25 Pagan Ritual, Witchcraft, and Heresy: Transformation from The
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Types of Divination
Types of Divination ASTROLOGY is divination using celestial bodies: the sun, moon, planets, and stars. CARTOMANCY is fortune telling using cards such as the Tarot. CLAIRAUDIENCE is "clear hearing" of divinatory information. Parapsychologist generally regard as a form of extrasensory perception. CLAIRVOYANCE is "clear seeing" of divinatory information. Parapsychologist generally regard as a form of extrasensory perception. CRYSTALLOMANCY is divination through crystal gazing. DOWSING or DIVINING RODS are methods of divination where a forked stick is used to locate water or precious minerals. NUMEROLOGY is the numerical interpretation of numbers, dates, and the number value of letters. OCULOMANCY is divination from a person's eye. PALMISTRY is the broad field of divination and interpretation of the lines and structure of the hand. PRECOGNITION in an inner knowledge or sense of future events. PSYCHOMETRY is the faculty of gaining impressions from a physical object and its history. SCIOMANCY is divination using a spirit guide, a method generally employed by channelers. SCRYING is a general term for divination using a crystal, mirrors, bowls of water, ink, or flames to induce visions. TASSEOGRAPHY is the reading of tea leaves that remain in a tea cup once the beverage has been drunk. AEROMANCY divination from the air and sky, particularly concentrating on cloud shapes, comets, and other phenomena not normally visible in the heavens. ALECTRYOMANCY is divination whereby a bird is allowed to pick corn grains from a circle of letters. A variation is to recite letters of the alphabet noting those at which a cock crows. ALEUROMANCY is divination using "fortune cookies"; answers to questions are rolled into balls of dough and once baked are chosen at random. -
Stages of Papal Law
Journal of the British Academy, 5, 37–59. DOI https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/005.037 Posted 00 March 2017. © The British Academy 2017 Stages of papal law Raleigh Lecture on History read 1 November 2016 DAVID L. D’AVRAY Fellow of the British Academy Abstract: Papal law is known from the late 4th century (Siricius). There was demand for decretals and they were collected in private collections from the 5th century on. Charlemagne’s Admonitio generalis made papal legislation even better known and the Pseudo-Isidorian collections brought genuine decretals also to the wide audience that these partly forged collections reached. The papal reforms from the 11th century on gave rise to a new burst of papal decretals, and collections of them, culminating in the Liber Extra of 1234. The Council of Trent opened a new phase. The ‘Congregation of the Council’, set up to apply Trent’s non-dogmatic decrees, became a new source of papal law. Finally, in 1917, nearly a millennium and a half of papal law was codified by Cardinal Gasparri within two covers. Papal law was to a great extent ‘demand- driven’, which requires explanation. The theory proposed here is that Catholic Christianity was composed of a multitude of subsystems, not planned centrally and each with an evolving life of its own. Subsystems frequently interfered with the life of other subsystems, creating new entanglements. This constantly renewed complexity had the function (though not the purpose) of creating and recreating demand for papal law to sort out the entanglements between subsystems. For various reasons other religious systems have not generated the same demand: because the state plays a ‘papal’ role, or because the units are small, discrete and simple, or thanks to a clear simple blueprint, or because of conservatism combined with a tolerance of some inconsistency. -
Césaire D'arles
Textes Français/Anglais ’Association Aux Sources de la Provence poursuit la collection « Césaire d’Arles et les cinq Lcontinents ». Vous trouverez douze contributions diverses (français/anglais), telles que : ASP Césaire d’Arles « Comment j’ai fait mon édition des œuvres de Césaire » (Dom Germain Morin †), « L’émotion d’un retour à Rome » (Exposition au Vatican 2017), « Traduire Césaire à l’Université catholique d’Amérique », « Petit traité de la Grâce » (Césaire d’Arles), « Les premiers témoins du paludisme et les cinq continents en Provence » (archéologie), « Césaire d’Arles et Lérins », etc. Caesarius von Arles Nous préparons déjà le tome III Allemand (2019) sur le thème : « Hérésie et Caesario di Arles superstition chez Césaire » et le Italien tome IV (2020) sur « l’in- Cezarego z Arles uence d’Augus tin dans Polonais l’œuvre de Césaire». Cazarie de Arles Polonais Volume II Volume Tome II – Tome 神學詞語彙編 Chinois Cezarie de Arles Roumain he Association Aux Sources Cesareo de Arlés T de la Provence continues its Espagnol collection “Caesarius of Arles and the Caesarius Arelatensis Five Continents”. is volume contains Latin twelve articles (French/English), including: Цезарий Арелатский “How I published the work of Saint Caesarius of Arles” Russe (Dom Germain Morin †), “ e emotion of returning to Rome” (an exhibition at the Vatican in 2017), “Translating Caesarius at the Catholique University of America”, “A small Treatise on Grace” (Caesarius of Arles), “ e rst mention of malaria in Provence” (archaeology), “Caesarius and Lérins”, etc. Caesarius of Arles Volume III (to be published in 2019) is already in preparation on the theme of “Heresy and superstition in Caesarius”. -
Early Medieval Europe
Early Medieval Europe 1 Early Medieval Sites in Europe 2 Figure 16-2 Pair of Merovingian looped fibulae, from Jouy-le-Comte, France, mid-sixth century. Silver gilt worked in filigree, with inlays of garnets and other stones, 4” high. Musée d’Archéologie nationale, Saint-Germain-en-Laye. 3 Heraldic Motifs Figure 16-3 Purse cover, from the Sutton Hoo ship burial in Suffolk, England, ca. 625. Gold, glass, and cloisonné garnets, 7 1/2” long. British Museum, London. 4 5 Figure 16-4 Animal-head post, from the Viking ship burial, Oseberg, Norway, ca. 825. Wood, head 5” high. University Museum of National Antiquities, Oslo. 6 Figure 16-5 Wooden portal of the stave church at Urnes, Norway, ca. 1050–1070. 7 Figure 16-6 Man (symbol of Saint Matthew), folio 21 verso of the Book of Durrow, possibly from Iona, Scotland, ca. 660–680. Ink and tempera on parchment, 9 5/8” X 6 1/8”. Trinity College Library, Dublin. 8 Figure 16-1 Cross-inscribed carpet page, folio 26 verso of the Lindisfarne Gospels, from Northumbria, England, ca. 698–721. Tempera on vellum, 1’ 1 1/2” X 9 1/4”. British Library, London. 9 Figure 16-7 Saint Matthew, folio 25 verso of the Lindisfarne Gospels, from Northumbria, England, ca. 698–721. Tempera on vellum, 1’ 1 1/2” X 9 1/4”. British Library, London. 10 Figure 16-8 Chi-rho-iota (XPI) page, folio 34 recto of the Book of Kells, probably from Iona, Scotland, late eighth or early ninth century. Tempera on vellum, 1’ 1” X 9 1/2”. -
On the Integrity of Confession As Prolegomena for Luther and Trent
Theological Studies 54(1993) THE SUMMAE CONFESSORUM ON THE INTEGRITY OF CONFESSION AS PROLEGOMENA FOR LUTHER AND TRENT KiLiAN MCDONNELL, O.S.B. Institute for Ecumenical and Cultural Research, Collegeville, Minn. TT ΤΠΉ THE EXCEPTION of satisfaction, no Reformation issue concern- W ing the sacrament of penance was so hotly debated as integrity of confession, the requirement that one must make a complete confes sion. In part, the heated discussion was related to the role integrity played in Catholic penitential life. Speaking of the Catholic practice just prior to the Reformation, T. N. Tentler contends that 'to exagger ate the importance of completeness seems hardly possible."1 The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) gives the classical formulation: the faithful "must confess all their sins ... to their own priest at least once a year."2 The Protestant historian of penance, H. C. Lea, calls this "the most important legislative act in the history of the Church,"3 partly because a legislated confession is not free. The Council of Flor ence (1438-45) modified the Lateran decree; integrity is defined as "all the sins one remembers."4 Luther objects that even this is an impossible task, like "counting the sands," endlessly numbering and weighing sins, detailing their circumstances, thus leading to torments of conscience, ending in de spair.5 Though Luther himself retains the catalogue of sins as an aid to the examination of conscience,6 as does Melanchthon,7 both cite Psalm 19:13: "Who knows how often one sins?"8 No command exists for 1 Sin and Confession on the Eue of the Reformation (Princeton, Ν J.: Princeton Univ., 1977) 109. -
Carolingian Uncial: a Context for the Lothar Psalter
CAROLINGIAN UNCIAL: A CONTEXT FOR THE LOTHAR PSALTER ROSAMOND McKITTERICK IN his famous identification and dating ofthe Morgan Golden Gospels published in the Festschrift for Belle da Costa Greene, E. A. Lowe was quite explicit in his categorizing of Carolingian uncial as the 'invention of a display artist'.^ He went on to define it as an artificial script beginning to be found in manuscripts of the ninth century and even of the late eighth century. These uncials were reserved for special display purposes, for headings, titles, colophons, opening lines and, exceptionally, as in the case ofthe Morgan Gospels Lowe was discussing, for an entire codex. Lowe acknowledged that uncial had been used in these ways before the end of the eighth century, but then it was * natural' not 'artificial' uncial. One of the problems I wish to address is the degree to which Frankish uncial in the late eighth and the ninth centuries is indeed 'artificial' rather than 'natural'. Can it be regarded as a deliberate recreation of a script type, or is it a refinement and elevation in status of an existing book script? Secondly, to what degree is a particular script type used for a particular text type in the early Middle Ages? The third problem, related at least to the first, if not to the second, is whether Frankish uncial, be it natural or artificial, is sufficiently distinctive when used by a particular scriptorium to enable us to locate a manuscript or fragment to one atelier rather than another. This problem needs, of course, to be set within the context of later Carolingian book production, the notions of 'house' style as opposed to 'regional' style and the criteria for locating manuscript production to particular scriptoria in the Frankish kingdoms under the Carolingians that I have discussed elsewhere." It is also of particular importance when considering the Hofschule atehers ofthe mid-ninth century associated with the Emperor Lothar and with King Charles the Bald. -
Pagan Survivals, Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral Literature
Bernadette Filotas PAGAN SURVIVALS, SUPERSTITIONS AND POPULAR CULTURES IN EARLY MEDIEVAL PASTORAL LITERATURE Is medieval pastoral literature an accurate reflection of actual beliefs and practices in the early medieval West or simply of literary conventions in- herited by clerical writers? How and to what extent did Christianity and traditional pre-Christian beliefs and practices come into conflict, influence each other, and merge in popular culture? This comprehensive study examines early medieval popular culture as it appears in ecclesiastical and secular law, sermons, penitentials and other pastoral works – a selective, skewed, but still illuminating record of the be- liefs and practices of ordinary Christians. Concentrating on the five cen- turies from c. 500 to c. 1000, Pagan Survivals, Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral Literature presents the evidence for folk religious beliefs and piety, attitudes to nature and death, festivals, magic, drinking and alimentary customs. As such it provides a precious glimpse of the mu- tual adaptation of Christianity and traditional cultures at an important period of cultural and religious transition. Studies and Texts 151 Pagan Survivals, Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral Literature by Bernadette Filotas Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. LIBRARY AND ARCHIVES CANADA CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION Filotas, Bernadette, 1941- Pagan survivals, superstitions and popular cultures in early medieval pastoral literature / by Bernadette Filotas. -
The Returning Warrior and the Limits of Just War Theory
THE RETURNING WARRIOR AND THE LIMITS OF JUST WAR THEORY R.J. Delahunty Professor of Law University of St. Thomas School of Law* In this essay, I seek to explore a Christian tradition that is nei- ther the just war theory nor pacifism. Unlike pacifism, this tradi- tion teaches that war is a necessary and inescapable aspect of the human condition, and that Christians cannot escape from engaging in it. Unlike just war theory, this tradition holds that engaging in war is intrinsically sinful, however justifiable that activity may be considered to be in the light of human law, morality or reason. Mi- chael Walzer captured the essence of this way of thinking in a cele- brated essay on the problem of “dirty hands.”1 Although Walzer’s essay was chiefly about political rather than military action, he rightly observed that there was a strand in Christian reflection that saw killing, whether in a just or unjust war, as defiling or even sin- ful, even if it conformed to moral and legal standards. That tradi- tion, though subordinate, still survives in Christian, especially Lu- theran, thought. The Church’s thought about war and peace went through sever- al phases before finally settling on the just war theory. Throughout much of the Middle Ages, the Church’s approach to war was pri- marily pastoral and unsystematic. Although opinions varied widely depending on the circumstances, the early medieval Church was commonly skeptical of the permissibility of killing in warfare. Ra- ther, the Church at that time tended to the view that killing – even in a just war – was sinful and required penance. -
Shadow of the Demon Lord: Mortals of Urth by Iganon
Shadow of the Demon Lord: Mortals of Urth By IGanon In the beginning, there was God, all-powerful, infinite, and alone. Craving companionship, God spoke the first words of power and created the Demiurge and was satisfied. The Demiurge, an extension of God, begun to crave more and more, and so spoke the words of power to create millions of genies from its own body. These genies in turn spoke the words of power and plundered the body of God to create worlds and stars without number, creating an entire multiverse. Yet the more the genies took from God, the more God diminished, and what was once all-powerful, and infinite grew weak and limited, having both substance and form stolen. Not content with stealing from God, the genies stole from the Demiurge too, taking so much the Demiurge split into innumerable fragments. The Divine, reduced to little more than a creature of spite and hatred, was reduced to a mad thing lurking in the void between universes, left only with spite, hatred and the insane craving to undo everything that had been done. It was God no longer, now it is the Demon Lord. The innumerable fragments of what once was the Demiurge, still an extension of the Demon Lord, became the first demons, flitting from world to world, wreaking havoc and devastation and preparing each world for the arrival of the Hunger in the Void, the Demon Lord. The universe that contains the planet Urth, this reality, is the latest one to fall under the Shadow of the Demon Lord. -
Charlemagne's Heir
Charlemagne's Heir New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (814-840) EDITED BY PETER' GOD MAN AND ROGER COLLINS CLARENDON PRESS . OXFORD 1990 5 Bonds of Power and Bonds of Association in the Court Circle of Louis the Pious STUART AIRLIE I TAKE my text from Thegan, from the well-known moment in his Life of Louis the Pious when the exasperated chorepiscopus of Trier rounds upon the wretched Ebbo, archbishop of Reims: 'The king made you free, not noble, since that would be impossible." I am not concerned with what Thegan's text tells us about concepts of nobility in the Carolingian world. That question has already been well handled by many other scholars, including JaneMartindale and Hans-Werner Goetz.! Rather, I intend to consider what Thegan's text, and others like it, can tell us about power in the reign of Louis the Pious. For while Ebbo remained, in Thegan's eyes, unable to transcend his origins, a fact that his treacherous behaviour clearly demonstrated, politically (and cultur- ally, one might add) Ebbo towered above his acid-tongued opponent. He was enabled to do this through his possession of the archbishopric of Reims and he had gained this through the largess of Louis the Pious. If neither Louis nor Charlemagne, who had freed Ebbo, could make him noble they could, thanks to the resources of patronage at their disposal, make him powerful, one of the potentes. It was this mis-use, as he saw it, of royal patronage that worried Thegan and it worried him because he thought that the rise of Ebbo was not a unique case. -
Dynamic Spellcasting Spells and Mana Table
your spells is determined by your level, as shown in the Dynamic Spellcasting Spells and Mana table. Spells and Mana MAGIC IS A NATURAL PHENOMENON STEEPED IN LEGEND and often attributed to divine origin. Even those who Spellcaster Level Maximum Mana for a Spell study its applications and effects in a methodical and 1st-4th 2 secular manner cannot boast a complete knowledge of 5th-8th 3 its nature. This has led to many schools or philosophies 9th-12th 4 concerning magic, as well as distinct traditions of inter- 13th-16th 5 acting with it. 17th-20th 6 Druids wielding magic aspected towards nature, priests channelling power through chants and prayers, If a feature would allow you to use a spell without and sorcerers bending reality to their will are all mages channelling magic, that spell is always cast as though calling on magic in their own way. All draw on the you channelled the minimum amount of mana into it. same power, which is described here. Drain What Is a Spell? The use of magic takes its toll, and any time you cast a The word ‘spell’ refers to any discrete magical effect, a spell you run the risk of suffering drain. You may have single shaping of magical energy into a specific, limited not channelled enough magic into the effect, drawn too expression. Some people also use it in reference to the much magic (sometimes called “mana burn”), or failed effects themselves, such as a ‘fireball spell’. However, to properly handle spontaneous surges in magical while the means to create fiery explosions can be power. -
Gerald Dyson
CONTEXTS FOR PASTORAL CARE: ANGLO-SAXON PRIESTS AND PRIESTLY BOOKS, C. 900–1100 Gerald P. Dyson PhD University of York History March 2016 3 Abstract This thesis is an examination and analysis of the books needed by and available to Anglo-Saxon priests for the provision of pastoral care in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Anglo-Saxon priests are a group that has not previously been studied as such due to the scattered and difficult nature of the evidence. By synthesizing previous scholarly work on the secular clergy, pastoral care, and priests’ books, this thesis aims to demonstrate how priestly manuscripts can be used to inform our understanding of the practice of pastoral care in Anglo-Saxon England. In the first section of this thesis (Chapters 2–4), I will discuss the context of priestly ministry in England in the tenth and eleventh centuries before arguing that the availability of a certain set of pastoral texts prescribed for priests by early medieval bishops was vital to the provision of pastoral care. Additionally, I assert that Anglo- Saxon priests in general had access to the necessary books through means such as episcopal provision and aristocratic patronage and were sufficiently literate to use these texts. The second section (Chapters 5–7) is divided according to different types of priestly texts and through both documentary evidence and case studies of specific manuscripts, I contend that the analysis of individual priests’ books clarifies our view of pastoral provision and that these books are under-utilized resources in scholars’ attempts to better understand contemporary pastoral care.