Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Than Community of Sarawak, East Malaysia

ISSN: 0128-7702 PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 4(2): 121-127 (1996) © Penerbit Universiti Pertanian Malaysia Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Than Community of Sarawak, East Malaysia JAYUM A AKJAWAN Department of Social Development Studies Faculty of Human Ecology Universiti Pertanian Malaysia 43400 Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, conflict I1lanageI1lent, Dayak Iban, adat, rumah panjai, tuai rumah, New EconoI1lic Policy, socioeconoI1lic equality, socioeconoI1lic justice ABSTRAK Makalah ini bertujuan mengkaji pengurusan dan penyelesaian konflik dengan merujuk khasnya kepada masyarakat Dayak Iban di Sarawak. Ia cuba membina hujah bahawa konflik dapat dikurangkan sekiranya manusia dapat diasuh supaya menerima hakikat terhadap peranan masing-masing dalam susunan sosial masyarakatnya. Konflik di kalangan orang Dayak Iban adalah pada paras minima kerana nilai sosiobudaya masyarakat tersebut menggalakkan saling pergantungan di antara individual Iban. Seseorang yang melanggar sebarang peraturan atau norma masyarakat akan cepat diasing dan dimarahi sehingga wujud perasaan sangat malu akan tindakan salah itu. Mengikut pengarang, penerimaan masyarakat Dayak Iban terhadap kedudukan dan peranan masing-masing dalam konteks sosial, ekonomi dan politik telah membantu menjalinkan hubungan sosial yang harmoni, memastikan keadilan ekonomi dan kestabilan politik. Di peringkat yang lebih tinggi, iaitu di peringkat masyarakat Malaysia, penerimaan konsep keadilan dalam kontek yang difahami masyarakat Dayak Iban inilah yang telah menjamin bahawa Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) diterima umum dan berjaya mengagihkan kekayaan negara "sarna rata" di kalangan masyarakat pelbagai etnik di negara ini. Dalam lain perkataan, pembahagian faedah pertumbuhan ekonomi mengambilkira keperluan sesuatu etnik sebagaimana keperluan ini ditaksirkan oleh gulungan pemerintah. ABSTRACT This paper examines conflict management and resolution, focusing specifically on the Dayak Iban society of Sarawak. It argues that conflicts can be substantially reduced if people are socialized to accept their respective roles in the socioeconomic and political structure of society. Conflicts among the communal Ibans are kept to a bare minimum because their sociocultural values promote harmonious interdependence among individuals. Those who transgress the community accepted norms of behaviour are quickly ostracized, reprimanded and made to feel greatly ashamed. Iban acceptance of their positions and roles within the social, economic and political structure of society has helped to maintain social harmony, economic justice and political stability. On a higher order, that is in Malaysian society, it is the realization of this sense of justice that made the NEP acceptable and successful in allocating the benefits ofeconomic growth among the various ethnic groups in the country. In other words, each community according to its needs as seen by political leaders. INTRODUCTION concept of "total equality". Conflicts abound in society because people Conflict arises because people have are made to believe that they are equal. unrealistic ambitions. They easily become Certain religious doctrines argue that people, envious of the successes of others. When they who are created in the images of his or her fail, they start searching for the faults in creator, are born equal. Building on this others. Naturally, they refuse to acknowledge notion, many political, social and economic any shortcomings that they themselves might doctrines are constructed with the view to have and which could have been the maID either sustaining or glorifying this religious reason for their failure. Jayum Anak Jawan The concept of equality is highly relative. majority of them continue to be found in This was, and to some extent still is, strongly the traditional Dayak Iban enclaves of the acknowledged by members ofthe Dayak Iban Saribas and Rejang river basins. Saribas is community of Sarawak. This acknowledge presently home to about 25% of the Dayak ment has in many ways helped to lessen Ibans, while another 33% live in the Rejang conflicts and make their resolution much basin (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sarawak easier to achieve. This case study examines 1988: 13). some fundamental values of the Sarawak The majority of the Dayak Ibans con Dayak Ibans that address conflicts and their tinue to rely on shifting cultivation as their resolution. principal means oflivelihood. In 1960, about 98% of the Dayak Iban labour force were BACKGROUND engaged in agriculture and agricultural Who Are the Dayak Ibans? related activities. By 1970, the percentage of Descendants of the famed headhunters of Dayak Ibans engaged in this sector had Borneo, Dayak Ibans were once a seafaring, dropped to 94.8% and in 1980 to 88.2% (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sarawak 1970: adventurous, adaptable and highly mobile 41; 1980: 18-19; 1984: 37-38). people. Historical accounts show that it was these spirits that led them to migrate from Bilik-Family regions such as the Kapuas in Indonesian Kalimantan to various parts of present-day The basic socioeconomic and political unit in Sarawak. Reasons for this migratory practice Iban society is the bilik-family (Freeman included: (1) their thirst for opening up of 1970). A bilik-family usually comprises two new land to settle; (2) their need to search for or more generations living in the same family new fertile land on which to practise their unit called a bilie (compartment). Generally, shifting cultivation; and (3) their need to the Dayak Iban practise an extended family satisfy their urge to travel (bejalai) I (Sandin system. This customary practice is further 1967) . sustained by marriage tradition; married In contemporary Sarawak, Dayak Ibans couples are encouraged to stay within the presently number about 450,000, constituting bridegroom's bilik-family before they start to therefore about 30% of the total state form their own bilik-family. population (Annual Statistical Bulletin Sar The bilik-family is an important social, awak (ASBS) 1988: 13). They are the largest economic and political institution of the indigenous group, followed by the Malays Dayak Ibans Uawan 1991). First, it provides who constitute about 21 %, the Dayak a Dayak Iban with a sense of identity. A Bidayuhs 8%, the Melanau 6% and the person is not only born into a bilik-family Dayak Orang DIu 5%. Collectively, the from which he/she is descended (purih) , but indigenous groups are also referred to as acquires from it an orientation with which to bumiputera (sons of the soil) (Federal deal with the outside world. Consti tution of Malaysia, Article 161 A) . Second, the bilik-family is an economic Chinese comprise the remaining 29%. unit which helps to sustain family self The majority of the Dayak Ibans live in sufficiency. A high degree of solidarity longhouses in the far-flung rural areas of between members of the extended family is Sarawak, principally along the Rejang and only to be expected. Division oflabour within the Saribas river banks. In 1980, about the bilik-family based on gender, age and 95.2% of the Dayak Ibans were reported to physical ability is an accepted practice. There be rural dwellers (Sarawak 1983). The is nothing derogatory about defining or I Literally "to walk". For a more detailed account of this 2 Literally, "a room"; but in this case, it refers to a family Dayak Iban culture, see, for example, Kedit (1993); and for living compartment with sections for such activities as the review ofKedit's book and the custom seeJawan (1995). sleeping, dining and cooking. 122 PertanikaJ. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 4 No.2, 1996 Conflict Resolution Through Consensus Building: Experiences from the Dayak Iban Community of Sarawak delineating activities based on such dichoto Dayak Iban society, the headman's authority mies as gender or age. I ts acceptance has was non-formal because it was, unlike today, contributed to the maintenance of a harmo not backed by legitimate authority to enforce nious balance in the bilik-family, community compliance. Nevertheless, a headman still and society. For example, the burning and exercised considerable power because of felling of trees to clear land for farming is several factors. First, he was popularly normally undertaken by men; certain jobs elected. Second, his non-formal authority carried out during the farming cycle, such as was, and still is, backed by adat which is clearing the shrubs, are usually left to the revered by the Dayak Ibans.6 Thirdly, he women and children; and the guarding ofthe always consulted other elders and relied upon rice fields and orchard farms is generally precedents before passing judgements in any expected of elder members of the bilik-family. dispute hearing (betugong/baum). Fourth, he Third, the bilik-family is a basic political may also simultaneously hold other presti institution in which there are well-ordered gious leadership positions which therefore relations between its members. In the bilik enhance his standing as a headman.7 Lastly, family, the elders are synonymous with he has had the necessary dreams, which is an authority; this is further reinforced by the essential element ofleadership in Dayak Iban adat (the proper way ofdoing things; customs society (Sandin 1962). and traditions) which legitimizes relations, grants duties and prescribes obligations DAYAK mAN CULTURE between members of the bilik-family. It is Dayak Iban society has been described as not generally expected

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