997; Kassab, 1994). during the 20th century (Calame and • Public services which do not have Charlesworth, 2009). an economic value, such as public The period after 1969, when the first transport or social housing, are not Peace Wall/Peace Line was erected, is included in the plan (Höckel, 2007). referred to as ‘’. As segre- • Shaping public space by private en- gation increased, the concentration of terprise marginalizes the State from each ethnic group increased, and the planning process and raises ques- boundaries between two groups be- tions about public wellbeing and came well-defined with physical bar- common good (Kassab, 1994). riers (peace walls). The government • Discontinuity from historical bonds supported these walls aiming to min- challenges Beirut’s cultural and his- imize or eliminate conflict among the torical memory (Larkin, 2010; Fric- two groups; hence they were intended ke, 2005). to be temporary. However today, these As we have observed, in Beirut, walls still remain and many others have planning during the years of division subsequently been added to the urban was out of the question. Following fabric, adding up to a total of 88 peace reunification, Bollens’ (2007) neutral walls within the city (CRC, 2008) (Fig- planning model was adapted due to ig- ure 3). noring the root causes of division and The duration of The Troubles date trying to build a city anew. Engage- from the end of 1960s to 1998 Good ment through privatisation was seen as Friday Agreement. However, political inevitable in the face of a dysfunction- agreements changed the nature of po- al administration. However, this ap- litical violence rather than eliminated proach rendered the planners neutral it (Gaffikin and Morrissey, 2011). To- and passive in the face of a divided city. day, division still lingers and new are demanded and planned to be 3.3. Belfast built in addition to the existing ones. History of division in Belfast Ethnic conflict in Belfast has its Planning during ‘The Troubles’ roots in the 17th century British co- During The Troubles, planning in lonial rule. For the native Catholic Northern Ireland pursued a strategy population, new outside city of formal technocratic neutrality (Ellis, walls were built by the Protestant col- 2001; Bollens, 1998). In other words, onisers (Jones, 1960). With the indus- there was no effort to tackle residential trial boom of the 19th century, labour segregation from the field of planning need was mainly met from these rural (Murtagh, 2004). Catholics. Disturbances rose as the Planning system in Belfast was es- numbers of Catholics increased. They tablished in 1972, by British interven- settled along Falls Road, while the tion to stabilize the volatile political Protestants remained around Shankill conflict. Due to this centralized system Road (Figure 3). of policy-making, the locally elected grew in opposi- had little poli- tion to the movements in support of cy making power (Bollens, 1998; Ellis union with , consequently 2000, 2001). Instead, power was locat- transforming the conflict into a politi- ed in Department of the Environment, cal one. A new political label was add- in London.

Urban planning approaches in divided cities 148

Figure 3. Physical appearance of the divided city, Belfast, 2014 (redrawn from Gaffikin et al., 2008). The operative principles of Belfast partments were made responsible for urban policymakers and administra- planning issues: Department of Envi- tors were to: (1) position government’s ronment and Department of Regional role and image in Belfast as a neutral Development. participant not biased toward either The severity of political violence Protestant or Catholic; and (2) assure created an urgent need for communi- that government policy does not exac- ty relations work (Gaffikin and Mor- erbate sectarian tensions by managing rissey, 2011). Thus, Northern Ireland ethnic space in a way that reacts to, Act of 1998 obligated government de- and reflects, residents’ wishes (Bol- partments to present equity schemes, lens 1998, 2001). The planning policy aiming to: 1) promote community re- distanced itself from any involvement lations; 2) celebrate cultural diversity; in politics and by ignoring the sectar- 3) promote equality through service ian divides in the society, perpetuated delivery; and, 4) promote equality them further. through a representative workforce In the three decades of direct rule, (Dennis, 2011). Planning policy made hardly any effort was made to under- a commitment both to tackle the ef- stand, evaluate or prioritize the signifi- fects of residential segregation and to cance of residential segregation within promote neutral sites for employment, planning, urban regeneration or hous- recreation and housing (Murtagh, ing management arenas (Murtagh, 2004). 2004). In order to address equality schemes and promote good relations, a ‘com- Planning after munity cohesion’ objective was adopt- The peace process developed a new ed in The Regional Development Strat- administrative order; the central- egy, produced in 2001. The aim was to ized structure of the government was foster development which contributes abolished. Two Northern Ireland de- to community relations, recognises ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • March 2016 • G. Caner, F. Bölen 149 cultural diversity and reduces socio- accepted phenomenon. economic differentials within North- ern Ireland (DRD, 2001). 3.4 Jerusalem Because of the legislative weight of History of division in Jerusalem the equality provisions, its delivery has To trace the history of division in not been as effective as first envisaged Jerusalem, Benvenisti (1987) asserts (Ellis, 2001; Murtagh and Keaveney, that one must fix the starting point to 2006). Even if other governmental 1882, when the first Zionist settlement bodies have taken up some of the chal- was established. But the conflict took a lenges, these commitments are not fol- stark change starting from mid-1930s, lowed through to development plans during the British rule. and planning policy (Gaffikin et al., Jerusalem was the capital of British 2008). Mandate of between 1920 Murtagh (2002, in Conway and By- and 1948. At the time, the city was rne, 2005) asserts that Department composed of religious quarters, and of Environment (DENI) uses “wedge the British carried on administering planning”, whereby industrial, business the city in this manner (Pullan, 2009). or public space is planned as a buffer However, British quarters were more between contentious areas. This can be autonomous than their predecessors, seen as a positive alternative to build- causing Jewish and Palestinian com- ing a peace line, however it does not munities to develop into cohesive and guarantee that conflict will decrease self-sustaining societies (Benvenisti, since it does not mean that these areas 1987). will remain neutral (Bown, 2007). Right after World War II, inter- The neutrality of planning in North- national support for an Israeli state ern Ireland has been widely acknowl- emerged (Wasserstein, 2002) and cul- edged (Benvenisti, 1986; Boal, 1996; minated into a civil war in 1947-1948. Bollens, 1998, 2001; Ellis, 2000; Hack- This resulted in the termination of Brit- ett et al., 2011). The search for new in- ish Mandate and ’s declaration vestment and the attempt to counter of independence. Following the 1948 the image of a city at war, a laissez faire Arab-Israeli War, the formal division approach to city planning has been of Jerusalem took place in 1949 as a re- adapted. This approach helped create sult of a UN Resolution. From 1949 to “the legacy that now bedevils the cen- 1967, the Green Line marked the inter- tral city” (Sterrett et al., 2011: 103) with national armistice lines between Israel its vast road projects and proliferation and as well as East and West of vacant land. Show case areas are se- Jerusalem. The city became socially, lected for prestigious projects to be im- physically and functionally divided. plemented, such as the Quarter, Jerusalem was not reunified by and new apartment blocks for city-cen- agreement, but instead by an occu- tre living have been built. As a conse- pation as a of the 1967 Six-Day quence, as Gaffikin et al. assert; “while War. East Jerusalem was incorporated some now regard this ‘new’ Belfast as a into Israel and this was not recognized cosmopolitan oasis, surrounded large- by the international community or the ly by the ‘old’ fortress Belfast of sectari- Palestinians. Since the two halves of an enclaves, the spatial splits in the city the city were reunited by force, they re- are more differentiated” (Gaffikin et al., mained hostile even though the Green 2008: 17). Line was dismantled. Planning practices after the peace The persisting mental wall among agreement has nevertheless remained communities is joined by a physical neutral in Belfast. Professional engage- one since 2002–the Security Fence– ment of planners have been compli- throughout Jerusalem and the West ance, avoidance and technical neutral- . This is, in a sense, a re-division ity since the beginning of the division of the city. Systems of physical and process. Belfast has become a stereo- electronic separation are being built type for exemplifying the ‘neutral plan- between Israeli and Palestinian terri- ning model’ of Bollens (2007), and as tories and within the Palestinian areas we have emphasized, this is a widely (beyond the internationally recog-

Urban planning approaches in divided cities 150 nized Green Line) in northward and eastward directions (Klein, 2005). The regional barrier separates Israeli Jeru- salem from Palestinian suburbs to the east. Today, a bird’s eye of Jerusalem shows this complex patchwork of set- tlements and across the city, with its plethora of (Figure 4).

Planning during British mandate (1914-1948) During the 30 years of British rule, Jerusalem was administered and planned as one urban entity. Five land- use plans were prepared which all had one common feature; the separation of the sacred Old City from the reli- gious that surrounded it, transforming it into a corpus separa- tum (Kliot and Mansfeld, 1999), which never materialized. Even though the British administered the whole city as one urban entity in all infrastructural elements, the inter-communal struggle led to separate Arab/Jewish communal services, and eventually to separate de- velopment of commerce and economy.

Planning during division (1948-1967) and after reunification Figure 4. Physical appearance of the divided city, Jerusalem, 2014 Israeli planning between 1948 and (redrawn from Chiodelli, 2013). 67, and especially after 1967 followed the direction of British planning sys- would never again be possible. tem; many of the new suburbs con- Chiodelli (2012) refers to the plan- tinued to be designed as individual ning policies of Israel as “Judaisation” enclaves, accessed and structured by and reports that; since 1967, 35% of primary road systems and separated Palestinian land has been annexed to by open landscapes (Pullan, 2009). But build 51 000 Jewish houses, in exclu- these enclaves were mainly built only sive Jewish . for the Jewish population for national- This kind of planning is nominat- istic purposes: “Since 1967, urban pol- ed as “partisan” planning (Benvenisti, icies have been shaped by objectives of 1986; Bollens, 1999) and establishes national security and political control” a radical form of “frontier ” (Bollens, 1998: 8). Bollens gives details (Pullan, 2011), “forensic architecture” of the goals of planning policies after (Weizman et al., 2010), “conflict -ur 1967 as follows: banism” (Misselwitz and Rieniets, • To extend the Jewish city demo- 2009) and a “geometry of occupation” graphically and geographically. (Weizman, 2006). A local form of gat- • To control the heights for military ed communities is the main form of security, requiring Jewish neigh- urban development (Pullan, 2011). bourhoods to be built on strategic These statements are an evidence of hilltops or in areas needed to secure how architecture, planning and urban hilltops. design are used as a tool in the conflict • To reconnect the formerly parti- themselves (Misslewitz and Rieniets, tioned areas. 2009). To add on to this, a ‘security • To build Jewish neighbourhoods fence’ dividing Israel from the West so that division of the city in terms Bank is being built amid growing in- of political control and sovereignty ternational concern. Israel repeatedly states that the wall is for security, with ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • March 2016 • G. Caner, F. Bölen 151 the intention of preventing Palestinian to different planning principles. For infiltration from the West Bank, espe- instance, in Berlin, the East acknowl- cially suicide bombers. edged the Sixteen Principles, while the In 2000 Jerusalem Master Plan was West developed according to FNPs. On launched, which was the first plan to the other hand, the absence of planning include the whole area of Jerusalem, due to either civil war (Beirut, Jerusa- including the east. To this day, the plan lem) or ineffective planning author- has not yet been approved due to re- ities (Belfast, Beirut, East Jerusalem) visions and critiques but is a frame of cause different development patterns reference for current planning deci- to occur in two sides of the city. This sions in Jerusalem (url-4). The plan is becomes a major problem after reuni- highly criticized for having racist over- fication. tones and discriminatory approaches. Another problem originating from Only one Arab is included in the plan- years of division and burdening the ning team composed of 39 profession- city after reunification occurs in cities al workers (Margalit, 2005). Chiodelli where division has been prolonged. Not (2012) and Margalit (2005) imply that only due to the fact that these cities are the plan is inapplicable as it is unrealis- planned to operate in a self-sufficient tic. It ignores the spatial consequences manner during the years of division, of the wall (Chiodelli, 2012, 2013) and but also, in some, the dividing line is states that the complicated situations ignored and construction impeding a arising from its presence will be treated future reunification is supported. East ‘case by case’ (Chiodelli, 2012). Berlin has chosen this path. Today, this Yiftachel and Yacobi (2003) and is the main reason why the two halves Yiftachel’s (2009) identification of the of the city still cannot be fully integrat- ethnocratic regime’ where all dimen- ed (physically). sions of planning (territorial, proce- Indifference of planning to specif- dural, economic and cultural) combine ic problems faced by divided cities, or to create the ‘ethnocratic city’ is actu- in other words, neutral planning, can ally given to explain Jerusalem’s urban promote divisions in the city. Belfast policies and planning approaches. and British Mandate Jerusalem are ex- The well-acknowledged partisan amples of this situation. Even though planning model of Jerusalem is most- measures of equity have been strate- ly possible because the Israeli plan- gized in Belfast after the Good Friday ners are engaging through centralised Agreement, not referring to root caus- planning, without questioning the es of division did not help much in directives from above. They perceive eliminating differences. themselves as technical experts, com- After reunification, one of the main ply with the authorities and disengage challenges becomes planning a city from the ethnic conflict and remain that was once planned by two bodies. passive. Hence, it would not be wrong For instance, after reunification, Berlin to assert that, it is unlikely to observe had to restore its planning institutions such a degree of partisanship in plan- among other problems caused by divi- ning in any other urban context. sion. Further, rapprochement becomes a necessity and the question of public 4. Conclusions interest turns into one of the most de- Assessment of planning approach- bated issues. If the process of planning es during division firstly reveals that, is conducted by a private institution division has deliberately been over- (like Solidere in Beirut) protecting the looked by certain cities (East Berlin, interests of the public becomes ques- Belfast); while in others, planning was/ tionable. Even if planning is performed is used as a tool to divide a city even by government institutions, both sides further (Jerusalem). In the case of Bei- may not benefit as equals (as it is in rut, planning during years of division Jerusalem today). A seemingly sim- was out of question since the city was ple procedure in a ‘normal city’, like in total chaos. the addition of a bus line, can become Secondly, during division, the two problematic in a divided city sides of the divide develop according The tendency of all case studies to

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Table 2. Current planning approaches, interventions and professional responses to division in divided cities. City Planning Approach Physical Interventions Professional Responses

New quarters in the city Berlin Area reconstruction Engagement through collaborative planning (i. e. Potsdamer Platz)

Urban Beirut Beirut Central District Engagement through privatization redevelopment

Area redevelopment New quarters in the city Engagement through centralized planning / Belfast (i.e. ) Compliance / Neutral / Technocratic

Engagement through centralized planning Urban development Metropolitan expansion / Jerusalem / Compliance / Avoidance / Technocratic / strategies Separation Partisan showcase their cities as competitive it as an advantage, needs to be empha- and global is in line with what other sized. There is a collaborative planning cities around the world are doing to- process which integrates the planners day. Divided cities want to show the of East and West to make plans that world that they are not different and integrate the East and West of the city. that they can compete with other cities At the same time, the aim to showcase as part of globalisation. For instance, the city as a global one is causing proj- Solidere’s development strategy of the ect-oriented development. Via area re- BCD as a super-modern island has no construction, new quarters like Medi- historical claims and is in great contrast aspree are being built in the city to raise with the city’s present-day problems its reputation as a global city. (related to its history of division).This Privatization of planning in Beirut, approach pulls them away from the re- claiming to accomplish social recovery alities of that they are (or once were) via economic development, has prov- divided. However, by acknowledging en to be successful only for the latter. the wall’s existence, Berlin seems to be Economic recovery of the city and the a step further in this regard. The aim to country since reunification as a whole re-build the city with an image dating cannot be ignored, but this approach to pre-war period has been helpful in could have been more successful if promoting commonalities between the economic recovery was supported by two sides, rather than their differences. social and physical policies which in- The main concern of this paper has cluded the whole of the city, instead of been to investigate whether current only the central district. interventions in divided cities are ad- The fact that Belfast was divided dressing the problems deriving from from entirely within the organism, division, or not. Even though differ- with no war or any other intervention ent planning approaches have been (other than colonisation) to the urban adapted in each case study, the results system, makes its reunification pro- reveal that their planning processes are cess much harder. There is an illusion no different than that of other cities of normalcy in the city. This is why; around the world. planning in Belfast generally seems to In accordance with the theoretical favour its hyper-segregated structure. framework given in the introduction, Planners tend to comply with the aims conclusions drawn from the compara- of the central planning authority to act tive analysis of contemporary planning neutral regarding divisions in the city. approaches have been summarized in And as in Berlin and Beirut, Belfast Table 2. Berlin stands out among other tries to place itself back on the world divided cities as the example of most map by enduring major area redevel- successfully achieved reunification. opment projects, like the Titanic Quar- The fact that planning in Berlin does ter. not ignore the existence of the Berlin Jerusalem is the most postulated ex- Wall and instead embraces it and uses ample of how planning can be used as

ITU A|Z • Vol 13 No 1 • March 2016 • G. Caner, F. Bölen 153 a tool in divided cities. Here, planning 34, No. 6, 959–80. is used to reshape the urban structure Amin, A., Graham, S. (1997), The and community according to the dom- Ordinary City. Transactions of the In- inant society’s norms and principles. stitute of British Geographers, Vol. 22, This process is referred to aspartisan No. 4, 411-429. planning. Planners are indifferent to Benvenisti, M. (1986), Conflicts and the reality of exclusion of the Palestin- Contradictions. Villard Books, New ians and they are only included in the York process through technic lenses. Politi- Benvenisti, M. (1987), The Peace cal discourses are prominent in plan- Process and Intercommunal Strife. ning procedures and they are not ques- Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 17, No. tioned by the planners. 1, 3-11. The case studies indicate that even Boal, F. W. (1994), Encapsulation: though different planning approach- Urban Dimensions of National Con- es have different consequences on the flict. In Dunn, S. (Ed.),Managing Di- ground, there is a universal trend in vided Cities. Keele University Press, harmony with the rest of the world in UK, 30-40. reshaping the urban. This approach Boal, F. W. (1996), Integration and is based on showcasing the city as a Division: sharing and segregating in place to invest in, in order to increase Belfast. Planning Practice and Research, its competitiveness in the global net- Vol. 11, No. 2, 151-159. work of cities. This conclusion draws Bollens, S. A. (1998), Urban Policy another one; the contemporary plan- in Ethnically Polarized Societies. Inter- ning interventions in divided cities do national Review, Vol. not address the root causes of division. 19, No. 2, 187-215. Hence, incorporation of ‘difference’ as Bollens, S. A. (2001), Role of Public a prominent feature of the city to its Policy in Deeply Divided Cities: Bel- plans is not addressed as it should be fast, Jerusalem, and . In in these special cases. In other words, Sisk, T., Koryakov, I. (Ed.), Democra- implementing modern, major projects cy at the Local Level: The International in a piecemeal manner is not helping IDEA Handbook on Participation, Rep- these cities to face their history and resentation, Conflict Management, and present. Governance, Institute for Democracy This paper aimed to investigate and Electoral Assistance, , planning approaches of divided cities 82-89. in addressing their problems deriving Bollens, S.A. (2002), Managing Ur- from division. All in all, it is believed ban Ethnic Conflict. In Hambleton that this paper will contribute to fur- R., Savitch, H. V., Stewart M. (Ed.), ther studies which aim to understand Globalism and Local Democracy: Chal- urban division and strive to change it lenge and Change in and North with the help of urban planning. America. Palgrave MacMillan, New As explained in the introduction, the York, 108-124. term divided city may refer to two dif- Bollens, S. A. (2007), Comparatıve ferent types of cities (global cities and Research on Contested Cities: Lenses divided cities) in urban literature. The and Scaffoldings. Working Paper No. comparative perspective of urban di- 17, Crisis States Research Centre, Lon- vision studies is usually focussed only don. among divided cities within themselves Bollens, S. A. (2009), Intervening or global ones, but not between them. in Politically Turbulent Cities: Spaces, Further research which compares these Buildings, and Boundaries. Journal of two types of cities may help to close Urban Technology, Vol. 16, No. 2, 79- this gap by providing a comprehensive 107. comparative perspective. Brand, R, Gaffikin, F., Morrisson, M., Perry, D. (2008), Changing the References Contested City. CU2 Contested Cities Amin, A. (2002), Ethnicity and the – Urban Universities Report, Queen’s Multicultural City: Living with Diver- University, Belfast. sity. Environment and Planning A, Vol. Calame, J., Charlesworth, E. (2009),

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