Notes

Introduction

1. Salman Rushdie was on born 19 June 1947; he spent his childhood in Bombay but went to England at the age of fourteen to study at Rugby. He enrolled at Cambridge University to read history and afterwards lived mainly in Great Britain, before settling in the USA. After the Ayatollah Khomeini pronounced a fatwa against Rushdie and his novel The Satanic Verses (1988) in February 1989, Rushdie lived in hiding for several years but continued to write, produ- cing The Moor’s Last Sigh among other works. 2. The editions of the novels used are Midnight’s Children (MC) 1995, London: Vintage and The Moor’s Last Sigh (MLS) 1996, London: Vintage, and all page numbers in parentheses refer to these editions. 3. For a view similar to that of Brennan, see Conner 1997: 294–7. Teresa Heffernan likewise argues that Midnight’s Children is ‘from the outset sus- picious of the very model [...] of the modern nation’ (Heffernan 2000: 472); Thompson asserts that Rushdie eventually portrays the Indian nation as a ‘bad myth’ (Thompson 1995: 21). 4. See Bernd Hirsch 2001: 56–77. Heike Hartung focuses on exploring trends in western historiography in her study on the novels by Peter Ackroyd, Graham Swift and Salman Rushdie; she also briefly juxtaposes British and Indian his- toriography by contrasting the representation of the history of the Indian national movement in Percival Spear’s The Oxford History of India (1981) and Sumit Sarkar’s Modern India 1885–1947 (1989), without, however, making use of this material in her discussion of Rushdie’s novels (Hartung 2002: 235–41). T. N. Dhar includes a sketch of Indian historiography in his discussion of the Indian English novel but does not integrate an analysis of historiograph- ical discourses in his interpretation of Rushdie’s novels (Dhar 1999: 61–71 & 159–206). 5. Lipscomb demonstrates that Rushdie used Stanley Wolpert’s New History of India (1977) for certain historical facts, especially historical dates and stat- istical data in Midnight’s Children (Lipscomb 1991: 183–6). But Lipscomb vastly exaggerates the significance of this material as Rushdie’s few and par- tial quotes from this concise introductory textbook on Indian history hardly amount to a ‘parody’ of Wolpert’s history (Lipscomb 1991: 181). 6. I will consistently use the name Bombay, not Mumbai, as I only refer to Bombay’s history before 1995 when the city was officially renamed Mumbai. 7. What Chatterjee refers to as ‘Puranic history’ is based on the tradition of the itihasa-purana, ‘an oral tradition for many centuries until it was com- piled in the form of the Puranas in the mid first millennium AD’ (Thapar 1993: 151). 8. As the Puranic records cannot live up to Mill’s definition of proper histori- ography, he repeatedly pronounces this perceived lack of history-writing a sign of the Hindus’ inferiority: ‘The offspring of a wild and ungoverned

200 Notes 201

imagination, [the Hindu legends] mark the state of a rude and credulous people, whom the marvellous delights; who cannot estimate the use of a record of past events [...] To the monstrous period of years which the legends of the Hindus involve, they ascribe events the most extravagant and unnat- ural; events not even connected in chronological series; a number of inde- pendent and incredible fictions. This people, indeed, are perfectly destitute of historical records. Their ancient literature affords not a single production to which the historical character belongs’ (Mill 1858, Vol. I: 115–16). 9. Such perceived distortion was evinced, for example, by the contemptuous portrayal of Hindus as an essentially depraved and effeminate nation in James Mill’s History of British India. Mill sharply differentiates Hindu from Muslim Indians and juxtaposes their respective traits and histories, con- cluding that Muslims were considerably less defective, especially in their manliness in contrast to Hindu effeminacy: ‘There was, in the manners of the Mohammedan conquerors of India, an activity, a manliness, an inde- pendence, which rendered it less easy for despotism to sink, among them, to that disgusting state of weak and profligate barbarism, which is the natural condition of government among such a passive people as the Hindus. [...] In truth, the Hindu, like the Eunuch, excels in the qualities of the slave’ (Mill 1858, Vol. II: 347 & 365). 10. See William Jones, ‘On the Hindus’ (1786) in Gottlob 2003a: 94–6, and Max Müller, India – What Can It Teach Us? (1883), p. 6. 11. For an analysis of Altekar’s work see Chakravarty and Roy 1988: 3–4. 12. John Strachey’s statement from 1888 is a frequently quoted example of the colonial position: ‘This is the first and most essential thing to learn about India – that there is not, and never was an India, or even any country of India, possessing, according to European ideas, any sort of unity, physical, political, social, or religious; no Indian nation, no “people of India,” of which we hear so much. [...] that men of the Punjab, Bengal, the North-West Provinces, and Madras, should ever feel that they belong to one great Indian nation, is impossible’ (Strachey 1888: 5–8). 13. See Bipan Chandra on the ‘drain theory’ and the development of what he calls ‘economic nationalism’ (Chandra 1966: 636–708 & 736–59). 14. Born and raised in England, R. P. Dutt first published his influential India To-day in London, whence it had to be smuggled into India as it had been banned by the British authorities (Gottlob 2003a: 193). 15. See Karl Marx, ‘The British Rule in India’ (1853) in Avineri 1968: 83–9. 16. R. P. Dutt nevertheless considered Gandhi as indispensable at this stage of the struggle: ‘No other leader could have bridged the gap, during this transitional period, between the actual bourgeois direction of the national movement and the awakening, but not yet conscious masses. Both for good and for evil Gandhi achieved this, and led the movement, even appearing to create it. This role only comes to an end in proportion as the masses begin to reach clear consciousness of their own interests, and the actual class forces and class relations begin to stand out clear in the Indian scene, without need of mythological concealments’ (Dutt 1940: 517). 17. See also Rudolph and Rudolph 1982: 135–6, and Rothermund 2001: 33–4. 18. R. C. Majumdar nevertheless published his eleven volume History and Culture of the Indian People (1951–1977) and criticised the Indian government for 202 Notes

utilising ‘history for the spread of ideas which they have elevated to the rank of national policy [...] They do not inquire whether the facts stated are true [...] but condemn outright any historical writings which in their opin- ion are likely to go against national integration and their views about such things as eternal Hindu-Muslim fraternity, the non-existence of separate Hindu and Muslim cultures, and their fusion into one Indian culture, etc. etc.’ (Majumdar 1973: xxi). 19. The younger generation of Cambridge historians also caused controversy. The work of Christopher A. Bayly and David Washbrook came under attack because their emphasis on the continuities of pre-colonial with colonial regimes in India was interpreted as an attempt to ‘erase colonialism out of existence’ (Chatterjee 1993: 33). Particularly provocative was Washbrook’s argument that in ‘a certain sense, colonialism was the logical outcome of South Asia’s own history of capitalist development’ (Washbrook 1988: 76). For a critique of the Cambridge School see Nicholas Dirks 2001: 306–13. 20. The term ‘subaltern’ in the sense of lower classes or the masses was first used by Antonio Gramsci, whose work provided an important inspiration for the Subaltern Studies group. For Gramsci’s use of the term ‘subaltern’ see Hoare and Nowell Smith 1971: 52–5, 202 & 336–7. 21. For the textbook controversy during the Janata Government in 1977–79 see Rudolph and Rudolph 1982: 139–47. For an analysis of some of the contro- versial textbooks see Powell 1996: 195–221.

1 A Biography of the Nation

1. For an example of the former position, see John Strachey 1888: 5–6. For an example of the latter, see Percival Spear 1958: 728–35. 2. See, for example, Bipan Chandra: ‘The national movement [...] played a pivotal role in the historical process through which the Indian people got formed into a nation or a people. National leaders from Dadabhai Naoroji, Surendranath Banerjea and Tilak to Gandhiji and Nehru accepted that India was not yet a fully structured nation but a nation-in-the-making and that one of the major objectives and functions of the movement was to promote the growing unity of the Indian people through a common struggle against colonialism. In other words, the national movement was seen both as a product of the process of the nation-in-the-making and as an active agent of the process’ (Chandra et al. 1987: 23). 3. See Chandra: ‘The imperialist writers [the Cambridge School] deny that India was in the process of becoming a nation and believe that what is called India in fact consisted of religions, castes, communities and interests. [...] Nationalism, then, is seen primarily as a mere ideology which these elite groups used to legitimize their narrow ambitions and to mobilize support. The national movement was merely an instrument used by the elite groups to mobilize the masses and to satisfy their own interests’ (Chandra et al. 1987: 18). 4. See Rushdie in an interview with John Haffenden: ‘The book was conceived and begun during the Emergency, and I was very angry about that. The stain of it is on the book. The Emergency and the Bangladesh war were the Notes 203

two most terrible events since Independence, and they had to be treated as the outrageous crimes that they were’ (Haffenden 2000: 38). 5. Anderson’s ‘definition of the nation’ is that ‘it is an imagined political com- munity – and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign’; ‘[i]t is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion’ (Anderson 1991: 6). 6. There were, of course, Muslim organisations which opposed both Partition and the Muslim League. Mushirul Hasan enumerates the most important ones: ‘the socialists, the Congress Muslims of Azad’s generation, the ulama in the Jamiyat al-ulama, the Ahrars, the Shias, the Khudai Khidmatgars and the Momins [...] repudiated, though not always for the same reasons, the two-nation theory and doggedly adhered to their vision of a united India’ (Hasan 1993: 28–9). 7. I will explore what Chatterjee refers to as the inner, cultural sphere of Indian nationalism in the following chapter when the gendered aspects of nation- alism are discussed. 8. See Spear for an example of the imperialist position: Mountbatten’s ‘plan worked out smoothly and was carried through with remarkable address by the Viceroy. In essence it was a further adaptation of the Cripps offer of 1942, implemented by a master of rush tactics’ (Spear 1958: 833). An example of the nationalist position is that of Chandra: ‘the peaceful and negotiated nature of the transfer of power in 1947 was no accident, nor was it the result of a compromise by a tired leadership, but was the result of the character and strategy of the Indian national movement, the culmination of a war of positions where the British recognized that the Indian people were no longer willing to be ruled by them’ (Chandra et al. 1987: 26). 9. In Midnight’s Children, there is no suggestion, however, that the bourgeois Congress leaders were reluctant to use their popular support because they feared anarchy or worse, a position which is often voiced by Marxist his- toriography: ‘Popular action, above all, made continuance of British rule untenable; fear of popular “excesses” made Congress leaders cling to the path of negotiation and compromise, and eventually even accept Partition as a necessary price; and the limits of popular anti-imperialist movements made the truncated settlement of August 1947 possible’ (Sarkar 1989: 414). 10. See Eric Strand for a critique of ‘Midnight’s Children’s erasure of Gandhian ideology’ (Strand 2005: 1002). 11. See Spear: ‘India broke her British fetters with western hammers. And it was significant of the community of ideas between the two sides that the fetters were never in fact broken by force, but began to be removed by one side as soon as they began to be rattled by the other’ (Spear 1958: 833). 12. Baby swaps are a staple feature of Indian popular film; usually the chil- dren are eventually restored to their proper family and their rightful place in society whereas in Midnight’s Children the ‘swapped’ relationships are retained throughout the novel. 13. For the full text of Nehru’s speech, see Gopal 1985: 135–6. 14. See also Rushdie on Midnight’s Children: ‘I didn’t want to write a book which could be conventionally translated as allegory [...]. The book clearly has alle- gorical elements, but they don’t work in any kind of exact formal sense; you 204 Notes

cannot translate the structure of the book into the secret meaning, the book is not a code’ (Rushdie 1985b: 3). 15. See also Brecher: ‘In fact, the Indian experiment in constitutional democ- racy owes more to Nehru than to anyone else or to any combination of factors’ (Brecher 1959: 9). 16. Brecher lists Nehru’s impressive collection of offices: ‘Since 1947 he has been Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of India [...]; since 1950 he has served as Chairman of the Planning Commission; from 1951 to 1954 he also held the time-consuming post of Congress President’ (Brecher 1959: 21). 17. Parallels are established from the very beginning. Saleem begins his his- tory in Kashmir where biographies of Jawaharlal Nehru usually begin as Nehru’s ancestors were Brahmins from Kashmir (Gopal 1975: 17). Saleem’s grandfather Aadam Aziz also has characteristics in common with Nehru, for example their western education, the promotion of secularism and mod- ernity and resistance to the partitioning of the subcontinent (ten Kortenaar 1995: 48). 18. See for example Nehru’s address to the National Academy of Science from 5 March 1938: ‘For I too have worshipped at the shrine of science and counted myself as one of its votaries. [...] it is the scientific method alone that offers hope to mankind and an ending of the agony of the world’ (Gopal 1983: 443). 19. See Nehru: ‘The word “secular”, however, conveys something much more to me, although that might not be its dictionary meaning. It conveys the idea of social and political equality. Thus, a caste-ridden society is not properly secular’ (Gopal 1983: 327). Gopal emphasises the role secularism played for Nehru in securing India’s unity: ‘Nowhere was this clearer than in what Nehru regarded as the chief problem of Indian unity, the need to foster among the Muslims the feeling that they were not second-class citizens in India. For this purpose he made secularism the national policy’ (Gopal 1984: 281). 20. See, for example, Madan 1987: 748–9. In an essay in Imaginary Homelands, Rushdie acknowledges the centrality of Nehru’s role in defining Indian secularism and affirms its discourse: ‘To be an Indian of my generation was also to be convinced of the vital importance of Jawaharlal Nehru’s vision of a secular India. Secularism, for India, is not simply a point of view; it is a question of survival’ (Rushdie 1992a: 404). 21. In Midnight’s Children, Narlikar explains the logic behind the freeze on Ahmad’s property: ‘ “These are bad times, Sinai bhai – freeze a Muslim’s assets, they say, and you make him run to Pakistan, leaving all his wealth behind him. [...] This so-called secular state gets some damn clever ideas” ’ (MC 135). 22. Gopal praises Nehru’s Non-Alignment policy: ‘the formulation of a foreign policy new in concept, adapted to national interest and yet helpful in foster- ing a world community, [ensures] Nehru’s position as one of the few great men of the age’ (Gopal 1984: 300). 23. In contrast, Charu Verma spells out the communal implications of their union: ‘For a traditional Hindu woman, the decision to stay with a barren, Muslim widower is simply radical’ (Verma 1991: 158). 24. The Pakistani episode in the novel is given rather short shrift because after Partition Indian and Pakistani historiography differed considerably. Notes 205

My concern here is exclusively with Indian historiography and its narratives of the nation. For incompatible interpretations of subcontinental history in Indian and Pakistani historiography see Avril Powell’s comparative study of Pakistani and Indian history textbooks (Powell 1996). 25. I disagree with Todd Kuchta’s argument that ‘Saleem sees the roots of Indira Gandhi’s Emergency rule in Nehru’s increasing power throughout the late fifties’ (Kuchta 1999: 219). In Midnight’s Children, as in most historiograph- ical accounts, there is a clear contrast between the Nehru era and the era of Indira Gandhi. 26. Contrast, for example, Katherine Frank’s account with that of Malhotra: ‘During the Emergency, thousands were arrested for “vagrancy” and taken off to sterilization camps where they had no choice but to undergo vasecto- mies’ (Frank 2001: 407); ‘while actual incidents of young and not so young men being dragged out of cinema halls or bus queues and taken to the oper- ating table might have been few, the air of fear and panic they created was pervasive’ (Malhotra 1989: 181). 27. See also Chatterjee: ‘All politics is now sought to be subsumed under the overwhelming requirements of the state-representing-the-nation. The state now acts as the rational allocator and arbiter for the nation. Any movement which questions this presumed identity between the people-nation and the state-representing-the-nation is denied the status of legitimate politics’ (Chatterjee 1998c: 168). Thomas Blom Hansen questions Chatterjee’s con- ception of the state as ‘governed by rationality and legality’ in opposition to ‘another realm governed by a conceptual register derived from communi- ties’ and suggests that it might not be so easy to ‘maintain a clear distinction between state and community’ (Hansen 2001: 233). 28. Representative of the second narrative is John Dayal and Ajoy Bose’s For Reasons of State. Delhi Under Emergency (1977); their chapter on the slum clearances is entitled ‘The Bulldozers’ and that dealing with the govern- ment’s sterilisation zeal, ‘The Days of the Long Knives’. 29. By situating the third part of the novel in Delhi, Rushdie chose the site of the worst excesses of the Emergency where ‘an estimated 700,000 people (15 per cent of the local population) were dispersed outside the city and over 161,000 were purportedly sterilised’ (Tarlo 2003: 16). 30. Rushdie’s demonisation of Indira Gandhi in Midnight’s Children by the sys- tematic use of misogynist stereotypes will be discussed in the following chapter.

2 Wives, Widows, and Witches

1. See, for example, Verma who notices ‘several disturbing sexist biases both in Rushdie and his narrator-protagonist’ (Verma 1991: 154). 2. Gayatri Spivak captured this aspect of Britain’s civilising mission in her often quoted phrase: ‘White men are saving brown women from brown men’ (Spivak 1993a: 93). 3. Autonomous women’s organisations such as the Women’s Indian Association (founded in 1917) and the All-India Women’s Conference (founded in 1927) saw their work as mainly concerning women’s issues 206 Notes

and they campaigned for social reform legislation, women’s rights and education for girls (Forbes 1981: 54–5). They specifically defined their work as complementary to that of men and distanced themselves from western feminists and their antagonistic stance towards men. These women’s organisations were largely supportive of the nationalist move- ment, and the interests of the nationalist and the women’s movement rarely clashed since women’s emancipation was perceived as dependent on political emancipation (Forbes 1981: 60–1). As long as women’s demands were not perceived as a threat to patriarchal structures they could ‘com- fortably coexist within the nationalist movement’ (Forbes 1981: 75). But it led to conflicts when such demands undermined patriarchal society as happened with women’s lobbying for a reformed Hindu Code which aimed at improving women’s rights to divorce and the inheritance and control of property (Forbes 1981: 71–5). 4. Gandhi’s nationalism does not entirely correspond to Chatterjee’s charac- terisation of Indian nationalism as divided into an inner and essentially Indian sphere and an outer sphere which was imitative of the West. Gandhi did not seek to imitate the West even in the material outer sphere of nation- alism but he still affirmed the nationalist image of Indian women’s vir- tues which best unfolded in the protected sphere of the home. Only under the exceptional conditions of the freedom struggle did he advocate their coming out of their homes to train the nation in self-sacrifice (Jain 1996: 246–7). 5. Dipesh Chakrabarty also unequivocally identifies Naseem with the ‘pre- modern’ and misses the complexities of Midnight’s Children’s portrayal of the ‘binary of tradition/modernity’ (Chakrabarty 2000: 268–9). Aadam Aziz is not a straightforward representation of modernity either as he explicitly relies on the ‘traditional’ prerogative of the husband to get his way without debate. 6. Rajeswari Sunder Rajan demonstrates the longevity of this nationalist image of woman as the repository of culture and religion in her analysis of television series and commercials in contemporary India where middle- class women continue to stand for tradition without renouncing modern- ity: ‘The traditional is represented as the timeless, and hence inclusive of the modern, while the modern is viewed merely as a transitional phase which disguises the permanent “essence” of timeless tradition’ (Sunder Rajan 1993: 134). 7. Sumanta Banerjee describes nineteenth-century Bengali folk songs ‘dealing with the love of Krishna and Radha. [...] the divine pair is deglamourized through the imagery into a rustic young couple – often in a daring adul- terous and incestuous relationship’ (Banerjee 1990: 134). Susie Tharu and K. Lalita delineate the troubled history of the publishing of the eighteenth- century poet Muddupalani’s Radhika Santwanam, which emphasised Radha’s sexual desire and satisfaction above Krishna’s and which was praised for its enrichment of the Telugu language in the eighteenth century but consid- ered too depraved to be published in the twentieth century (Tharu & Lalita 1995a: 1–15). 8. This episode is based on the Nanavati case, ‘a very famous murder trial that took place in India in the 1950s’ (Rushdie 1985b: 11). Notes 207

9. Spivak rightly argues that The Satanic Verses (1988) fails in this respect: ‘All through, the text is written on the register of male bonding [...]. Gibreel Farishta and Saladin Chamcha. The two are tortured by obsession with women, go through them, even destroy them, within a gender code that is never opened up, never questioned, in this book where so much is called into question, so much is reinscribed’ (Spivak 1993b: 111). Spivak acknowledges Rushdie’s ‘anxiety to write woman into the narrative of history’ but records a failure in both The Satanic Verses and Shame (1983): ‘In Shame, the women seem powerful only as monsters’ (Spivak 1993b: 111). Spivak does not com- ment on whether she regards Midnight’s Children a failure in this respect as well. I argue that women’s portrayal in Midnight’s Children differs markedly from those other two novels. The theme of female monstrosity in Shame, epit- omised by the character Sufiya Zinobia, is different from that of Midnight’s Children since Sufiya Zinobia is actually monstrous whereas women’s mon- strosity in Midnight’s Children lies in the eye of the beholder, Saleem. 10. Rushdie is not only unrepentant but appears to be actually proud of having created a lasting insult for Indira Gandhi: ‘The thing that’s given me great pleasure is to discover that this term [the Widow] every so often crops up in the newspapers, as if it had been in public use before I made it up, and it’s always very nice to give an insult to the English language’ (Rushdie 1985b: 17). But Rushdie obviously felt the need to qualify his often hostile remarks and portrayals of Indira Gandhi in a later interview: ‘Mrs. Gandhi was a remarkable individual with great personal charm, great political and personal courage. It so happened that she went down a political road that I objected to’ (Sheff 2000: 196). 11. In his biography of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, Tariq Ali gives an overview of the different elements of Indian society, in which the tribal population is mentioned together with its allegedly notorious custom of witch-hunting: ‘The Santhal villages amongst the wooded hillocks of West Bengal are still inhabited by tribespeople with their own ancient customs and trad- itions. Here old women and poor widows alike are branded as “witches” and hounded out of society’ (Ali 1985: 221). 12. Epstein, for example, mentions the prevalent belief in witches among Wangala peasants in South India in the 1950s (Epstein 1967: 136). Cohen cites examples of ‘child-lifting rumors’ in rural and urban 1990s Uttar Pradesh in which the stealing of children was attributed to witches and other sinister groups (Cohen 1998: 259). 13. Skaria, however, cautions against effacing the differences between European and Indian witches (Skaria 1997: 109). 14. Pompa Banerjee explores the interesting fact that European travel writers from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, who were fascinated by the phenomenon of sati, never explicitly compared it with European witch-burnings (Banerjee 1999: 529).

3 The New God-and-Mammon India

1. VHP stands for Vishwa Hindu Parishad, which is a front organisation of the RSS or Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, a cadre organisation founded in 208 Notes

1925. The BJP or Bharatiya Janata Party is a political party with close rela- tions to the RSS. 2. See Chatterjee: ‘Civil society in [India] is best used to describe those insti- tutions of modern associational life set up by nationalist elites in the era of colonial modernity, though often as part of their anticolonial struggle’ (Chatterjee 1998a: 62). 3. See Hansen on Gandhi’s unique position in bridging the gap between the élite and the masses without disrupting the fundamental division: ‘Like most other nationalist leaders, Gandhi found any upsetting of the essentially paternalistic relation between the middle-class world of the enlightened leadership and the masses objectionable. His unique position derived from straddling these two worlds, not from collapsing them, and from being ennobled, in the eyes of his middle-class constituency, by his voluntary and fearless immersion in the world of the masses’ (Hansen 1999: 242). 4. See, for example, Bilgrami on the ‘widespread and accumulated deflation of Nehru’s stature, to be found in the intellectual and political mood of the country’ in the 1980s and 1990s (Bilgrami 1994: 1751). 5. The original letter is dated 1 July 1945 and is reprinted in Sonia Gandhi 1992: 511–12. 6. The centrality of Thackeray can be gauged from Purundare’s sympathetic account of the Shiv Sena: a chapter dedicated to Thackeray is entitled ‘Demi- God Thackeray’, in which he claims that the ‘word Shiv Sena is synonymous with Bal Thackeray [...] For the Shiv Sena, Bal Thackeray is irreplaceable’ (Purundare 1999: 445 & 456–7). 7. It is important, however, to bear in mind that Hindu nationalism cannot be simply explained as a symptom of an increasing democratisation in India; it was also a reaction against it as the discourse of Hindu nationalism, as propagated by the RSS, mainly found its followers among the Hindu mid- dle class ‘who feared encroachment on their dominant positions’ (Hansen 1999: 9): ‘Hindu nationalism [is] premised upon and yet reacting against a broader democratic transformation of both the political field and the public culture in postcolonial India’ (Hansen 1999: 4–5). 8. The claim that Hindus are in danger of becoming extinct has a long history: Pradip Kumar Datta examines its beginning in the early twentieth century in Bengal and describes how it became ‘Hindu communal common sense’ (Datta 1993: 1305). 9. See Hansen on the different approach of the Shiv Sena compared to the BJP and RSS: ‘BJP’s tight-knit organizational culture and ideals of ideological consistency, discipline, and self-restraint are far removed from the aver- age sainik’s combination of political pragmatism, aggression, and “action- ism” ’ (Hansen 2001: 67); ‘The RSS speaks at length in high-caste idioms of “purification”, “character building” and the sublimation of mental energy into physical strength. Shiv Sena, on the other hand, speaks of physical violence as a way to purify society and to restore masculinity’ (Hansen 2001: 87–8). 10. See, for example, Sarkar 1993: 163–7. 11. In an interview in the 1970s, ‘Bal Thackeray admitted that he admired Hitler and also respected him as an artist’ (Gupta 1982: 139). Notes 209

12. Katzenstein, Mehta and Thakkar similarly argue that the success of the Shiv Sena is predominantly based on ‘adroit organization-building’ (Katzenstein, Mehta and Thakkar 1997: 382). 13. For an interpretation which stresses the planned and manipulated element, see van der Veer: ‘Although BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani, who was present at the occasion, immediately tried to distance himself from the act of demo- lition, there can be little doubt that the entire event had been well planned in advance. At the same time there can be no doubt that the paramilitary forces, present at the site, could have prevented the demolition. However, the Congress (I) stood to gain from this illegal act of its political opponents’ (van der Veer 1996: 171). 14. Interestingly the bomb blasts are described as ‘cathartic’ in Kalpana Sharma’s analysis and as ending the circle of violence; this has similarities to the way they are depicted in The Moor’s Last Sigh (Sharma 1995: 286).

4 Mother India

1. For example, an important group which became increasingly mobilised in the 1980s were the so-called Other Backward Classes/Castes (OBCs) which constitute roughly half of India’s population (Hansen 1999: 141–5). This mobilisation was organised around the recommendation of the Mandal Commission in 1980 to reserve ‘27 percent of all educational seats and governmental jobs for this social category’ (Hansen 1999: 142). 2. Bharat Mata translates as Mother India. 3. Bankim Chandra Chatterjee (Chattopadhyay) was born in 1838, received a western education and was one of the first two graduates of the University of Calcutta in 1858 (Das 1984: 3–12). Bankim worked as a Deputy Magistrate from 1858 to 1891 and repeatedly referred to his occupation as ‘the curse of his life’ (Raychaudhuri 1988: 107). Celebrated for developing Bengali prose, he was an important novelist, essayist and polemicist (Sarkar 2001: 135). He died in 1894. 4. The title of the song can be transliterated as ‘Bande Mataram’ or ‘Vande Mataram’; Bankim first composed the song in 1875 but it only became well known after it was integrated in Anandamath (Das 1984: 214–6). 5. I will capitalise the term ‘mother’ when I refer explicitly to the deity invoked in Anandamath. 6. Sen-Gupta feels apologetic about translating anti-Muslim passages as he states in his introduction to The Abbey of Bliss: ‘one cannot but regret the anti-Mussulman sentiments that our author has so freely introduced in the present work. [...] I would willingly have expunged those passages from the translation were it not for a desire that the author should be presented in the translation as no better or worse than he is’ (Sen-Gupta 1906: x). 7. See, for example, the translated extracts from Bankim’s often quoted essay, ‘A Few Words about the History of Bengal’ (1882–3) in Gottlob 2003a: 142–3. 8. Sarkar enumerates some aspects in which Bankim deviated from historical records in Anandamath: ‘Against the backdrop of the famine of 1770, armed combat rages between marauding ascetics of the Naga Dasnami orders and 210 Notes

a puppet Muslim nawab indirectly controlled by the British in Bengal. Bankim makes no mention of the role of Muslim faqirs who also led plun- dering bands of starving people. Even though historically the san nyasis were from the Shaiva orders, here they are worshipers of Vishnu, with a militant, warlike bhakti of their own’ (Sarkar 2001: 177–8). 9. This secularised translation of Bankim’s Anandamath has become the ‘official’ version of the novel in English as it has been repeatedly reprinted, not with the title Dawn over India but with the Bengali title Anandamath. Even though the Orient Paperback edition of 2000 states that this is an ‘adapted’ translation, the far-reaching nature of the numerous changes is not indicated. The following quotes will be taken from the Orient Paperback edition of 2000, referred to as Anandamath (A). 10. Here the replacement of the novel’s goddesses with maps was clearly a ‘secu- larising’ strategy in order to suppress religious connotations, but in Hindu nationalist discourse the Indian map had previously been appropriated as an icon for the Hindu nation in Swami Shraddhananda’s Hindu Sangathan – Saviour of the Dying Race in 1926 when he suggested building a Hindu Rashtra Mandir, a temple to the Hindu nation, in every city, and deposit- ing in each a map of India which was supposed to represent Bharat Mata (Jaffrelot 1996: 22). The construction of the Bharat Mata temple in Banaras/ Varanasi, inaugurated by Mahatma Gandhi in 1936, in which pilgrims show reverence to a ‘large relief map of India’ indicates that by that time the sign of the map had been absorbed into popular Hindu religious imagery as well (Eck 1999: 38–9). In his inauguration speech, Gandhi may have emphasised that this temple should be open for the ‘worship of all, irrespective of creed. [...] Everyone who loved Mother India’, but the opening ceremony, with chanting of Vedic mantras, clearly made it a Hindu ceremony (Gandhi 1976: 387–8). 11. It is interesting that Mehboob Khan, the director of the film Mother India, had to justify his use of this title in 1955 to government departments and claimed that his film was intended to cleanse Mother India from the nega- tive associations of Katherine Mayo’s book: ‘We have intentionally called our film “Mother India”, as a challenge to this book, in an attempt to evict from the minds of the people the scurrilous work that it Miss Mayo’s book’ (quoted in Chatterjee 2002: 20). 12. Nargis was in fact a rather scandalous figure before she recast herself in the virtuous image of Mother India after her marriage to Sunil Dutt. Previously, the daughter of the famous Muslim singer and courtesan Jaddan-bai had a public love-affair with the married film star Raj Kapoor. After Mother India, she withdrew from the film business and became an exemplary wife and mother, was interested in politics, active for charities and a friend and staunch supporter of Indira Gandhi (Thomas 1989: 22–7). 13. The critic’s quote referred to in this passage is from Sumita Chakravarty 1993: 155. 14. It is interesting that during the Emergency, the film Mother India was for the first time shown on television ‘on governmental orders. Obviously, it was perceived that the film promotes developmental activities, and discourages an individual’s attempt to take the law into their own hands’ (Chatterjee 2002: 76). Notes 211

5 The Idea of a Hybrid India

1. See, for example, M. A. Sherring’s three-volume Hindu Tribes and Castes (1872–81), and Herbert Risley’s People of India (1908). 2. This negative assessment of India’s diversity was reproduced in the histori- ography of the Cambridge School: ‘For India was not merely an agglomer- ation of regions in uneven development; it was also a league of submerged nations, a chaos of overlapping castes, a cockpit of rival religions. Between their tongues, sects and communities there were intense competitions, which under the circumstances of foreign rule mainly took the form of struggles for status’ (Seal 1968: 11); ‘Neither the Raj nor the Indian National Congress had been able to forge a solid and economically effective modern state above the mêlée of factions, castes and local bosses’ (Bayly 1997: 677). 3. All references to The Satanic Verses (SV) are from the Vintage edition of 1998. 4. Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800–1859) spent four years in India from 1834 onwards; he was appointed ‘first law commissioner and member of the supreme council of Bengal’ (Cutts 1953: 830). As member of the General Committee of Public Instruction he wrote his ‘Minute on Education’ (Sirkin and Sirkin 1971: 407–8). Rajan sums up the legacy of Macaulay’s relatively short stay in India: ‘During that brief interval, he penned the minute that is remembered as deciding India’s educational future and was responsible for all of the language and nearly all of the substance of the Indian penal code. The decisions in which he was a principal participant continue to affect the lives of Indians even today’ (Rajan 1999: 175). 5. In ‘On the City Wall’, this English narrator associates freely with the cour- tesan Lalun and Wali Dali, ‘a young Mohammedan who was suffering acutely from education of the English variety’ (Kipling 1970: 304). Rushdie actually incorporates a brief interpretation of this short story in the above mentioned scene: ‘Kipling’s almost schizophrenic early stories of the Indiannesses and Englishnesses that struggled within him’ (MLS 39). 6. This representation of Moor as personifying the nation seemingly clashes with his embodiment of exemplary devoted citizen-son to Mother India. It is The Moor’s Last Sigh’s characteristic that its protagonists play various inter- secting roles whose seemingly contradictory allegorical functions deliber- ately obstruct an unravelling of the novel’s interwoven allegories. This is a further illustration of the novel’s construction of an ambivalent ‘Palimpsest India’ whose layers of differently perceived realities overlap but which are also often incompatible with each other (see Chapter 3). 7. See Harvey: ‘To argue from historical silence is always extremely dangerous, but mention must be made here of the probable absence of any indigenous Christian elements in the new Islamic state of Granada. [...] The existence side by side of three religious communities, which had been such a marked characteristic of Islamic Spain in the days of the Caliphate, was no feature of Islamic Granada [...] By a process of cultural filtration and concentra- tion, as the years went by those who wished to live a purely Islamic life, to express themselves in Arabic, and to owe cultural allegiance to Islamic rather than European culture, went to live in the kingdom of Granada’ (Harvey 1990: 13–14). 212 Notes

8. In order for the mercenary Rodrigo Díaz to become the national Castilian hero of the reconquista, the historical figure had to undergo a considerable transformation in both legend and legend-inspired Spanish nationalist historiography (Fletcher 1990: 193–205). 9. On the need for foundations as opposed to fundamentalist positions, see Terry Eagleton 2003: 190–207. 10. This image of a classical, hybrid Bombay is implicitly underlined in the novel by the naming of the character who finally embodies this ‘live-and- let-live’ spirit of Bombay, Nadia Wadia. With this name Rushdie obviously refers to the popular film icon Fearless Nadia (1909–1996) of the 1930s and 1940s, who became Nadia Wadia after her marriage with the film-maker Homi Wadia in 1960 (Gandhy & Thomas 1991: 110–16; Chakravarty 1993: 58–60). Uncharacteristically for Rushdie, there is no explicit reference to the film actress Nadia in The Moor’s Last Sigh but compared with the novel’s Nadia, there are obvious parallels in fearlessness, walk and voice. Fearless Nadia was originally the daughter of a Greek and a Welshman who was born in Australia and grew up in Bombay where she made a successful film career in the 1930s and 1940s in stunt films produced by the Wadia broth- ers. The tall, strong, blond Nadia was India’s most popular action heroine at that time, who performed highly spectacular stunts while delivering nationalist and feminist messages in her films. In Diamond Queen (1940), for example, Nadia declares in Hindi with a distinct English accent, ‘[i]f India is to be free, women must be given their freedom’, in between beating up villainous men (Kabir 2001: 60). What makes her star persona interesting is the way she must have been perceived as Indian to a certain degree by the audiences in order to deliver convincingly her nationalist message in her films. Despite her exotic appearance as white stunt woman she was never portrayed as a foreigner in her films but as an Indian woman, and her exot- icness was ‘explained’ by referring to her as a Bombaywali – a woman from Bombay (Gandhy & Thomas 1991: 115). 11. Rushdie mentions in an essay from 1987 that Midnight’s Children was criti- cised in India for being ‘too pessimistic about the future. It’s a sad truth that nobody finds the novel’s ending pessimistic any more, because what has happened in India since 1981 is so much darker than I had imagined’ (Rushdie 1992a: 33). 12. Sudipta Kaviraj argues that a premodern community’s fuzziness consisted in its indifference to its exact numerical size and in ‘a relative lack of clarity of where one’s community, or even one’s region, ended and another began’ (Kaviraj 1992: 25). Bibliography

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Aloysius, G., 35 Gandhi, Indira, 4–5, 16, 42–6, Altekar, A. S., 7 48–52, 54, 57, 77–86, 95–6, Anandamath, 5, 123–5, 127–33, 141, 101, 122, 123, 149–51, 205, 155–7, 164, 209, 210 207, 210 Anderson, Benedict, 17–18 Gandhi, Mohandas K. (Mahatma), Appadurai, Arjun, 198 9–10, 15, 20, 23, 25, 31, 39, Aurobindo, 130–1, 147 63–4, 94, 102, 142, 201, 202, 203, 206, 208, 210 Babri Masjid, 116–17 Gopal, Sarvepalli, 29, 37, 39, 204 Bagchi, Jasodhara, 123–4, 127, Guha, Ranajit, 12–13, 55, 165, 169 130–1 Bakhtin, Mikhail, 2, 5, 161–2, Hansen, Thomas Blom, 90, 92–3, 173–6, 180, 182–3, 95–104, 106–12, 118–21, 187–9, 197 205, 208 Banerjea, Surendranath, 8, Hindu nationalism, 5, 88–91, 98–9, 131–2, 202 101–4, 109–11, 122–3, 132, 149, Bhabha, Homi K., 5, 161–2, 166–9 151–2, 158, 170, 173, 182–3, 193, Bose Sugata, 123, 128, 130 197–8, 208 Hirschkop, Ken, 161, 174–5, 183, Chakravarty, Uma, 7, 78 186–9 Chandra, Bipan, 25, 201, 202, 203 Hobsbawm, Eric, 1–2, 64 Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra, 5, 6, 123–4, 127–33, 137, 141, 151, imperialist discourse, 16, 25, 58, 59, 156–7, 163–5, 209, 210 159, 167–8, 170, 172 Chatterjee, Partha, 1–3, 6, 18–19, imperialist historiography, 13, 22, 39–41, 50, 58–9, 63, 90–1, 23, 26 93, 99–100, 107–8, 120, 129, Independence (India, 1947), 1–2, 159–60, 170, 191, 195–8, 203, 10–11, 17, 21, 23, 25–30, 43, 205, 206, 208 48–9, 68–9, 98, 143–4, 160, 165, Chowdhury-Sengupta, Indira, 124, 172, 181, 203 128–9, 131 Irving, Washington, 177, 185

Dutt, R. Palme, 8–10, 201 Jaffrelot, Christophe, 101, 210 Dutt, Romesh, 8 Jain, Prathiba, 206 with Rajan Mahan, 68, 78 Emergency (1975–77), 16–17, 43–5, with Sangeeta Sharma, 14, 79 48–54, 77, 83, 85–6, 116, 122, 183–4, 202, 205, 210 Kaviraj, Sudipta, 43–4, 48, 92, 124, 127–9, 137–8, 195, 212 feminist historiography, 4, 5, 13–14, Khilnani, Sunil, 170, 181–2 56–7, 61, 86, 136, 157 Kipling, Rudyard, 167, 211 Forbes, Geraldine, 68, 205–6 Kishwar, Madhu, 63, 118

225 226 Index

Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 158–9, 172, 180–2, 184, 194, 198, 202, 161–5, 167–71, 192, 194, 203, 204, 205, 208 197, 211 Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra, 11, 69, Pandey, Gyanendra, 38, 88–9, 117, 201–2 158, 160 Mani, Lata, 14, 64–5 Parameswaran, Uma, 65 Marxist historiography, 8–12, 203 Phule, Jotirao Govindrao, 7–8 Mayo, Katherine, 123, 133–7, 146, 156, 210 Rajan, Balachandra, 159, 161–3, 167, Midnight’s Children, 1–4, 16–90, 95–6, 172, 211 116, 122, 157, 171–3, 193–4, 197, 200, 203, 204, 205, 206, Sangari, Kumkum, 162 207, 212 with Sudesh Vaid, 13–14, 60 Mill, James, 6–7, 200–1 Sarkar, Sumit, 6–7, 11, 13, 15, 21, The Moor’s Last Sigh, 1–5, 88–123, 24–6, 56–7, 88, 110, 200, 203 137–99, 200, 209, 211, 212 Sarkar, Tanika, 58, 74, 110, 124, 128, Mother India, 1–2, 5, 74, 122–3, 128, 132, 137, 141, 153–4, 209–10 131–57, 158, 209, 210, 211 The Satanic Verses, 160–2, 200, 207 Mother India (Mehboob Khan’s film), Seal, Anil, 11–12, 211 123, 137, 143–5, 147, 150–1, 152, Shame, 207 155–6, 210 Shetty, Sandhya, 134–5, 137, 143, 149 Nandy, Ashis, 72–3, 75 Singh, Jyotsna, 28, 142, 148, 180–1 Naoroji, Dadabhai, 8, 202 Sinha, Mrinalini, 134, 136–7 nationalism, 3, 9, 12, 16–19, 22, 35, Skaria, Ajay, 80–2, 207 38, 55, 58, 60, 63, 65, 90, 98, Spivak, Gayatri Chakravarty, 57, 64, 120–1, 124, 127, 130, 137, 142–3, 205, 207 148–9, 170, 195, 198, 201, 202, Subaltern Studies, 4, 12–13, 16, 18, 203, 206 38, 55, 57, 160, 170, 195, 202 nationalist historiography, 2, 4–13, Sunder Rajan, Rajeswari, 77, 206 15–16, 18, 20, 22–3, 25, 29, 32, 38, 55, 56, 61, 63, 160, 180 Tarlo, Emma, 51–2, 150, 205 Nehru, Jawaharlal, 4–5, 10–11, 15, 23, 26–34, 37–9, 42–3, 53–4, 68, 76, White, Hayden, 24 83, 88–9, 94–8, 102, 114, 120–2, 137–8, 141–3, 152, 159, 161, 170, Zavos, John, 92