[ 1976 ] Part 1 Sec 1 Chapter 10 Questions Concerning Latin America

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

[ 1976 ] Part 1 Sec 1 Chapter 10 Questions Concerning Latin America Questions concerning Latin America 211 Chapter X Questions concerning Latin America Tribute to Simón Bolívar By a letter of 16 July 1976 addressed to the Secre- represented the most outstanding unionist ex- tary-General, the Dominican Republic, on behalf of periment at the international level in the nine- the countries members of the Latin American teenth century, with features which anticipated group, requested the inclusion in the agenda of the and coincided with the objectives of the United thirty-first (1976) session of the General Assembly Nations system. It expressed the hope that the of an item entitled "One hundred and fiftieth anni- ideals of Bolívar would inspire the establishment versary of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama." of a more just international order of respect for In an explanatory memorandum, it was stated law, devoted to the maintenance of peace, the that the idea of the Amphictyonic Congress of Pan- preservation of democratic principles, the pro- ama, which met on 22 June 1826, was born of the motion of economic and social progress and the universalist thinking of Simón Bolívar, the Libera- freedom of all peoples. tor, and his vision of a united, strong America, The Assembly, by the same resolution, formu- unified not only in order to solve internal problems lated the wish for a successful outcome of the but also in order to confront dangers from external negotiations for the conclusion of a new treaty on sources. the Panama Canal, which would eliminate the In commemorating the anniversary of the Pan- causes of conflict between Panama and the United ama meeting, the Latin American group wanted to States, in accordance with principles agreed to by pay a tribute to Simón Bolívar and to recall his the parties concerned. universalist ideas. Finally, the Assembly requested the Secretary- On 24 September 1976, on the recommendation General to arrange for the circulation to all Mem- of its General Committee, the Assembly decided to ber States of a document reproducing the instru- include this item in its agenda for consideration at ment of convocation and the agreements of the a plenary meeting. On 17 December, it adopted a Amphictyonic Congress of 1826. resolution proposed by 27 Members. By the opera- The Assembly took these decisions in adopting, tive provisions of that text, the Assembly paid a by consensus, resolution 31/142. The sponsors of tribute to Simón Bolívar as a promoter of Latin the text were Argentina, the Bahamas, Barbados, American integration and a builder of constructive Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, plans for international organization, and decided the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, to place a commemorative plaque in the United Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Nations Headquarters building as a permanent Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, tribute to his memory. Peru, Surinam, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay and Also by this resolution, the Assembly recog- Venezuela. (For text of resolution, see DOCUMEN- nized that the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama TARY REFERENCES below.) Documentary references General Assembly—31st session duras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, General Committee, meeting 1. Surinam. Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, Venezuela: draft reso- Plenary meetings 4, 103, 104. lution. A/31/142. Letter of 16 July from Chargé d'affaires of Dominican Resolution 31/142, as recommended by 27 powers, A/31/L23/ Republic (request for inclusion in agenda of item entitled: "One Rev.2, adopted by consensus by Assembly on 17 December hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress 1976, meeting 103. of Panama"). A/31/250. First report of General Committee, item 117. The General Assembly, A/31/L.23 and Rev.1,2. Argentina, Bahamas, Barbados, Bolivia, Having decided to hold a special commemorative plenary Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, meeting to pay a tribute to Simón Bolívar, the Liberator, on Ecuador, El Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Hon- the occasion of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 212 Political and security questions the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama, which met on 22 June constructive plans for international organization on a continen- 1826, tal and world-wide scale and, in this connexion, decides to Considering that the main objective of that Congress was place a commemorative plaque in the United Nations Head- to constitute an assembly of confederated countries which quarters building as a permanent tribute to his memory; should establish the legal foundations for the relations between 2. Recognizes that the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama the American Republics and all the nations of the world, and represents the most outstanding and audacious unionist experi- should serve as "a council during periods of great conflicts, ment at the international level in the nineteenth century, with to be appealed to in the event of common danger, and to oecumenical features which anticipate and coincide with the be a faithful interpreter of public treaties when difficulties arise, objectives of the United Nations system; in brief, to conciliate all our differences," concepts which form 3. Expresses the hope that the ideal of Bolívar will inspire the basis of the international law of the American countries the establishment of a more just international order of respect and are thus the direct predecessors of the Covenant of the for law, devoted to the maintenance of peace, the preservation League of Nations and the Charter of the United Nations, of democratic principles, the promotion of economic and social Bearing in mind that Bolívar envisaged a Latin American progress, and the freedom of all peoples; region of free and brotherly countries united by common 4. Formulates the wish for a successful outcome of the ideals, a dream which makes him the precursor of the negotiations for the conclusion of a new treaty on the Panama integration of that region, Canal, which will eliminate the causes of conflict between the Recognizing that the Treaty of Perpetual Union, League and Republic of Panama and the United States of America, in Confederation, signed in Panama on 15 July 1826, reflects accordance with the Declaration of Principles, signed by the a universalist spirit which is currently embodied by the United parties concerned on 7 February 1974, where it is stated Nations, in that it reaffirms the sovereignty and independence that the Panamanian territory of which the Panama Canal is of States and their intention "to secure to themselves from a part shall be returned promptly to the jurisdiction of the this time forward the enjoyment of unalterable peace, and Republic of Panama and that the Republic of Panama "will to promote in this behalf better harmony and good understand- assume total responsibility for the operation of the Canal upon ing as well between the countries, citizens and subjects, the termination of the treaty"; respectively, as with the other Powers with which they should 5. Requests the Secretary-General to arrange for the maintain or enter into friendly relations," circulation to all Member States of a document reproducing Recalling that Simón Bolívar referred on several occasions the instrument of convocation and the agreements of the to the need for a possible opening of a canal in Panama, Amphictyonic Congress of 1826, the original texts of which, which "will shorten distances throughout the world, strengthen currently kept in Rio de Janeiro, will be deposited in Panama commercial ties" between the continents and promote the by decision of the Government of Brazil, at an appropriate exchange of projects "from the four corners of the globe," time, to be preserved in the monument to be erected in that 1. Pays a tribute to Simón Bolívar, the Liberator, as a country as part of the Bolívar commemoration. promoter of Latin American integration and as a builder of Communication concerning the Panama Canal By a letter of 25 March 1976, subsequently cir- States in the search for a reasonable solution to the culated as a document of the Security Council, Pan- Canal problem. ama informed the United Nations of what it termed Panama stated in the letter that in the history of an illegal strike by United States workers in the the Canal, no Panamanian had ever been involved Panama Canal Zone, in protest against policies in- in an act of sabotage against the waterway. troduced by the United States Government. The Annexed to the letter was a communiqué issued strike had seriously delayed maritime traffic on 21 March by the Head of Government of Pan- through the Canal, prejudicing international trade. ama; among other things, it declared that the vir- The Government of Panama wished to draw at- tual closing of the Panama Canal was due exclu- tention to the attitude of these United States em- sively to the decision taken by United States ployees, which, it said, demonstrated that the colo- workers against the United States agency adminis- nial situation in the Canal Zone posed a threat to tering the Canal. Panamanians working in the peace and security in the region and to the normal Canal Zone, the communiqué said, had at all times operation of the interoceanic passage. The coloni- demonstrated a high sense of responsibility for alist attitude of those workers threatened the keeping the Canal in operation on conditions of negotiations between Panama and the United equality, without preference for any flag. Documentary references S/12027. Letter of 25 March from Panama. (Annex: Communiqué Organization of American States. dated 21 March 1976.) A/31/2. Report of Security Council, 16 June 1975-15 June 1976, S/12163. Telegram of 2 August from Secretary-General of Chapter 23..
Recommended publications
  • Building" Nuestra América:" National Sovereignty and Regional
    Building “Nuestra América:” National Sovereignty and Regional Integration in the Americas* Renata Keller** “It is the hour of reckoning and of marching in unison, and we must move in lines as compact as the veins of silver that lie at the roots of the Andes.” José Martí, “Nuestra América,”1891 José Martí, the Cuban intellectual and independence hero, publis- hed one of his most important essays in a Mexican newspaper while representing Uruguay at the First International Conference of Ame- rican States in Washington DC in 1891. Titled “Nuestra América,” Martí’s call to action touched on a number of themes, including nati- onalism, imperialism, and racism. He urged his readers to discard * Article submitted on September 16th, 2013 and approved for publication in October 16th, 2013. ** Renata Keller is an assistant professor of International Relations at Boston University and holds a Ph.D. in History from the University of Texas at Austin. Her research and teaching interests focus on Latin American history, particularly the connections between foreign and domestic politics, the dynamics of the Cold War, and U.S. relations with Latin America. E-mail: [email protected]. CONTEXTO INTERNACIONAL Rio de Janeiro, vol. 35, no 2, julho/dezembro 2013, p. 537-564. 537 Contexto Internacional (PUC) Vol. 35 no 2 – jul/dez 2013 1ª Revisão: 29/12/2013 Renata Keller their provincial mindsets, insisting that “hometowns that are still strangers to one another XX must hurry to become acquainted, like men who are about to battle together” (MARTÍ, 1977, p. 26).
    [Show full text]
  • The Vice President in the U.S. Senate: Examining the Consequences of Institutional Design
    The Vice President in the U.S. Senate: Examining the Consequences of Institutional Design. Michael S. Lynch Tony Madonna Asssistant Professor Assistant Professor University of Kansas University of Georgia [email protected] [email protected] January 25, 2010∗ ∗The authors would like to thank Scott H. Ainsworth, Stanley Bach, Ryan Bakker, Sarah A. Binder, Jamie L. Carson, Michael H. Crespin, Keith L. Dougherty, Trey Hood, Andrew Martin, Ryan J. Owens and Steven S. Smith for comments on earlier drafts of this manuscript. Madonna also thanks the University of Georgia American Political Development working group for support and comments, and Rachel Snyder for helpful research assistance. All errors remain the authors. Abstract The constitutional designation of the vice president as the president of the United States Senate is a unique feature of the chamber. It places control over the Senate's rules and precedents under an individual who is not elected by the chamber and receives no direct benefits from the maintenance of its institutions. We argue that this feature of the Senate has played an important, recurring role in its development. The vice president has frequently acted in a manner that conflicted with the wishes chamber majorities. Consequently, the Senate has developed rules and precedents that insulate the chamber from its presiding officer. These actions have made the Senate a less efficient chamber, but have largely freed it from the potential influence of the executive branch. We examine these arguments using a mix of historical and contemporary case studies, as well as empirical data on contentious rulings on questions of order.
    [Show full text]
  • The Congressional Debate Over US Participation in The
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Opus: Research and Creativity at IPFW Indiana University - Purdue University Fort Wayne Opus: Research & Creativity at IPFW History Faculty Publications Department of History 11-2006 “The onC gressional Debate over U.S. Participation in the Congress of Panama, 1825-1826: Washington’s Farewell Address, Monroe’s Doctrine, and the Fundamental Principles of U.S. Foreign Policy” Jeffrey J. Malanson [email protected] This research is a product of the Department of History faculty at Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne. Follow this and additional works at: http://opus.ipfw.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Opus Citation Jeffrey J. Malanson (2006). “The onC gressional Debate over U.S. Participation in the Congress of Panama, 1825-1826: Washington’s Farewell Address, Monroe’s Doctrine, and the Fundamental Principles of U.S. Foreign Policy”. Diplomatic History.30 (5), 813-838. http://opus.ipfw.edu/history_facpubs/82 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at Opus: Research & Creativity at IPFW. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Opus: Research & Creativity at IPFW. For more information, please contact [email protected]. jeffrey j. malanson The Congressional Debate over U.S. Participation in the Congress of Panama, 1825–1826: Washington’s Farewell Address, Monroe’s Doctrine, and the Fundamental Principles of U.S. Foreign Policy When Simón Bolívar resolved in December 1824 to call a grand meeting of representatives from the independent republics of the Americas to meet at the Isthmus of Panama, he had no intention of inviting the United States to attend.
    [Show full text]
  • Chavez Presents Boli
    xviii FURTHER READING STUDIES ON BOLIVAR AND INDEPENDENCE Brown, Matthew, Adventuring Through Spanish Colonies: Sifnon BoUvar, Foreign Mercenaries and the Birth of New Nations (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2006) Conway, Christopher Brian, The Cult of BoUvar in Latin Aincricati Literature (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2003) Davies, Catherine, Claire Brewster and Hillary Owen, South Anicricati Independence: Gender, Politics, Text (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2006) Earle, Rebecca, Spain and the Independence of Colombia (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2000) Lynch, John, Latin American Revolutions 1808-1826 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994) Murray, Pamela, For Glory and BoUvar: The Remarkable Life of Manuela Saenz (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008) f CHRONOLOGY 1783 24 July: Simon Jose Antonio de la Santisima Trinidad Bolivar y Palacios bom in Caracas. 1799-1802 Bolivar visits and lives in New Spain (Mexico), Spain and France. 1802 26 May: Bolivar marries Maria Teresa Rodriguez del Toro in Madrid. 1803 22 January: Maria Teresa Rodriguez del Toro dies in Caracas. 1803-1807 Bolivar travels to Spain, France, Italy and the USA. 1810 19 April: Caracas rebels against colonial mle and deposes Captain-General. New junta governs, autonomously, in the name of deposed King Femando VII. Bolivar travels to London as part of Venezuelan mission seeking recognition of its independence (returns to Venezuela in December). r k X X C H R O N O L O G Y 1811 5 July: Elected Venezuelan Congress declares independence. Beginning of First Republic. 1812 26 March: Earthquake in Caracas. 6 July: Bolivar abandons Puerto Cabello. 31 July: Bolivar complicit in arrest of Francisco de Miranda.
    [Show full text]
  • The Formative Platform of the Congress of Panama (1810–1826): the Pan-American Conjecture Revisited Revista Brasileira De Política Internacional, Vol
    Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional ISSN: 0034-7329 [email protected] Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais Brasil de la Reza, Germán A. The formative platform of the Congress of Panama (1810–1826): the Pan-American conjecture revisited Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional, vol. 56, núm. 1, 2013, pp. 5-21 Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais Brasília, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=35827889001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative ARTIGO The formative platform of the Congress of Panama (1810–1826): the Pan-American conjecture revisited A plataforma formativa do Congresso do Panamá (1810–1826): a conjectura Pan-americana revisitada GERMÁN A. DE LA REZA* Rev. Bras. Polít. Int. 56 (1): 5-21 [2013] Introduction A large number of historians attribute Pan-American designs to the Amphyctionic Congress of Panama.1 One ramification of this assumption consists in making Simón Bolívar’s opposition to US participation dependent solely on specific conditions.2 In most cases, it concentrates on the process surrounding the calling of the Amphyctionic Congress, in particular the invitation strategy of the Vice-President of Gran Colombia, Francisco de Paula Santander, eliminating the importance of prior stages in their function as formative platforms for Bolivarian unionism.3 The other current of historians sustain a different perspective: the confederative project was essentially Latin American.4 * National Researcher, Level III, of Metropolitan Autonomous University of Mexico ([email protected]) 1 This position has been defended by, among others, Lockey (1927), Guerra (1946), Whitaker (1954), Caicedo (1961), Bernstein (1961), Castillo (1972), and Bingham (1976).
    [Show full text]
  • South American Power Politics During the 1820S Ron L
    South American Power Politics during the 1820s Ron L. Seckinger The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 56, No. 2. (May, 1976), pp. 241-267. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-2168%28197605%2956%3A2%3C241%3ASAPPDT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-E The Hispanic American Historical Review is currently published by Duke University Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/duke.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Sun Oct 28 14:56:15 2007 South American Power Politics During the 1820s HIS study seeks to formulate some general statements concerning intra-South American relations during the T 1820s.
    [Show full text]
  • The Foreign Policy of John Quincy Adams: a Study in Lockean Synthesis
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1987 The Foreign Policy of John Quincy Adams: A Study in Lockean Synthesis Carl Anthony Hinton College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Hinton, Carl Anthony, "The Foreign Policy of John Quincy Adams: A Study in Lockean Synthesis" (1987). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625419. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-84zw-e718 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE FOREIGN POLICY OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS: A STUDY IN LOCKEAN SYNTHESIS A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Carl Hinton 1987 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Carl Hinton Approved, September, 1987 Dr. Edward P. Ci/apol Dr. Philip J. Funigiello y «/C Dr. James P. Whittenburg TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT .......................................... H INTRODUCTION ...................................... 2 A FORMATIVE INFLUENCES............................ 5 The Rationalism of Locke and Others As Influences on John Quincy Adams ••••••• 5 The Anglophobia of John Quincy Adams ..... 8 THE DIPLOMAT AS A LOCKEAN ACTING PERSON ....
    [Show full text]
  • Greg Grandin New York University
    Note for Agrarian Studies seminar: What follows can be considered an opening bid, a first position paper, on what will be a new book project, tentatively called Greater America . Its an attempt to integrate the history of the Americas, from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, around a strong argument concerning American Exceptionalism – with an emphasis on the role of what Latin American jurists called American International Law played in creating the modern multilateral system. I had hoped for this seminar to have more directly drawn out the implication for agrarian history, but time went fast and those implications remain implicit. They are, though, obvious, particularly as they relate to property rights (especially the Mexican Revolution’s challenge to international property law) and forced labor. Also, as the title of the essay suggests, the following reflects an interest in reviving a line of critical theory, influential in its way but somewhat cast aside, either by, on the one hand, a social history that hewed close to the ground or, on the other, by new critical theory that assumes a coherence and monolithic rationality to colonial or imperial knowledge and power. I don’t actually here cite Robert Drinnon’s Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating and Empire-Building , but I crib from his title since his sweep and argument has been influential. I also rely on a number of his contemporaries, including Michael Rogin and William Appleman Williams, as well as Louis Hartz. These scholars, even if they are associated with categorizes often considered totalizing, such as empire, capitalism, or liberalism, grasped the fundamental instability of Americanism; the value of their approaches, whatever their excesses, are confirmed by the fact that they practically predicted the current crisis in US politics, with its mania irreducible to position or politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Simón Bolívar E O Congresso Do Panamá: O Primeiro Integracionismo Latino-Americano
    Passagens. Revista Internacional de História Política e Cultura Jurídica Rio de Janeiro: vol. 9, no. 2, maio-agosto, 2017, p. 308-329. Simón Bolívar e o Congresso do Panamá: O primeiro integracionismo latino-americano DOI: 10.15175/1984-2503-20179208 Alexandre Ganan de Brites Figueiredo1 Márcio Bobik Braga2 Resumo O primeiro movimento integracionista latino-americano ocorreu no esteio das independências, já na década de 1820. Impulsionado por vários líderes daquele movimento, especialmente Simón Bolívar, ele culmina na realização do Congresso Anfictiónico do Panamá, em 1826. Naquela reunião, delegados plenipotenciários de quatro estados do continente celebraram os primeiros tratados de integração, cujas disposições anteciparam importantes institutos jurídicos do direito internacional público. Não obstante, os acordos nunca entraram em vigor por carência de ratificações. A partir de uma análise histórica, jurídica e institucional, este trabalho recupera o debate sobre o tema, analisa as fontes pertinentes e propõe uma explicação para as razões do arrefecimento daquele inciativa. Palavras-chave: Integração da América Latina; Simón Bolívar; Congresso do Panamá. Simón Bolívar y el Congreso de Panamá: el primer integracionismo latinoamericano Resumen El primer movimiento latinoamericano se fraguó al amparo de las independencias, ya en la década de 1820. Impulsado por varios líderes de aquel movimiento, en especial Simón Bolívar, culmina en la celebración del Congreso Anfictiónico de Panamá, en 1826. En aquella reunión, los delegados plenipotenciarios de cuatro estados del continente celebraron los primeros tratados de integración, cuyas disposiciones anticiparon las importantes instituciones jurídicas del derecho internacional público. Sin embargo, los acuerdos nunca llegaron a entrar en vigor por falta de ratificación. Partiendo de un análisis histórico, jurídico e institucional, este trabajo retoma el debate sobre el tema, examina las fuentes pertinentes y propone una explicación para las razones del enfriamiento de aquella iniciativa.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessment – the Teacher Should Provide Students with Time to Discuss and Speculate, to Infer and to Conclude
    • Provide students with additional time to think about and to talk about Questions #1, #2, and #3 of the assessment – The teacher should provide students with time to discuss and speculate, to infer and to conclude. - Make clear that discussion time is for discussion only and not for writing. Make clear that students should not be using their time together to generate group responses to the questions or to jot down superficial responses that they’ll use later. - Remind students that when the time comes for them to respond to the questions, they will be responding independently and thoughtfully. - Remind students that while there is no one right answer to either Question #1, #2, or #3, that’s not the same as saying that “all responses are correct,” or that “any old answer will do.” Responses need to be supported by evidence, examples and/or logic. Assessment The following questions assess students’ abilities to apply reading processes and strategies for comprehending informational text. They are not intended to serve as social studies content assessments. 1. According to the text, when Napoleon set up his brother Joseph as the new King of Spain, the junta in South America refused to recognize him, but they also refused to take orders from the real Spanish king. Write a two-paragraph response where you thoughtfully consider (1) why the junta might have refused to accept any governmental authority; and (2) why people living in the world today might refuse to accept governmental authority. 2. At key points in his military and political career, Simon Bolivar had a difficult time uniting people from different countries and different cultures under one government.
    [Show full text]
  • Lehigh Preserve Institutional Repository
    Lehigh Preserve Institutional Repository Colombia and Venezuela: A Tense Relationship Has Hopes for Cooperation Pearce, Sarah 2013 Find more at https://preserve.lib.lehigh.edu/ This document is brought to you for free and open access by Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COLOMBIA AND VENEZUELA: A TENSE RELATIONSHIP HAS HOPES FOR COOPERATION Sarah Pearce Introduction territorial conflicts continued into the 1980s, but the nature of tensions between Colombia The deposition of King Ferdinand VII and Venezuela changed with the election of and the disappearance of the Spanish monarchy Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in 1998. in 1808 provided the necessary momentum Chávez’s ambitious plan of becoming the leader for Venezuelan-born Simón Bolívar to lead the of a unified Latin American region (similar to Spanish colonies in South America to pursue Bolívar’s Gran Colombia) caused him to support independence. In order to have a strong unified Colombia’s most prominent guerilla group, the force to fight against Spain, Bolívar united pres- Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colom- ent-day Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and bia (FARC). Chávez supported the FARC because Panama under a single nation called Gran they considered themselves followers of Simón Colombia in 1819. Although Bolívar hoped that Bolívar, the original leader of the independence Gran Colombia would be maintained after the and unification movements in South America. independence movement, difficulties soon However, his support for the FARC’s activities emerged that caused Venezuela to declare inde- created intense security concerns within Colom- pendence in 1831.
    [Show full text]
  • Addressing America: Washington's Farewell and the Making of National Culture, Politics, and Diplomacy, 1796-1852
    Addressing America: Washington's Farewell and the Making of National Culture, Politics, and Diplomacy, 1796-1852 Author: Jeffrey J. Malanson Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2649 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2010 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History ADDRESSING AMERICA: WASHINGTON‟S FAREWELL AND THE MAKING OF NATIONAL CULTURE, POLITICS, AND DIPLOMACY, 1796-1852 a dissertation by JEFFREY J. MALANSON submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2010 © copyright by JEFFREY JAMES MALANSON 2010 Abstract “Addressing America: Washington‟s Farewell and the Making of National Culture, Politics, and Diplomacy, 1796-1852” Jeffrey J. Malanson Dissertation Advisor: David Quigley This dissertation argues that George Washington‟s Farewell Address established the foundational principles of U.S. foreign policy and was the central text through which citizens of the Early Republic came to understand the connections between the nation‟s domestic and foreign ambitions. In the eyes of most Americans, the Declaration of Independence affirmed their ideals and the Constitution established their government, but it was Washington‟s principles that would ensure the nation‟s maturation into a world power. The Address became deeply embedded in the popular consciousness through annual readings on Washington‟s birthday, frequent discussion of its principles in the press, and as an integral component of the civic education of the nation‟s youth. Ordinary Americans far removed from the nation‟s capital and from complicated debates over particular foreign policies and their implications could still express an informed opinion on the wisdom of those policies based on their understanding of the Farewell.
    [Show full text]