Ngos and International Governance
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The Two Postwar Eras and the Conditions for Stability in Twentieth-Century Western Europe
The Two Postwar Eras and the Conditions for Stability in Twentieth-Century Western Europe The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Maier, Charles S. 1981. The two postwar eras and the conditions for stability in twentieth-century Western Europe. American Historical Review 86(2): 327-352. Published Version doi:10.2307/1857441 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:4727674 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA AHR Forum The Two Postwar Eras and the Conditions for Stability in Twentleth-CenturyWestern Europe CHARLES S. MAIER BROADCASTING over the BBC in November 1945, A. J. P. Taylor assured his lis- teners, "Nobody in Europe believes in the American way of life-that is, in pri- vate enterprise; or rather those who believe in it are a defeated party and a party which seems to have no more future than the Jacobites in England after 1688. "I Taylor proved to be wrong, or at least premature, about the end of pri- vate enterprise. The question here is why, at least in Western Europe, there was less transformation than he envisaged. Posed in broader terms, how did Western Europe achieve political and social stability by the mid-twentieth century after two great, destructive wars and the intervening upheaval. Historians often treat stability as a passive coming to rest or a societal inertia that requires no explanation. -
A Penny All the Way
SECOND BRITISH g q [\ ] £ Ţ EDITION. A PENNY ALL THE WAY THE STORY OF PENNY POSTAGE BY FRED. J. MELVILLE PRESIDENT OF THE JUNIOR PHILATELIC SOCIETY LONDON : 4 7, S trand. W. C f— 7 l£t * S 'J Photo] [ Passano. THE RIGHT HON. SYDNEY BUXTON M.P. A P e n n y a l l t h e W a y . INTRODUCTORY. n preparing this short story of penny postage at a time when popular interest in the subject is aroused by the inauguration of penny postage between Great Britain and the United States, the writer has given his chief attention to the more obscure phases of the develop ment of the idea of penny postage. Rowland Hill and his great struggle to impress both the Post Office and the Treasury officials with the main arguments in favour of Uniform Penny Postage are matters which are dealt with in our histories. But of his namesake, John Hill, who tried hard to induce the Council of State to look favourably upon a similar plan nearly two hundred years earlier, nothing is known. The name of William Dockwra is known only to students of postal history and to philatelists. Yet he established and conducted what was in many senses a better system of local postage in London in 1680, at the rate of one penny per letter, than was in existence in 1840. After Rowland Hill came one Elihu Burritt, “ the learned blacksmith,” whose memory is cherished in the United States, and who, long before his own country had adopted Uniform Penny Postage, urged Great Britain to give the world what he termed “ Ocean Penny Postage,” which was different to, yet anticipatory of, Imperial Penny Postage and Universal Penny Postage, which became the questions of later years. -
11. HUGHES & HAWORTH Paper
ILO Century Project The ILO involvement in economic and social policies in the 1930s Stephen Hughes Newcastle University Nigel Haworth University of Auckland Disclaimer : This is a draft paper, which is made available on the Century Project website for information and comments. It is not for citation without the permission of the author(s). ___________ The responsibility for opinions expressed in the paper remains with its author(s), and its International inclusion on the website does not constitute an endorsement of its content by the ILO or the IILS. Institute for Labour Studies 1. Introduction 1 The survival of the ILO despite the demise of the League of Nations, and, in particular, the ILO’s status in the post Second World War settlement, is substantially an effect of its role in the interwar economic depression. In that period, the ILO became an important locus for, first, the professional gathering and ordering of information about the depression and its consequences, and, second, the international discussion of policy responses. These roles created sustained status and legitimacy for the ILO into the modern era. Moreover, these roles emerged as the effect of conscious strategy within the leadership of the ILO, which positioned the ILO carefully to fill the need for international consideration of the depression. The discussion below provides an account of these roles and the strategic positioning of the ILO by its leadership. The discussion is in four parts; first, a discussion of the ILO and the depression; second, an account of the ‘Policy of Presence, initiated by Albert Thomas, and designed to establish the international relevance and profile of the ILO; third, the consolidation of the Thomas approach by subsequent ILO leaderships; fourth, the policy to simultaneously broaden the ILO’s social and economic agenda and engage the United States in ILO work to guarantee its survival. -
Elihu Burritt and Friends
Elihu Burritt and Friends HE Library at Friends House has received during the past year or two gifts of letters written by Elihu T Burritt to Friends whilst he was engaged upon his Peace and Brotherhood mission in England during the middle years of last century. The donors of these very welcome additions to the Library have been James Edmund Clark of Street, Harriet Alexander of Worthing and Charlotte Lyndon of Hindhead. The last named had received from her mother, Anna Mary Ransom (nee Southall) of Hitchin, over eighty letters written to A. M. Southall by Elihu Burritt during the years 1850-56. It was my happy privilege to suggest to Charlotte Lyndon that this valuable collection of letters should find a permanent home at Friends House. We learn from these Burritt-Southall letters that it was due to Joseph Crosfield of Manchester that Burritt first came to England in 1848. He found an open door among Friends everywhere. His unassuming manner and persuasive methods of propaganda appealed to the quiet orderly life of Friends. He adopted two principal ways of working. One through the establishment of Olive Leaf Circles among women and, secondly, through a journal which he edited entitled The Bond of Brotherhood,. He also gained a con siderable following among liberal-minded business men by his advocacy of what he called " Ocean Penny Postage ". This proposal appealed to many as the logical development of Rowland Hill's introduction of Uniform Penny Postage for the United Kingdom in 1840. * 1 James Edmund Clark of Street has permitted me to see an interesting note made by the late William S. -
SOCIAL DIALOGUE and the EXPANDING WORLD the Decade
Lajos Héthy SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND THE EXPANDING WORLD The decade of tripartism in Hungary and in Central and Eastern Europe 1988-99 European Trade Union Institute Bruxelles, 2001 The author: Lajos Héthy is one of the architects of social dialogue in Hungary. He holds degrees as an economist and sociologist, academic doctor of sociology and h. professor (Faculty of Economics, Janus Pannonius University, Pecs). As director of the Labour Research Institute, Budapest (1980-99) he headed the government’s Wage Reform Expert Group (1987-88), paving the way for the establishment of the tripartite Interest Reconciliation Council. In 1990-91 he was deputy secretary of state, and in 1994-98 political secretary of state of the Ministry of Labour and the government’s chief negotiator in the tripartite institutions. He has been working as an expert for the International Labour Organization since 1978. In 1994-98 he was Hungary’s government delegate to the ILO’s Governing Body. In 1996-97 he participated in the ILO’s exercise in developing tripartism in Albania. He was the founder and first president of the Hungarian Industrial Relations Association (1991-99). He has published widely on labour relations and labour administration issues in Hungary and abroad. At present he is director for labour and employment, UN Civil Administration, Kosovo. Acknowledgements The author expresses his thanks to his colleagues – Mr. György Kaucsek, Ms. Zsófia Fried and Ms. Edit Lakatos – who helped him in researching and in putting together this book. He extends his thanks to those colleagues and friends who contributed to the improvement of the manuscript by reading it and commenting on it – to Mr. -
The Problem of War Aims and the Treaty of Versailles Callaghan, JT
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Salford Institutional Repository The problem of war aims and the Treaty of Versailles Callaghan, JT Titl e The problem of war aims and the Treaty of Versailles Aut h or s Callaghan, JT Typ e Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/46240/ Published Date 2 0 1 8 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non- commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected] . 13 The problem of war aims and the Treaty of Versailles John Callaghan Why did Britain go to war in 1914? The answer that generated popular approval concerned the defence of Belgian neutrality, defiled by German invasion in the execution of the Schlieffen Plan. Less appealing, and therefore less invoked for public consumption, but broadly consistent with this promoted justification, was Britain’s long-standing interest in maintaining a balance of power on the continent, which a German victory would not only disrupt, according to Foreign Office officials, but replace with a ‘political dictatorship’ inimical to political freedom.1 Yet only 6 days before the British declaration of war, on 30 July, the chairman of the Liberal Foreign Affairs Group, Arthur Ponsonby, informed Prime Minister Asquith that ‘nine tenths of the [Liberal] party’ supported neutrality. -
Building the New Europe: Western and Eastern Roads to Social Partnership
Building the New Europe: Western and eastern roads to social partnership Elena Iankova and Lowell Turner It is not the countries that have reduced social spending most or minimized social partnerships that are the leading successes today . It is therefore not the flexibility of the market, but the existence and adaptability of institutions and regulations which explain success . The special European way of dealing with change, filtering it through established labour market institutions, leads to positive results. In other words, the baby (institutions) was kept and the water (inefficiencies in the institutions) was at least partially thrown out. This accounts for a large part of European success. Peter Auer (2000, pp. 2–3) Praised by some, feared by others, neoliberal economic ideas and policies have risen to prominence in Europe over the past two decades. From the extremism of Margaret Thatcher to the more muted conservatism of Helmut Kohl to the current Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), free market ideas have challenged the social market with deregulation and policies of fiscal and monetary austerity. A spectre is haunting Europe: the spectre of Americanisation. The post-cold war, EMU-oriented ‘New Europe’ is nonetheless a social Europe, defending, adapting and modernising an essential social dimension within the developing European project. Just as the 1999 ‘Battle of Seattle’ dramatically demonstrated the growing salience even in North America of social dimension debates in an expanding global economy, so does the much more developed European social dimension offer examples of appropriate economic and social policies for integrated markets. Europe can play this forerunner role in today’s global economy, we argue, because of longstanding relations of social partnership, in which organised interests, especially business and labour, participate in regularised bargaining processes to craft economic and social policy compromises. -
Corporatism As a Process of Working-Class Containment and Roll-Back: the Recent Experiences of South Africa and South Korea
Corporatism as a process of working-class containment and roll-back: The recent experiences of South Africa and South Korea Tom Bramble School of Business University of Queensland Brisbane Q 4072 AUSTRALIA Email: [email protected] and Neal Ollett This paper has been accepted for publication in the Journal of Industrial Relations and the final version of this paper will be published in the Journal of Industrial Relations vol. 49, issue 4, September 2007 by Sage Publications Ltd. All rights reserved. © For more information please visit: www.sagepublications.com. ABSTRACT In this article we argue that recent debates in the corporatist literature about whether corporatism is best understood as a process of structured interest representation or political dialogue miss the point as to corporatism’s central task – the shift of material resources and power away from the working class to the capitalist class, in which two processes are evident – containment and roll- back. We discuss these processes in the context of successive waves of corporatism in Western Europe from the 1940s to the 1990s before moving on to an analysis of the contrasting fortunes of corporatism in South Africa and South Korea during democratic transition. We conclude that the ability of corporatism to carry out the processes of containment and roll back in these two cases have been dependent on the existence (or absence) of supportive prior political relationships between organised labour and the state. Corporatism as a process of working-class containment and roll-back: The recent experiences of South Africa and South Korea INTRODUCTION Traditional interpretations of corporatism have focused on institutionalised structures of interest representation (Molina and Rhodes, 2002). -
Arthur Sweetser Papers [Finding Aid]. Library Of
Arthur Sweetser Papers A Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress Manuscript Division, Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 2013 Contact information: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mss.contact Additional search options available at: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.ms013059 LC Online Catalog record: http://lccn.loc.gov/mm78042085 Prepared by Manuscript Division Staff Collection Summary Title: Arthur Sweetser Papers Span Dates: 1913-1961 Bulk Dates: (bulk 1919-1947) ID No.: MSS42085 Creator: Sweetser, Arthur, 1888-1968 Extent: 22,350 items ; 95 containers plus 4 oversize ; 36.6 linear feet Language: Collection material in English Location: Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Summary: Public official and journalist. Correspondence, diaries, memoranda, press releases, newspaper clippings, speeches, articles, scrapbooks, and other papers relating to Sweetser's career in journalism and diplomacy. Selected Search Terms The following terms have been used to index the description of this collection in the Library's online catalog. They are grouped by name of person or organization, by subject or location, and by occupation and listed alphabetically therein. People Acheson, Dean, 1893-1971--Correspondence. Baruch, Bernard M. (Bernard Mannes), 1870-1965--Correspondence. Comert, Pierre--Correspondence. Croly, Herbert David, 1869-1930--Correspondence. Davis, Elmer Holmes, 1890-1958--Correspondence. Davis, Malcolm W. (Malcolm Waters), 1899- --Correspondence. Drummond, Eric, Sir, 1876- --Correspondence. Fosdick, Raymond B. (Raymond Blaine), 1883-1972--Correspondence. Gerig, Benjamin, 1894-1976--Correspondence. Gilchrist, Huntington, 1891-1975--Correspondence. Grew, Joseph C. (Joseph Clark), 1880-1965--Correspondence. Hambro, Carl Joachim, 1885-1964--Correspondence. House, Edward Mandell, 1858-1938--Correspondence. Hudson, Manley O. -
Australia in the League of Nations: a Centenary View
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2018–19 21 DECEMBER 2018 Australia in the League of Nations: a centenary view James Cotton Emeritus Professor of Politics, University of New South Wales, ADFA, Canberra Contents The League and global politics beyond the Empire-Commonwealth . 2 The requirements of membership ...................................................... 3 The Australian experience as a League mandatory ............................ 4 Peace, disarmament, collective security ............................................. 6 The League and the management of international trade and economic policy ................................................................................ 10 The League’s social agenda ............................................................... 11 Geneva as a school for international affairs for some prominent Australians ......................................................................................... 12 The Australian League of Nations Union........................................... 13 The League idea in Australia ............................................................. 14 Discussion of the League in the parliament and the debate on foreign affairs .................................................................................... 16 Conclusions: Australia in the League ................................................ 19 ISSN 2203-5249 The League and global politics beyond the Empire-Commonwealth With the formation of the Australian Commonwealth, the new nation adopted a constitution that imparted to the -
A History of Global Governance
2 A History of Global Governance It is the sense of Congress that it should be a fundamental objective of the foreign policy of the United States to support and strengthen the United Nations and to seek its development into a world federation open to all nations with definite and limited powers adequate to preserve peace and prevent aggression through the enactment, interpretation and enforcement of world law. House Concurrent Resolution 64, 1949, with 111 co-sponsors There are causes, but only a very few, for which it is worthwhile to fight; but whatever the cause, and however justifiable the war, war brings about such great evils that it is of immense importance to find ways short of war in which the things worth fighting for can be secured. I think it is worthwhile to fight to prevent England and America being conquered by the Nazis, but it would be far better if this end could be secured without war. For this, two things are necessary. First, the creation of an international government, possessing a monopoly of armed force, and guaranteeing freedom from aggression to every country; second, that wars (other than civil wars) are justified when, and only when, they are fought in defense of the international law established by the international authority. Wars will cease when, and only when, it becomes evident beyond reasonable doubt that in any war the aggressor will be defeated. 1 Bertrand Russell, “The Future of Pacifism” By the end of the 20th century, if not well before, humankind had come to accept the need for and the importance of various national institutions to secure political stability and economic prosperity. -
The International Peace Movement 1815-1914: an Outline
The international peace movement 1815-1914: an outline Script of an online lecture given by Guido Grünewald on 9 June 2020* I will try to give an outline of the emergence and development of an international peace movement during its first 100 years. Since English is not my mother tongue and I haven’t spoken it for a longer time I will follow a written guideline in order to finish the job in the short time I have. The first peace organisations emerged in America and in Britain. This was no coincidence; while on the European continent after the end of the Napoleonic Wars restoration took over there were evolving democracies in the anglo-Saxon countries and a kind of peace tradition as for example carried by the quakers who renounced any kind of war. For those early societies the question if a war could be defensive and therefore justified was from the beginning a thorny issue. The New York Peace Sciety founded by merchant David Low Dodge followed a fundamental pacifism rejecting all kind of wars while the Massachussets Peace Society (its founder was unitarian minister Noah Worcester) gathered both fundamental pacifists and those who accepted strictly defensive wars. With about 50 other groups both organisations merged to become the American Peace Society in 1828. The London Peace Society had an interesting top-tier approach: its leadership had to pursue a fundamental pacifist course while ordinary members were allowed to have different ideas about defensive wars. On the European continent some short-lived peace organisations emerged only later. The formation of those first societies occured under the influence of Quakers (one of the 3 historic peace churches which renounced violence) and of Christians who were convinced that war was murderous and incompatible with Christian values.