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The Struggle for the Ordinary: Media Culture, Transgender Audiences and the Achievement of Everyday Life

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The Struggle for the Ordinary: Media Culture, Transgender Audiences and the Achievement of Everyday Life The Struggle for the Ordinary: Media Culture, Transgender Audiences and the Achievement of Everyday Life by Andre Cavalcante A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Communications Studies) in the University of Michigan 2013 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Robin Means Coleman, Chair Associate Professor Aswin Punathambekar Associate Professor Gayle Rubin Professor Paddy Scannell © Copyright by Andre Cavalcante 2013 All Rights Reserved ii Dedicated to Stephen Ninneman, Janet and Jay Rogove, and my Dissertation Committee (Robin Means Coleman, Paddy Scannell, Aswin Punathambekar, Gayle Rubin) iii Table of Contents Dedication: ii List of Figures: iv Introduction: Locating the Struggle… p. 1 Chapter 1: “We can no longer hide in plain sight:” The Growth of Transgender Visibility in the 21st Century… p. 52 Chapter 2: Sensational Anomalies, Tragic Figures & Comedic Jesters: Transgender Representational Trends in Popular Culture… p. 83 Chapter 3: Resilient Reception: Media and the (Im)Possibility of Self… p. 122 Chapter 4: Staging the ‘Queerly Ordinary’: Transgender Visibility and Issue Oriented Talk Shows… p. 164 Chapter 5: “We’re just living life”: The Struggle for the Ordinary and the Accomplishment of Everyday Life… p. 198 Conclusion: Insisting on the Ordinary… p. 242 Appendix… p. 255 Reference List… p. 261 iv List of Figures Figure 1: Peek-a-Boo Tranny Application… p. 5 Figure 2: Summary of Data Collection… p. 15 Figure 3: Advertisement for Jawbone Bluetooth headset… p. 89 Figure 4: Cover of Legionnaires Comic, Number 13… p. 149 Figure 5: Screenshot from SafetoPee.org… p. 227 1 Introduction: Locating the Struggle From the 1980s to the early years of the 21st century, media has increasingly incorporated the stories of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals. According to Gross (2005), LGBT individuals have today “entered the ranks of our culture’s permanent cast of characters” (p. 519). While mass mediated gay and lesbian portrayals in particular were “all the rage” in the 1990s, leading some to coin the decade “the gay nineties” (Walters, 2001), more recently there has been a noticeable rise in transgender portrayals (See Appendix for a review of transgender terminology). This increase spans medium and genre. Hollar (2007) notes that in 2007 alone the major network and cable television news organizations nearly doubled their coverage of transgender related issues when compared to the previous year (p. 28). Fictional transgender depictions have also have become widely visible. Films such as Adventures of Priscilla, Queen of the Desert (1994) (which also opened as a musical for the Australian stage in 2006), Ma Vie en Rose (1997), Midnight in the Garden of Good and Evil (1997), Boys Don’t Cry (1999), All About My Mother (1999), Boys Don’t Cry (1999), Hedwig and the Angry Inch (2001), and TransAmerica (2005) have featured transgender protagonists and heroes, and appreciated mainstream and critical success.1 The televisual landscape has also 1 Felicity Huffman won a Golden Globe and a Critic’s Choice award for her role as Bree in TransAmerica. Hilary Swank won a Golden Globe, an Academy Award, and 2 witnessed representational change. In moving away from the television industry standard for transgender representation, the single transgender themed topical episode, both network and cable television programs such as Nip/Tuck, The L Word, Ugly Betty, Dirty Sexy Money, The Education of Max Bickford, All My Children and most recently Glee have integrated recurring transgender roles and plotlines. Transgender lifestyles and identities have also been a cornerstone on reality television programs such as America’s Next Top Model, The Real World, Transform Me, and Making the Band. Susan Stryker (2008), transgender studies scholar, explains that with this proliferation also often comes improving quality, “although the mass media have paid nonstop attention to transgender issues since at least the 1950s, the past several years certainly have witnessed a steady increase in transgender visibility, and the trend has been toward increasingly positive representation” (p. 25). Evidencing this changing texture of representation is the transgender character, Unique, from Fox’s high school themed television musical hit Glee. As an African American transgender teenager on primetime network television, Unique is truly a ‘unique’ character. Appearing in season three, Unique is introduced as a charismatic and formidable talent, a star member of a rival glee club who is struggling with whether or not to perform publicly in drag. As her storyline evolves, the show follows her struggles with bullying, social acceptance and the compounded everyday challenges of being both a teenager and someone who crosses gender conventions. The show handles Unique’s intersecting identities, her blackness and queerness, by an Independent Spirit award for her role as Brandon Teena in Boys Don’t Cry. Ma Vie en Rose won a Golden Globe for best foreign language film. 3 marking her as a quintessential ‘diva,’ a comfortably familiar trope of black femininity. Unique thus represents a strong, vibrant, yet palatable symbol of feminine empowerment. Within the show’s diegesis, she is likeable, talented, and believable, a welcomed shift away from the one-note transgender characters employed as narratives devices meant solely to shock, disturb and titillate. As transgender characters and public figures have started to appear more frequently within popular culture, the press has taken notice. Pointing to Unique on Glee and other LGBT mainstays on network television such as Modern Family’s gay parents Mitchell and Cameron, The New York Times’ Brian Stelter (2012) finds that since “the cultural battlefield of television has changed markedly since the 1990s,” sexual and gender variance has become “all in the family.” Moreover, citing the presence of transgender characters on primetime network TV shows like ABC’s Dirty Sexy Money and Ugly Betty, a 2008 Reuters article acknowledged, “TV has never seen more transgender characters” (Baber, 2008a). While the article points out that the number of LGBT characters on television that year in fact decreased, transgender representations appreciated a degree of complexity and humanity not seen before. As a result, the article identified 2008 as “a banner year for transgender characters on television across the board” (Baber, 2008a). Expressing similar sentiments, a 2007 Seattle Times article declared, “transgender people have become the new go-to characters on television shows” (Labossiere, 2007), a 2005 Time Out Chicago story announced, “gender-bending characters are TV’s new titillation” (Lyons, 2005) and a 2007 Boston Globe piece headlined with “On TV, shows confronting transgender stereotypes” (Weiss, 2007). Referring to the early 4 21st century as “a transgender world,” the Weekly Standard published a 2002 story titled “She Ain’t Necessarily So,” critiquing the rise of transgender rights activism, transgender visibility and what the author begrudgingly refers to as “transgender chic” (Last, 2002). The new transgender visibility is evident across a variety of newer, digital media platforms as well. Recently, Microsoft’s Xbox 360 videogame console changed its “Terms of Use and Code of Conduct,” allowing players to identify as transgender in user profiles and Gamertags (Robinson, 2010). Xbox Live Vice President, Marc Whitten, explained that the previous policy, which lacked the transgender identifier, was enacted to protect against using words like “gay” and “transgender” as slurs. After hearing feedback from customers on the issue, Microsoft chose to rectify a policy that, according to Whitten, “inadvertently excluded a part of our Xbox Live community” (Robinson, 2010). Another highly popular digital environment, Second Life, has been particularly welcoming towards the transgender and gender variant community. The virtual world hosts the Transgender Resource Center, a networked hub for information about the transgender community both in real life and Second Life. The Transgender Lounge, a discussion/ support group, along with Elysium Gardens, a full region in Second Life devoted to transgender life and needs, also populate the virtual world’s landscape. Since 2007, the Transgender Day of Remembrance, which honors victims of anti-transgender violence, has been observed in Second Life (Duranske, 2007). At the same time, digital inclusion also reproduces a dark underbelly, as expressions of transphobia become easier to produce and circulate. For example, 5 iPhone’s “Peek-A-Boo Tranny” application, in which the app embeds a picture of a “tranny” into digital photos, is a troubling appropriation and trivialization of the transgender body (see figure 1 below). Figure 1: Peek-a-Boo Tranny Application Faced with pressure from LGBT organizations such as GLAAD and Bilerico, Apple removed the application from its iTunes store (Simon, 2010). Ultimately, transgender media visibility is a Faustian bargain that both gives and takes, and while cultural representation helps to heal certain socio-political problems it introduces and sustains others. This dissertation examines how the transgender community is making sense of this media visibility, and the strategies they employ in challenging, resisting, adapting to, and/or integrating it into their everyday lives. The Dilemma of Cultural Visibility The transgender community is a largely misunderstood and stigmatized minority
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