ISSN: 0128-7702 PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 4(2): 121-127 (1996) © Penerbit Universiti Pertanian

Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Than Community of , East Malaysia

JAYUM A AKJAWAN Department of Social Development Studies Faculty of Human Ecology Universiti Pertanian Malaysia 43400 Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia

Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, conflict I1lanageI1lent, Dayak Iban, adat, rumah panjai, tuai rumah, New EconoI1lic Policy, socioeconoI1lic equality, socioeconoI1lic justice

ABSTRAK Makalah ini bertujuan mengkaji pengurusan dan penyelesaian konflik dengan merujuk khasnya kepada masyarakat Dayak Iban di Sarawak. Ia cuba membina hujah bahawa konflik dapat dikurangkan sekiranya manusia dapat diasuh supaya menerima hakikat terhadap peranan masing-masing dalam susunan sosial masyarakatnya. Konflik di kalangan orang Dayak Iban adalah pada paras minima kerana nilai sosiobudaya masyarakat tersebut menggalakkan saling pergantungan di antara individual Iban. Seseorang yang melanggar sebarang peraturan atau norma masyarakat akan cepat diasing dan dimarahi sehingga wujud perasaan sangat malu akan tindakan salah itu. Mengikut pengarang, penerimaan masyarakat Dayak Iban terhadap kedudukan dan peranan masing-masing dalam konteks sosial, ekonomi dan politik telah membantu menjalinkan hubungan sosial yang harmoni, memastikan keadilan ekonomi dan kestabilan politik. Di peringkat yang lebih tinggi, iaitu di peringkat masyarakat Malaysia, penerimaan konsep keadilan dalam kontek yang difahami masyarakat Dayak Iban inilah yang telah menjamin bahawa Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) diterima umum dan berjaya mengagihkan kekayaan negara "sarna rata" di kalangan masyarakat pelbagai etnik di negara ini. Dalam lain perkataan, pembahagian faedah pertumbuhan ekonomi mengambilkira keperluan sesuatu etnik sebagaimana keperluan ini ditaksirkan oleh gulungan pemerintah.

ABSTRACT This paper examines conflict management and resolution, focusing specifically on the Dayak Iban society of Sarawak. It argues that conflicts can be substantially reduced if people are socialized to accept their respective roles in the socioeconomic and political structure of society. Conflicts among the communal Ibans are kept to a bare minimum because their sociocultural values promote harmonious interdependence among individuals. Those who transgress the community accepted norms of behaviour are quickly ostracized, reprimanded and made to feel greatly ashamed. Iban acceptance of their positions and roles within the social, economic and political structure of society has helped to maintain social harmony, economic justice and political stability. On a higher order, that is in Malaysian society, it is the realization of this sense of justice that made the NEP acceptable and successful in allocating the benefits ofeconomic growth among the various ethnic groups in the country. In other words, each community according to its needs as seen by political leaders.

INTRODUCTION concept of "total equality". Conflicts abound in society because people Conflict arises because people have are made to believe that they are equal. unrealistic ambitions. They easily become Certain religious doctrines argue that people, envious of the successes of others. When they who are created in the images of his or her fail, they start searching for the faults in creator, are born equal. Building on this others. Naturally, they refuse to acknowledge notion, many political, social and economic any shortcomings that they themselves might doctrines are constructed with the view to have and which could have been the maID either sustaining or glorifying this religious reason for their failure. Jayum Anak Jawan

The concept of equality is highly relative. majority of them continue to be found in This was, and to some extent still is, strongly the traditional Dayak Iban enclaves of the acknowledged by members ofthe Dayak Iban Saribas and Rejang river basins. Saribas is community of Sarawak. This acknowledge­ presently home to about 25% of the Dayak ment has in many ways helped to lessen Ibans, while another 33% live in the Rejang conflicts and make their resolution much basin (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sarawak easier to achieve. This case study examines 1988: 13). some fundamental values of the Sarawak The majority of the Dayak Ibans con­ Dayak Ibans that address conflicts and their tinue to rely on shifting cultivation as their resolution. principal means oflivelihood. In 1960, about 98% of the Dayak Iban labour force were BACKGROUND engaged in agriculture and agricultural­ Who Are the Dayak Ibans? related activities. By 1970, the percentage of Descendants of the famed headhunters of Dayak Ibans engaged in this sector had , Dayak Ibans were once a seafaring, dropped to 94.8% and in 1980 to 88.2% (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sarawak 1970: adventurous, adaptable and highly mobile 41; 1980: 18-19; 1984: 37-38). people. Historical accounts show that it was these spirits that led them to migrate from Bilik-Family regions such as the Kapuas in Indonesian Kalimantan to various parts of present-day The basic socioeconomic and political unit in Sarawak. Reasons for this migratory practice Iban society is the bilik-family (Freeman included: (1) their thirst for opening up of 1970). A bilik-family usually comprises two new land to settle; (2) their need to search for or more generations living in the same family new fertile land on which to practise their unit called a bilie (compartment). Generally, shifting cultivation; and (3) their need to the Dayak Iban practise an extended family satisfy their urge to travel (bejalai) I (Sandin system. This customary practice is further 1967) . sustained by marriage tradition; married In contemporary Sarawak, Dayak Ibans couples are encouraged to stay within the presently number about 450,000, constituting bridegroom's bilik-family before they start to therefore about 30% of the total state form their own bilik-family. population (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sar­ The bilik-family is an important social, awak (ASBS) 1988: 13). They are the largest economic and political institution of the indigenous group, followed by the Malays Dayak Ibans Uawan 1991). First, it provides who constitute about 21 %, the Dayak a Dayak Iban with a sense of identity. A Bidayuhs 8%, the Melanau 6% and the person is not only born into a bilik-family Dayak Orang DIu 5%. Collectively, the from which he/she is descended (purih) , but indigenous groups are also referred to as acquires from it an orientation with which to bumiputera (sons of the soil) (Federal deal with the outside world. Consti tution of Malaysia, Article 161 A) . Second, the bilik-family is an economic Chinese comprise the remaining 29%. unit which helps to sustain family self­ The majority of the Dayak Ibans live in sufficiency. A high degree of solidarity in the far-flung rural areas of between members of the extended family is Sarawak, principally along the Rejang and only to be expected. Division oflabour within the Saribas river banks. In 1980, about the bilik-family based on gender, age and 95.2% of the Dayak Ibans were reported to physical ability is an accepted practice. There be rural dwellers (Sarawak 1983). The is nothing derogatory about defining or

I Literally "to walk". For a more detailed account of this 2 Literally, "a room"; but in this case, it refers to a family Dayak Iban culture, see, for example, Kedit (1993); and for living compartment with sections for such activities as the review ofKedit's book and the custom seeJawan (1995). sleeping, dining and cooking.

122 PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996 Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Iban Community of Sarawak delineating activities based on such dichoto­ Dayak Iban society, the headman's authority mies as gender or age. I ts acceptance has was non-formal because it was, unlike today, contributed to the maintenance of a harmo­ not backed by legitimate authority to enforce nious balance in the bilik-family, community compliance. Nevertheless, a headman still and society. For example, the burning and exercised considerable power because of felling of trees to clear land for farming is several factors. First, he was popularly normally undertaken by men; certain jobs elected. Second, his non-formal authority carried out during the farming cycle, such as was, and still is, backed by adat which is clearing the shrubs, are usually left to the revered by the Dayak Ibans.6 Thirdly, he women and children; and the guarding ofthe always consulted other elders and relied upon rice fields and orchard farms is generally precedents before passing judgements in any expected of elder members of the bilik-family. dispute hearing (betugong/baum). Fourth, he Third, the bilik-family is a basic political may also simultaneously hold other presti­ institution in which there are well-ordered gious leadership positions which therefore relations between its members. In the bilik­ enhance his standing as a headman.7 Lastly, family, the elders are synonymous with he has had the necessary dreams, which is an authority; this is further reinforced by the essential element ofleadership in Dayak Iban adat (the proper way ofdoing things; customs society (Sandin 1962). and traditions) which legitimizes relations, grants duties and prescribes obligations DAYAK mAN CULTURE between members of the bilik-family. It is Dayak Iban society has been described as not generally expected that younger members classless and highly egalitarian (Freeman ofthe bilik-family would openly go against the 1970). The community was said to thrive on wishes or advice oftheir elders. On the whole, self-sufficiency through personifying high younger members of a bilik-family are degrees of competition, co-operation and generally expected to seek and respect the individualism. Underpinning all these values advice and opinions of their elders. is the adat which justifies and legitimizes interactions based on them Oawan 1991). The adat is the single most important A longhouse (rumah panjai) is a series of bilik factor governing interactions within and (family compartment) joined together to form between the temporal and spiritual worlds. a long house. The longhouse shares a The adat deals with the proper ways of common roof (perabong), a covered verandah maintaining balance in society. In this sense, (ruai) and an open platform (tanju) which it not only prescribes proper conduct between runs the length of the longhouse. The ruai is a individual Dayak Ibans but also between focal point of many activities such as the them and their gods (petaras). Conflict is holding of a harvest festival () therefore seen as disturbing the balance, and and other festivities and the entertaining and hence its resolution must be swift and receiving of visitors. amicable to all parties concerned. A longhouse can be as short as four or five Although the longhouse is home to many doors and as long as forty doors.3 It is headed individualistic and highly competitive Dayak by a popularly elected4 headman called a tuai Ibans, conflicts are not as common as might rumah, who is usually male. 5 In traditional

6 The position of the headman is now recognized by the 3 One door corresponds to one bilik or one bilik-family. government, from which he or she draws a specified yearly Taking a modest average of about 7 persons (e.g. grand­ allowance. The authority of the headman is now backed by parents, parents and three children of the latter) per bilik, a legislation, particularly as a result of the adoption of the longhouse ofa modest length of30 doors can easily comprise Iban Adat 1993. about 210 individuals. 7 In the Dayak Iban society, a person ascended to a position 4 The equivalent term in Dayak Iban is dituduh ka bala maioh. of leadership after having proven his worth in certain fields 5 However, in recent years (as early as the 1970s), women such as head-hunting (warleader [tuai kayau]) and in the have ascended to the position. opening up of new land (regional chief [tuai mubok menua]).

PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vo!' 4 No.2, 1996 123 Jayum Anak Jawan be expected. This is attributed to a number of people and nature. Thus, although a conflict reasons. First, although Dayak Ibans are may develop between two individuals or bilik highly egalitarian, they accept the fact that -families, the consequences may affect the their society is classless and that people, to whole community. some extent, may be born equal. They also acknowledge that in reality people are not CONFLICT MANAGEMENT equally endowed and that their petaras are not Conflict management falls within the scope of the just biblical God because, as their the authority of the headman (tuai rumah). In experiences teaches them, their petaras be­ this respect, the role of a headman is similar stow favours on some and not on others. to that of an arbitrator or a judge. As his Thus, those who have received the blessing of authority in traditional Dayak Iban society the gods and who may have moved on to was not backed by any formal authority to positions of authority are not to be envied. enforce compliance to his verdicts, a head­ Instead, they should be listened to and man's personal qualities as a leader carried a respected. strong bearing among his subjects. Among Second, Dayak Ibans are taught to be the recognized qualities or traits of a head­ respectful of their elders. It is persistently man were an extensive knowledge of adat, driven into the psyche of the Dayak Ibans impartiality and high morals and integrity. that to go against their elders is to invite Notwithstanding the above qualities or misfortune by being cursed (tulah) . While traits, adat alone was enough to ensure that going against elders may not eventually lead the decisions of even the weakest of headmen to misfortune, the fear that this belief would be complied with by his subjects. This generates among potential delinquent sib­ is even more so now that a corpus ofIban adat lings may be enough to at least prevent a (Iban Adat 1993) has been passed by the disagreement developing into an open and state legislative assembly, therefore making explosive confrontation. what was previously "adat law, customs and Lastly, Dayak Ibans detest conflicts, traditions" enforceable and backed by the especially between members of the same authority of the state. However, compliance bilik-family. Those who engage in conflicts to a headman's informal authority has never earn the label of "not conforming to the adat been based on the force of the civil sanction. ways" (nadai adat). This brings great shame I ts effectiveness was, and will continue to be, (malu) not only to the individuals involved, based on two important factors: (I) the but also to their bilik-families, who are then element of shame felt by the individuals and seen as having failed in some way in the social their families; and (2) the fear ofsupernatural upbringing of their offspring. The shame of retribution that may befall the individuals, not conforming to the adat ways is also a their families and their communities. deterrent to conflicts between members of When disputes are lodged, a headman different bilik-families because those who first attempts to give the disputing parties a engage in conflicts are seen as social outcasts cooling-off period. This is usually done by unfit to be members of the longhouse fixing a date for the arbitration conference community. Although Dayak Ibans are (bertugong or bicara) some days after the highly individualistic and mobile, there are complaint is first received. During this time, relatively few recalcitrant members because a headman would make an effort to find out leaving one longhouse community to join from the disputing parties if their differences another would still mean having to subject could be settled amicably between them, themselves to similar social norms based on instead of being brought out in an open the adat. arbitration conference. The main concern ofa Among the Dayak Ibans, conflict is seen headman is to prevent disputing parties from as pervasive in nature. This is especially so as appearing in an open arbitration conference conflicts disturb the harmonious balance in where all will be exposed and where tempers society - between people and also between may flare. This would make future reconcilia-

124 PenanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996 Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Iban Community of Sarawak tion between the disputing parties almost gories: (I) wrongful acts that are injurious to impossible to achieve. But if this effort fails, others; and (2) wrongful acts against nature the pre-arranged arbitration conference is (prohibitions or pemali). Disputes can involve then held. either one or both elements. In respect of the An open arbitration court is normally first offence, resolution usually takes the form held in the evening immediately after dinner of a fine intended to be a deterrent to on the headman's section of the common or potential adat breakers. Although the fine is covered verandah (ruai). No prior notice is minimal in monetary terms, the social stigma issued. Residents of the longhouse are only of having broken the adat law, customs and informed of, and invited to attend, the tradition is an act heavily frowned upon by proposed conference minutes before it is members of the community. For the second about to start. There is no restriction as to offence, the fine (meri pemali) is meant to who can attend the open court.8 restore the balance between the temporal and When all parties involved in the litigation spiritual worlds (nyelap ka menua [lit.: to cool have arrived, the proceedings begin with the the world]) that has been disturbed by the act headman explaining the purpose of the of transgression (ngangat ka menua [lit.: to heat conference. There are several ways in which the world]). Resolutions of transgression a headman may mediate or arbitrate dis­ against nature may also require that a putes. As he already knows the nature of the special ceremony be held in order to appease dispute, a headman may merely relate the angered spirits and to seek their continued facts of the dispute and then pronounce his/ blessing and good fortune. her judgement. Neither side is called to make or present its case and witnesses. The main IMPLICATION AND APPLICATION argument behind this method is to prevent The important lesson of this Dayak Iban "dirty linen being washed in public" and tradition is that "people must learn to thereby reducing any chance the disputin~ acknowledge and appreciate their position parties might have to mend their differences. in society. They must therefore act accord­ However, the effectiveness of this method ingly and should only make claims that are depends a great deal on the personality of the within their respective social status or posi­ headman. This method can be effectively tions. There are usually no less than about a used by a leader who is accomplished and hundred individuals in an average longhouse. therefore a highly respected and feared figure However, contrary to what this might in the longhouse community. suggest, conflict is not a common occurrence Alternatively, the headman may apply among these individualistic and highly the "fight-it-all-out" method. In this ap­ competitive Dayak Ibans. proach, a headman calls upon the plaintiff Among the egalitarian Dayak Ibans, to present his/her case and to call testimonies equality is accepted and highly valued. But of relevant witnesses. The defendant is then their perception of equality differs from the given a chance to make a defence and to~all biblical interpretation. In Dayak Iban witnesses. When all sides have been heard, society, it is accepted that people are not the headman considers the case, asks opinions born equal. Neither are Dayak Iban gods of elders and other headmen who may be (petaras) just because they pick and choose present and then pronounces his judgement. mortals to be endowed with special abilities. Wrongdoings usually fall into two cate- According to the Dayak Iban religion, some are born destined for greatness; others are

8 This has led a certain Dayak Iban scholar to'erroneously not. To the Dayak Ibans equality merely conclude that there was absolute equality in the Dayak Iban implies that there is no institutionalized society; for a critique of this view see Jawan(1992). restriction on opportunities within the socio­ 9 In Western tradition, this specific role played by the headman is known as third-party intervention. Its success is culturally accepted sanctions. All may com­ highly dependent on the latter's "... special skills and pete equally, but those who may have expertise.. " (Hill 1982).

PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996 125 Jayum Anak Jawan received divine intervention are more likely to quota of the national pie. succeed than those who have not. In general, this policy has contributed Conflicts emerge when people stake much to Malaysia's post-1970s success in claims that are beyond what is generally maintaining a harmonious balance between permitted to and expected of them. For its many competing ethnic groups. Undoubt­ example, it is unrealistic for all members of edly this policy's success has been heavily a hunting party to make equal claims to the dependent upon the ability of the Malaysian division of the spoils as each member may economy to expand, thereby ensuring that have contributed differently to accomplishing the allotted pie continued to grow large the task. In this case, equality means dividing enough to satisfy all individuals within each the spoils based on a person's contribution ethnic community. In a way, the NEP also and position in the activity (pedua badak, mit worked to reduce ambitious and unrealistic kelikit besai kelikai). Hence, a leader (and an demands and counter-demands of one com­ organizer) of the hunting party may have munity on the others. contributed little to the actual work of catching the fish, but it is not expected that CONCLUSION he will be given a smaller share. Instead, his Conflicts and tensions can be contained if share may be bigger than that of others by people are made to realize, accept and respect virtue of his position. their respective positions in the social, On a larger scale, the success of main­ economic and political structure of society. taining harmonious inter-ethnic relations at This is even more attainable in a society both the state and federal levels of govern­ where the idea is strongly supported by its ment in Malaysia can be attributed to the sociocultural values such as those of the promotion of a similar notion to the Dayak Dayak Ibans because the acceptance of this Iban concept of equality and justice. For hierarchy entails that one knows what is example, in Sarawak, the practice of invol­ reasonably due to oneselfand to others within ving all major ethnic communities in running the context of relative equality. To ensure the the state government has led to political maintenance of stability and harmony, any stability and legitimacy. But when this change to this situation must be coupled with, practice is cast aside with the exclusion of and sanctioned by, the changing sociocultural the majority Dayak Ibans, the acceptability values of the community. and popularity of the ruling party is put into In Dayak Iban society, the resolution of question, as events surrounding the removal conflict is not a "win-lose" or zero-sum game of Abdul Rahman Yaakob in 1981 revealed consideration, but a "win-win" or a variable and as shown by the diminishing popularity sum game cIrcumstance.. 10 Th"IS IS wereht h e of the ruling coalition in 1987 when its acumen ofa headman is most needed to bring majority was drastically reduced from the about fast and acceptable solutions. previous two-thirds to a three-seat majority. In the Malaysian political context, the In peninsular Malaysia, the exclusion of introduction of the NEP was the defining of the Malays from the mainstream economic the proportion of pie according to the social activities prompted an ethnic upheaval and and political position and prominence ofeach rethinking that led to the emergence of the respective community in the national popula­ New Economic Policy (NEP) to address this tion. It was the acceptance of this situation inequality. With the NEP came the redefini­ which also guaranteed a win-win situation for tion of "equality" and socio-economic all ethnic communities that good inter-ethnic "justice". Under this policy, "just" distribu­ relations have flourished. tion ofthe socioeconomic benefits ofeconomic growth was defined in terms ofthe proportion of each ethnic group in the national popula­ tion. Competition and equal access were still 10 For discussion of zero sum or variable sum game, see maintained, but confined to each ethnic Kriesberg (1956).

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