ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT OF THE EUROPEAN PRESENCE IN , 77th - 79 th CEN TURIES

by Peter Boomgaard (KITLV, Leiden, the Netherlands)

~ INTRODUCTION n the not so remote past Southeast Asia (further: SEA) was largely covered by tropical rain- forest. Even today, after msny centuries of land clearing, tropical rain-forero are a major 1feature of the landscape in a considerable part of the area. It is only a slight exaggeration to define SEA as that part of Asia where tropical rain-forests are, or at least used to be predominanr (see map 1). Statistics of fnrest cover for the period undcr considcration are not availablc, but the data presenred in tahle 1 convey an impression of the quantities involved at the end of this period.

Table 1 Estirnated percentages of forest cover by area, for selected years.'

ata wcrc rakrn from Boomgaard 1996,26, 166 (Indoncsia); Kummer 1991,23,45 6 (Philippincr, Tliailaiid), Duiiii 1975,l (Malaya): Andrur 1948.96 (Burma): Gourou 1951,25,30(Indo-). l'he svcragc figure in thc last row is rny Own cdculrtian, bnscd "pon rhc data far thc areas represented in the tablc. As thcse data rcfcr to diflcrcnt ycars, 1 havc iakcn 1940 as a convcnicnr and plausible 'midpoinr'. Map 1 Thc Old World tropical rain-foresc formations

Thc table presentr the earlicst data I could find for each region. Given the possible variation in forest cover world-wide, the data of most SEA regions rcflect relatively slight deviarions from the regional mean (62%). Malaya (85%) and IndoChina (47%) are somewhat further removed from the average petccritage of forest cover, and only lava (27%) is way out of line. 1 wuuld have prcfcrred separatc data on Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam to one figure for the whole of Indo- China, but 1 was unable to find such data for 1950 or earlier years. Such a breakduwn would have shown a percentage of forest cover for Vietnam not far removed from that of lava, and pcrcentages for rhe other two regions in the neighbourhood of the regional mean. Map 2 and rablc 2 present data ori popiilation densities for various areas in SEA. Map 2 reflects the situation around 1940, and shows the reverse imagc of table 1, ridrnely high population densities in aiid [riorthern] Vietnam, and very luw densities in, for instancc, Malaya. This was to be expected, as population density ir inverscly proportional to pcrcentage of forest cover. It is somewhat more surprising to find broadly similar data in table 2, rcflecting thc situation aroiind 1600. The figures are, admitredly, rough estitnates, but there are no reasons to assume that rhey are far beside the mark. Popiilation dcnsities had, no diiuhr, increased considerably between 1600 and 1940, but lava and northern Vietnam were already characterized by -comparatively speaking- exceptionally high densities at the beginning of the seventeenth ccntury. Java, the central and eastern parts in particular, and northern Vietnam, espccially tiie Red River delta, were wet-rice prodiicing and exporting areas hefore the arrival of the Etiropcans. It seems likely that the natural cnvironment of these areas liad been attractive to hurnari settlers. 1 am referring to the fertilc alluvial soils of thr: Red River delta and to the fertilc volcanic soils of the upland and river valleys of Java, in combination with rainfall and tcmperatures thar are neitlier too high nor tcm low. Both areas have a marked monsonn climate, Area Population density per km*

Indonesia (without Java & Bali) 2.9 - Java & Bali 40.7 3.2 Malaya 3.4

- ~ ~~ ~ ~~~p - Rurriia 4.6 Siam () 4.3 Cambodia-Champa 4.5 Vietnam (North & Ccntral) 18.0 Total SEA 5.8

Table 2 Estimated population densities (pcr km>)by area around 1600.2 with an original vcgctation more attractive to hurnans than that associaied witli dic Iiurriid tropical climate to be found in most othcr parts of SEA.3These conditions marle for rathcr high population densities, which were conducive to state formation. The states, in turn, stimulared or even coerced more people to form permanent settlements.

Taking the two tables and the two maps togcthcr, it secms plausible to regard SEA as a fairly horri

PRE-EUROPEAN TRADE iven the image presented here of many trecs and fcw pcoplr, onr could hc casily mided into thinking that sixicerith-ccritury SEA countries were self~contained G socictics cntirely hased on siihsistrncr production. Although subsistente production was, no doubt, the mainstay of these economies, trading links had existed for centuries between various regional centres in the area, and betwccn thc arca and the outside world. Chinese, Indian, and Arab merchants had visited SEA since time immemorial, and traders from the area itself had taken their rnerchandise to ports-of-trade abroad. Somc of the products froni SF.A even reached the Roman Empire, as was the case with cloves from the Moluccas, now part of Indoncsia.

Adapred from Rcid 1988, 14. Rcid's figure for Java (4 rnillion) has been adjusred upwardr (ro 5 inillion). Sce e.g. Mohr 1938, nnd Gourou 1965 [19361. Map 2 I'opulation density in Southeastern Asia

Roughly spcaking. SEA regions imported "indus~rial"cummndiries, and cxportcd products lrum thc primary srctor. lmports froiri Cliina and were triainly ctirron and silk textiles, cerarnics, and copper coins, but also products such as liquor and lacquer-ware. SEA exported agricultural products, such as pepper, raw cotton, and betel-nuts. With coconuts and bananas, that werc also exported, wc enter a grey zone, hecausc it is unclear whcthcr these products had bccn harverted from cuitivated rrccs, thus firting the category of agricultura1 products, or whether they carne from wild trees, and should therefore be classed as forest products. This also applics to cloves and nutmcg. Many morc products, alrhough often traded in small quantities, wcrc genuine forcst products, mostly aromatic woods, and gums and resins. The cornmodities rnost frequently mentioned are bamboo, henzoin, brazilwood or sapanwood, camphor, damar, caglewood or gharuwood, lakawood, sandalwood, and tesk. Yroducts dcrived from wild aninlals -sornrtimes including the wholc animal, dead or alive- are often also categorized as forest products. ln the case of SEA we can think of bee's wax, birds of paradise feathers, (edible) bird's nests, civet, deer-hides, ivory, rhinoceros horn, and tortoise shell. With the latter wc straddle the bouridary betwecn land and sea, of which somc products, such as coral, pcarls, and various types of shell, were also traded. Finally, SEA cxportcd commodirics that had to be rnincd, surh as tin aiid gold.'

If we are fairly well informed abur the trade between SEA and thc outside world, we do not know much about tradc flows within the area itself. Theoretically, ir could be assumed that regions witb roughly similar rcsource endowments, and tbercfore prcsiirnahly s;milar products, would not have much to trade. If we look at tradr data frorn the Philippines for the period 1586-1790, this seems to be confirmed. On average, betwccn 5 and 10% of total income from tariffs on imports in Manila came from ships from SEA.> One could object to the use of these data as a proxy for pre-1500 trade flows for two reasons. In the firt place, it is likely that these data underestimate goods importrd in small craft from Indonesia, but probably not by a large margin if expressed in terms of value of the cargo. Sccondly, there is the theoretical possihility that this trade was entirely generated by the Spanish prerence in Manila, but that is hardly likely. It seems, therefore, that we may ronrliide that intra-SEA tradc flows in the pre-contact period werc modest but riot rirgligitile. Rice was doubtlessly part of thc intcr-rcgional trade within SEA, if only hecause harvests in the various regions took place at differenr moments in time, thus enabling regions with a temporary shortage to import it from rcgionr where the harvcst had just finished. However, there were even then regions with a structural dd~cit,such as thc clovc and nutmeg producing islands, and regions, such as Ccntral and Eastern Java, with a strnctural surplus. Thus, in a number of regions relationships of mutual dependency had been established, prefigiirati

It is unlikely that the production or collection of the rrade items mentioned abve did much damage to the natural environmcnt, with the excrption of pepper, rice, and possibly timber. Pepper seems to have bcen grown in a way that exhausted the soil after some time. When these arcas were abandooed, &ey did not revert to forrst rovcr for a long time, if ever. Good examples of areas where pepper was produced on a fairly large scale before rhe arrival of rhe Europeani are Java aiid S~matra.~ Rice was grown both as a 'wet' (irrigated) and as a 'dry' crop. Wer rice can be grown almost indefinitely on the rame plot, provided it is irrigatcd with watcr conraining sufficient nutricnts.

Mort of thcsc commodiricl arc ro bc bund ~n Whcitley 1959, whcre dctailr are giucn on rheir regional dirtribution. See also Dunn 1975, 111-L: Curhner 1976.9; Reid 1995.98. This calculstian is hmrd on dnn piihlirhd in Chaunu 1960,200-19. A goad imprerrion of he rice-rurplur arcas in SEA around 15IN can bc glwnrd from 'liiirié Pircs' Suma ürirnml (Corccs50 19441. 'Scc c.g. Rcid 1995,98-102. Dry rice is usually cultivated under shifting cultivation, which ir only harmful to the natural environment if the fallow period is too short. So although both crops could be -and probably were- produced in a sustainable system, thc permanrnt or tcmporary clearing of laiid was, of coursc, to the drtrimcnt of the Surcst couer. Timber was used for the construction of ships and boats. Fairly large ships were buili in Java and Pegu [Burma], due to the presence of teak forests, and smaller craft came from many areas in SEA. Ships 2nd boats were not orily built for local urc, bu1 tlicy were also suld ro foreigricrs (cg.Boomgaard 1991, 18). Wc may conclude that already prior to 1500 the exploitation of timbcr for shipbuilding and the cultivation of ricc and pepper had led locally to the disappearance of forest cuver. To this may he added the locations needcd for the cotistruction of towns and cities, the arcas used fur grazitig water-buffaloes, cattle, and horses, and ?he placer where diamonds, gold, tin, and iron were being mined.

THE EUROPEAN PRESENCE n broad outline, the story is a familiar one, and there ir no need to present here a detailed overview. Betwecn 1500 and 1800, the Portuguese, the Spaniards, the British, and the 1Diitch came in fairly large numbers to SEA. Thr French aiid the Danes also tnadc an appcarance, hur on a rnucli srriallrr scale. They traded iri many coastal towos and esrablished so-callcd 'facrories' -and 1 am not talking about industrial plants but ahout permanent settlements- if thc local rulers would let rhem or if they were sufficiently strong to do so anyway. Howcver, these settlements were often no more than tiny blots on tlic Landscape. In fact, only tbe Spaniards and the Dutch wcre able to stake out fairly large territorial claims, in thc Phi- lippines and Java respectively. The British came close to doing so in , but their effective control beyond the imrnrdiatc cnvirons of Rengkulu was negligible. In the sixteenth and early revenicenth centuries the Portuguese had been successful in establishing ilirmsclves in arcas such as Malacca, Ambon, Solor, Flores, arid Timor, but iii rlie rnd the latter island was the only place in SEA that they could retain. After 1800, and particiilarly after the 1850s, the Europcan presencc cxpanded curisidcrahly, 2nd ai rhe rnd of thc nineteenth century a largc part of SEA had comc undcr Europcin dominance. By then, rhe British ruled Burma and Malaya, the French held sway over Indo- China, thc Dutch had become masters of most of Indonesia, and the Spaniards of the Philippines. ln fact, the only large arca nnt iinder Europcan dominance around 1900 was Siam, now Thailsnd. Finally, 1 should mention rhe Americans, if 1 am allowed to regard them as 'Europeans'. 'l'hey did not establish themselves in SEA until 1900, but thcy started to trade witli SEA around 180U, and thus exerted locally -for insrance in Sumatra and the Philippines considerable influenrr. Given this uneven development in timc and space, it is not entirely unexpected that thc environmental effects of the Eliropean presence would bc felt strongcr and rnrlicr in somc arcas than in others. 1 think it is fair to say thar, as a rule, thc cffects werc much weaker hefore than after 1800 or 1850. Wc also may expect earlicr and stronger effects in Java and thc Philippines than elsewhere. POPULATION GROWTH s I have said earlier, population growth-rates in SEA were, generally speaking, low to very low between 1600 and 1800 or 1850. Anthony Reid arrived at an estimate of at the A most 0.2% per annum on average for the period between 1600 and 1800, and a better estimate than his has still to be produced. In the late eighteenth century growth-rates started to rise in at least two regions for which relatively reliable data are available, namely Java and the Philippines. During the nineteenth century, average annual population growth approached the 1.5% mark in these two regions, which was a far cry from the very low rates prevailing prior to 1800. In the other SEA regions this sustained and rapid population growth did not begin before 1850 or even 1900.8 The rise of the population growth-rates in SEA is usually attributed to a lower death-rate. Lower mortality seems to have been caused by three factors, all related with the European presence, namely the so-called pax imperica, the introduction of smallpox vaccination, and improved communications, which facilitated the prevention of famines. 9 It is also clear that agricultural production per capita had been increasing in some regions, but it is far from evident that this resulted in a net increase of disposable income for the indigenous population. If proof could be found for such an increase in real income, this factor also might have contributed to the lowering of the death-rate. Population growth is nowadays seen as one of the main causes of environmental degradation. In the past, growth-rates were usually lower as was average energy consumption per capita, so the threat of a growing population was proportionally less formidable. Nevertheless, the relatively high rates obtaining in Java and the Philippines in the nineteenth century should not be rejected out of hand as a possible cause of environmental degradation, particularly in those areas where the growing population spilled over into the more vulnerable upland areas. Prior to 1800, we do not hear much of environmental degradation related to -European induced- population growth. To my knowledge, the environmental problems of the larger `European' cities in SEA were the only important exception to this rule. As an example I would like to mention the pollution, disturbed water courses, and fuel shortages in and around eighteenth-century Batavia, now Jakarta. Finally, the question could be asked of whether the low population growth-rates prior to 1800 were in any sense caused by the European presence. There is, of course, the Mexican example of negative growth-rates after the arrival of the Spaniards, and one could argue that Europeans may have had a similar influence on SEA populations, albeit to a lesser degree. There are, indeed, some local examples of high death-rates owing to European attempts to impose their rule, as was the case in the hinterland of Manila on the Philippine island of Luzon, on the Indonesian island of Banda, and during the two wars fought over Batavia, all in the early seventeenth century.19

8 Owen 1987, 9-10; Reid 1988, 11-8; Boomgaard 1989, 202. 9 Owen 1987, 10; Boomgaard 1989, 192. In a recent paper, however, Xenos seems to doubt the validity of these explanations for the Philippines (1996, 5-6). 10 On Luzon, see e.g. Phelan 1958/9, 194. Howevcr, there is no evidence of dirartrous 'new' epidemics, introduccd by Europeans, that arc known to have raised havoc in Mexico. Apparently, SEA was included in the 'disease pool' that was shared by China, India, and E.uri>pr.Thcrefiire, an epidemic as, for instance, smallpox war no newcomer to thc arca. Anothcr, hadly researched, factor that may have contrihutcd to low growth-rates war 'slavery', or perhaps one should say dependen1 labonr in its many guises. Slavery was an original SEA modc ot'cmploying labour, hiir it was certainly rtimulated by European enterprisc. It is, however, unlikely, that Europeatis were responsible for a more than marginal addition to the use of dependent labour. Mcasured over a period of 300 years, any adverse effecr of the European presence on the ratc of population growth prior to 1800 seems to have bcen minimal.

FOREST EXPLOITATION: TIMBER AND FIREWOOD CUTTING rior to 1800, loss of forest cover owing to foresr exploitation -as opposed to losses caused by land clearing- wa mainly linked to timber and firewood cutting. The European Psettlemcnts iti Java and the Philippines had to be supplicd conrtantly with both. Tirnher was used for shipbuilding and the construction of houscs, and firewood for cooking and for a number of industrial processes. Iris not difficult to prove that, at least in Java, this demand led tu a serious reduction of forest covcr, particularly as regards teak forests. During periods of conflict brtwceri the Dutch in Dacavia and thr indigenous rulcrs of the tcak arcas of Central 2nd Eastern Java, teak was even imported from Siam. It was also exported, for instance to Malacca, Taiwan, and Japan, bur not in large quantities and probably only for the use of the local Dutch reridents." Nowadays, die export of hardwood from SEA tu Europe, the United States, and Japan is onc of the main causes of environmental dcgradation, but during the period here undcr consideration. 1 have seen no evidence for it. Even in thc late ninetecnth century the export of hardwood to areas outsidc SEA is rather unimportant. During the riiiieteenrh century, thc ~xploitationof tcak and other tirnher in Java increased. Only at the cnd of thc ccntury the establishment of a professional Foresr Service led to the rcvcrsal of this trend. Nevertheless, between 1840 and 1940 Java lost ahout half of the forest cover ir still hnd in 1840. Most was lost between 1840 and 1895, and in thc case of the teak forests between 1840 antl 1870. 1 ani not in thc possrssion of data on forcst cover for thc rcgion arourid Manila during chis period, but it seems likely that similar processes took place there. Howevcr, the scale on which this occurrcd Inust have heen somewhat smaller, givcn the fact that in 1910 thc timher production of the entirc Pliilippine archipelago was ahout 10% lower than that of lava alone.12 The averagc annual rate of decrease of Java's forest cover between 1840 and 1940 was, if thc figures 1 havc used are right, ahout -0.7%, or roughly half the population growth-rate, only ncgative. If we assume, for the sakc ocargunient, that around 1500 SEA'S forcsts covered 90% of irs surfacc area, the avcragc annual ratc of dccrcarc between 1500 and 1940 -excluding for thc

'I Phclan 1958/9,192: Curhner 1976.51; Baorn@ard 1988; Roomgaard 19954 11 I2Whitfoid 1911,1,43; Baompanrd 1996,26, 148. a3 1 moment the fast growers Java and rhe Philippines- was -0.08%. This is, again, about half the growth-rate of the population during most of the period under consideration, but then, of course, negative. Ir will be interesting to confront this emerging rulc af thumb -thc average annual rate of decrease of forest cover equals minus half the population growth-rate- with findings from other areas with better statistics. Summarizing the evidence it can be said that timber extraction on some scale had already started prior to the arrival of Europeans, that it accelcratcd in rornc arcas such as Java and Luzon between 1600 and 1800, and that locally even higher rates of exploitarion were reached between 1800 and 1900. In most SEA regions, hiiwever, large-scdr tirnbrr exlraction did not start uotil afrer 1950.

FOREST EXPLOTATION: NON-TIMBER FOREST PRODUCTS nterest iri n

j3 Baomgaard 1995b, 3-10. Even nowadays the vaxt rnajority of collectorr are parrtimcrr, although in romc 'tribal' groupa ir is almost a full-time occuparion for many mcmbcrs (Dunn 1975,80; Dc Beci & MeDermarr 1989,86). 14Smith 1977.80: Boomgaard 1995b. 3 10. popularion growrh-rares were increasing, sustainablc collcction became trinrr priiblematic. For example, the collection of guttaperclia, a gutii, siii>rir;iii intri rlifficultics when world demand soarcd during the secotid Iialf (ir rlic iiinetecnth rrntury. Oriasionally, the collection of edible bird's riests alrti srcrns to havr led to local and perhaps rcvcrsihlc depletion.15

Thus, increascd European demand was somctimcs rcsponsible for collecdon iiri a non- sustainable scale. Howcvcr, one should also study rlir. riililily iilr. The supply of sandalwood presents an intcresting case-study of dilTcrciic:er in response to higher demand berween various regions. In the Intl<,ricsianarrhipelago, sandal could be found in Java, Sumba, and Timor. Java liad cot most of its sandal by the sevenreenth ccntury, Timor produced sandal on a sustainable basis until 1915, and Sumba morc or less refused to cxport any sandal until abour 1880. Howcvcr, when the Surnbanese finally started cutting it ifter 1880, ilicy rolrl thrir rntire stock in a pcriod of 40 ycars. This is not [he place for a rnrirr cletailed arrount of these developmentr, and it inay suffice here to say tliat thc rapid dcpktion of the sandalwood forcsrs of Sumba was Iiiikcr. Thc erulngical consequences of chis dcvclopmcnt should not be utidrresiirnatrrl.~6

To my knowledge, the collec~itiiiiif rion-timbrr forest products is never mcnrioncd as a suurce iif rlcf

AGRICULTURE hc rolc of Europeans iii tlie ~raiisliirrnatiunof SEA agriculture is the most cxtcnsivcly rchrarrhed topir of the ones we are dealing wirh hcrc. Howcvcr, rhis is only truc for Tone particular aspect of agricultural development, namely thc spread of crops for tlie world markct, prcdominantly those grown on European-run plaiitatioiis or fiir F.iiri>pran- owncd enterpriscs. Wc know much less about rhe rnle of fiiiirl r.rrips introduced by Europeans. such as niaize, sweet polaiocr, oiirl cashñva. 1can Iic Fdirly brief about the former caregory We al1 know rhat thc incroduction oftobacco, coffee, tea, cacao, rubber, and oilpalms changed the landscapc of many SEA 1-egioiis Iieyoiid recognirion. Al1 rhese crops were introduccd from outside after 1500. lf wc arld .*rig;ir, a rrcip originaring in thc arca itsclf, but not growii on a largr sr:alr iri ir ir tri 1600, the entire range of the major plantatioti crrilis grown f

A much less studied topic is the introduction and spread of foreign food crops, such as maize, sweet potatoes, and cassava. Maize could be grown in areas where other crops could not, particularly in upland areas, and sweet potatoes and cassava produced higher yields per hectare than the indigenous roots and tubers of SEA. Maize spread rapidly from the sixteenth century onward. It enabled people to live in the upland areas, which, particularly in the regions where the Europeans held sway, was a boon to those who wanted to escape from the labour duties and forced deliveries that the new rulers tried to impose. If maize made it possible to live here, tobacco, another crop that did very well in upland areas, made it attractive. With this kind of tobacco cultivation, geared towards home consumption and the local markets, we are far less familiar than with plantation tobacco, grown for the European market. Although it does not seem likely that the maize-tobacco combination led to higher population growth-rates prior to the late eighteenth century, it may be assumed that it facilitated higher growth-rates when, during the nineteenth century, mortality started to drop. In the late nineteenth century, cassava became an important food crop in the upland areas of Java. Thus, a larger population could be fed from the same hectareage (Boomgaard 1995c).

The growth of the population and of the plantation area, both largely or perhaps even entirely the result of the European presence, had far-reaching effects in other SEA regions as well. Thus, countries such as Burma, Siam, and Vietnam, modest rice exporters at the beginning of the nineteenth century, had turned into major rice exporters at the end of the century, with all the concomitant ecological effects. They had to feed the densely settled regions, particularly in Sumatra, Java, and the Philippines, that had specialized in crops for the European and American markets, and could therefore no longer supply their own populations with sufficient food crops.18 The mutual dependency existing around 1500 between rice-producing Java and the spice- producing Moluccan islands, was now replicated on a much larger scale, encompassing SEA as a whole.

18 Owen 1984, 40; Boomgaard 1989, 73-108; Kummer 1991, 45. LIVESTOCK ivestock in SEA ir another wbject hadly in nccd of more rerearch. Wr do know that cattle, water-huffaloes, horscs, and smaller domesticated animals, particularly pigs, Lwere present in almosr al1 areas of SEA prior to thc arrival of the Europcans. Not al1 thesc animals wcre indigenous to for instance thc Philippines and Indotieria, su somewherc in the remote past some sort of 'livestock revolution' rniist havr occorred. l'hc Europeans introduced new races of cattle and horses, hut they also increased the demand for and the supply oí ibc various races already extant, This happened for inrtancc in the sevenreenth century around Batavia and Manila39 It is quite likely that this was to thc detriment of the area under forcst cover, particularly as European-style permancnt meadows were absent, at leasr in Indoncsia. Lands for grazing werc burncd annually, with considerable risks for the adjacenr forests. However, prior to 1800 livestock raiiging docr not sccm to have taken place on a largc scale. The scale increased no doubt in the nineteenth century, as the plantations necded many beasts of burden. The irnportance of European demand is as yct unclear, and allotting the blame for the creation of vast grassy rracts for livestock, as they could bc found for instance in the Batak country in Sumatra, wili have to wait until wc know more.

MINING ith a few words on mining 1 have arrived at my last topic. Open pit mining and panning for metals such as gold and tin predates the European prescnce. The wdemand for both metals increased natahly between 1500 and 1800 in arcas such as Malaya, Sumatra, and Kabikolan, in the Philippines. Even small~scale operations have devastating effccts on the natural envirorirricrit, and they can ruin an area for many decadcs after the mining operaiinns havr come to a stand-still. In addition to thc destruction of the mining area itself, the operations pollute the water courses and destroy the forests for many miles around, as tbey need vast quantities otfirewood. Thc scalc of mining, particularly that of tin, grew considerahly iii ilir riiricteenth century, with disastrous effects on places such as Bangka and Bclitung, two Indonesian islands, and various places in Malaya. Mining for coa1 started in the same century (Borrico, Sumatra), and aliliiiiigli coal-mines were often subterraneous, and therefore somewhat less dcstructive, they also needed vast amounts of timber for the mine-shafts.

CONCLUSIONS hen the Europeans started to arrive in SEA in ever incrcasing numbers, they found an area where low population dcnsitics were the rule, although it is surely an exaggeration to suppose that the arta was entiriij covered with virgin Gircsrr. Tradcw within the area and betwccn SEA and the outer world had heen going on for centuries, towns and citics had been founded, tiniber had bren cut for shipbuilding, and largc tracts had been cleared for agriciilture, partirularly for rice and pepper. Rcrween 1500 or 1600 and 1800, thc European intluence on the cnvironinent was inostly a direct one. 'Their prcscncc led to a disproportionatc increase of the dern~ridfor timber, fire- wood, non-timber forest products. livestock, agricultura1 land for cash crops, and valuable metals. However, there was also an indirect influence, namely by way of the introduction of food crops such as maize and a cash crop such as tobacco, which made it possible and even attractive to livc in upland arcas. Thus the stage was set for the population expansion of the nineteenth century. During the nineteenth century the direct influence of the Europeans increased considerably, as witness the sustained growth of the area under export crops, of the demand for timber, firewood, and non-timber forest products, of tbe demand for livestock, and of the areas devastated by mining operations. This development was probably more than matched by the rapid increase of the indirect European influence, namely their role in the much higher population growth-rates. These changes did not only make for a rapid retreat of the forest cover in somr arcas, hiit they slso led to an invarion of thc vulncrablc upland arcas, with dire consequences for he upland soils and for the water regimes of the lowlands. Ketrospectiucly, thc ccological effects are modest compared to the developments of the last decades, but it would be clearly a mistake to think that al1 was well until the 1950s. By way of an cpilogue, 1 would like to point out tliat ar the ciid uf thc pcriod we havr brcn dealing with, the European colonial governments had started to do something about the detcriorating natural environment. Jurt beforc and aftcr 1900 wc eocounter the first forest reservations, sustaioably exploited forests, nature and game reserves, and game laws. It was too little and too late.

REFERENCES - Allen, G.C., & A.G. Donnithorne, 1954, WesfernEnfevprise in Indoneiia and Malaya. Landon: Allcn & Unwin.

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