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Chandrika Kumaratunga (Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga)
Chandrika Kumaratunga (Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga) Sri Lanka, Presidenta de la República; ex primera ministra Duración del mandato: 12 de Noviembre de 1994 - de de Nacimiento: Colombo, Western Province, 29 de Junio de 1945 Partido político: SLNP ResumenLa presidenta de Sri Lanka entre 1994 y 2005 fue el último eslabón de una dinastía de políticos que, como es característico en Asia Indostánica, está familiarizada con el poder tanto como la tragedia. Huérfana del asesinado primer ministro Solomon Bandaranaike, hija de la tres veces primera ministra Sirimavo Bandaranaike ?con la que compartió el Ejecutivo en su primer mandato, protagonizando las dos mujeres un caso único en el mundo- y viuda de un político también asesinado, Chandrika Kumaratunga heredó de aquellos el liderazgo del izquierdista Partido de la Libertad (SLNP) e intentó, infructuosamente, concluir la sangrienta guerra civil con los separatistas tigres tamiles (LTTE), iniciada en 1983, por las vías de una reforma territorial federalizante y la negociación directa. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 10 Biografía 1. Educación política al socaire de su madre gobernante 2. Primera presidencia (1994-1999): plan de reforma territorial para terminar con la guerra civil 3. Segunda presidencia (1999-2005): proceso de negociación con los tigres tamiles y forcejeos con el Gobierno del EJP 1. Educación política al socaire de su madre gobernante Único caso de estadista, mujer u hombre, hija a su vez de estadistas en una república moderna, la suya es la familia más ilustre de la élite dirigente -
CHAP 9 Sri Lanka
79o 00' 79o 30' 80o 00' 80o 30' 81o 00' 81o 30' 82o 00' Kankesanturai Point Pedro A I Karaitivu I. Jana D Peninsula N Kayts Jana SRI LANKA I Palk Strait National capital Ja na Elephant Pass Punkudutivu I. Lag Provincial capital oon Devipattinam Delft I. Town, village Palk Bay Kilinochchi Provincial boundary - Puthukkudiyiruppu Nanthi Kadal Main road Rameswaram Iranaitivu Is. Mullaittivu Secondary road Pamban I. Ferry Vellankulam Dhanushkodi Talaimannar Manjulam Nayaru Lagoon Railroad A da m' Airport s Bridge NORTHERN Nedunkeni 9o 00' Kokkilai Lagoon Mannar I. Mannar Puliyankulam Pulmoddai Madhu Road Bay of Bengal Gulf of Mannar Silavatturai Vavuniya Nilaveli Pankulam Kebitigollewa Trincomalee Horuwupotana r Bay Medawachchiya diya A d o o o 8 30' ru 8 30' v K i A Karaitivu I. ru Hamillewa n a Mutur Y Pomparippu Anuradhapura Kantalai n o NORTH CENTRAL Kalpitiya o g Maragahewa a Kathiraveli L Kal m a Oy a a l a t t Puttalam Kekirawa Habarane u 8o 00' P Galgamuwa 8o 00' NORTH Polonnaruwa Dambula Valachchenai Anamaduwa a y O Mundal Maho a Chenkaladi Lake r u WESTERN d Batticaloa Naula a M uru ed D Ganewatta a EASTERN g n Madura Oya a G Reservoir Chilaw i l Maha Oya o Kurunegala e o 7 30' w 7 30' Matale a Paddiruppu h Kuliyapitiya a CENTRAL M Kehelula Kalmunai Pannala Kandy Mahiyangana Uhana Randenigale ya Amparai a O a Mah Reservoir y Negombo Kegalla O Gal Tirrukkovil Negombo Victoria Falls Reservoir Bibile Senanayake Lagoon Gampaha Samudra Ja-Ela o a Nuwara Badulla o 7 00' ng 7 00' Kelan a Avissawella Eliya Colombo i G Sri Jayewardenepura -
Imagereal Capture
[1986] AUSTRALIAN INTERNATIONAL LAW NEWS n ■ • 'S 6*: I 5 2 S [1986] AUSTRALIAN IN1EHSIATI0NAL LAW NEWS THE WORK OF THE ALL PARTY CONFERENCE 4. Consequently on Wednesday 21st December 1983, His Excellency the President summoned a meeting of 8 political parties, namely, the AH Ceylon Tamil Congress, the Ceylon Workers' Congress, the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, the Democratic Workers' Congress, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the United National Party, together with a delegation of Government Ministers to go into the question of summoning an All Party Conference for the purpose of discussing the daily growing problems of the country in regard to ethnic affairs and terrorism. 5. At this meeting the participants decided unanimously that the President should invite the Tamil United Liberation Front, the janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the Nava Sama Samaja Party to join in the proposed Conference. The President agreed to invite the T.U.L.F. in accordance with their wishes, but in regard to the J.V.P. and N.S.S.P, since they were proscribed parties, he said that he would have to consider the advice given to him by the security authorities before he could decide. It was decided that the Conference should be held at the B.M.l.C.H. commencing on Tuesday 10th January 1984 and that it should continue till 20th January 1984. In order to assist the Conference to proceed with its work expeditiously, it was agreed that H.E. should send the invitees the relevant documentation for their study. -
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: the Case of JVP Post-1977
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: The case of JVP post-1977 Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri Abstract This article provides a critical understanding of dynamics behind the roles of the People’s Liberation Front (JVP) in post-1977 Sri Lankan politics. Having suffered a severe setback in the early 1970s, the JVP transformed itself into a significant force in electoral politics that eventually brought the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) to power. This article explains the transformation by examining the radical political setting and mapping out the actors and various movements which allowed the JVP to emerge as a dominant player within the hegemonic political mainstream in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, it also highlights the structural changes in JVP politics and its challenges for future consolidation. Introduction The 1977 general election marked a major turning point in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. While the landslide victory of the United National Party (UNP) was the most important highlight of the election results, the shocking defeat for the old leftist parties was equally important. Both the victory of the UNP and the defeat of the left were symbolic. The left’s electoral defeat was soon followed by the introduction of new macro-economic policy framework under the UNP’s rule, which replaced protective economic policy framework that was endorsed by the Left.1 Ironically enough, as if to dig its own grave, the same UNP government helped People’s Liberation Front (JVP), which became a formidable threat to the smooth implementation of the new economic policies, to re-enter into the political mainstream by way of freeing its leadership from the prison. -
Sri Lanka: Pseudo-Left Blames Working People For
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ – ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ AA-AA ﭼﻮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒـــــــﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻦ ﻣــــﺒﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ www.afgazad.com [email protected] ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎی ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﯽ European Languages By Wasantha Rupasinghe and K. Ratnayake 02.02.2020 Sri Lanka: Pseudo-left blames working people for Rajapakse’s election victory The pseudo-left Nava Sama Samaja Party (NSSP) in Sri Lanka has cynically blamed workers and the poor for the victory of Gotabhaya Rajapakse in the November 16 presidential election. Rajapakse, a former military officer, served as defence secretary during the final stages of the communal war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and was responsible, along with his brother, then President Mahinda Rajapakse, for the slaughter of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians and other atrocities. The NSSP at one time claimed to be Marxist and Trotskyist. Today it functions as nothing than a political apologist for the right-wing United National Party (UNP) and promoted this bourgeois party in the election as a democratic alternative to the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) of the Rajapakses. Writing about the election outcome, NSSP leader Wickremabahu Karunaratne declared: “By the fascistic campaign [of Rajapakse], the country is divided. By that ‘Sinhala only,’ they have a monopoly on what passes for patriotism. A majority of the Sinhala-Buddhists have accepted this politics freely, [the SLPP] as their sole representative.” On December 7, Karunaratne again blamed the electorate for the Sinhala communal politics of Rajapakse, writing: “The Sri Lankan people are divided into several nationalities and remain aversive to being united as ‘One Lankan,’ signifying the further polarisation within the voter base…” www.afgazad.com 1 [email protected] There is no doubt that the election outcome reflected a certain polarisation along communal lines. -
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: the ROOTS of PLURALISM BREAKDOWN
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: THE ROOTS OF PLURALISM BREAKDOWN Neil DeVotta | Wake Forest University April 2017 I. INTRODUCTION when seeking power; and the sectarian violence that congealed and hardened attitudes over time Sri Lanka represents a classic case of a country all contributed to majoritarianism. Multiple degenerating on the ethnic and political fronts issues including colonialism, a sense of Sinhalese when pluralism is deliberately eschewed. At Buddhist entitlement rooted in mytho-history, independence in 1948, Sinhalese elites fully economic grievances, politics, nationalism and understood that marginalizing the Tamil minority communal violence all interacting with and was bound to cause this territorialized community stemming from each other, pushed the island to eventually hit back, but they succumbed to towards majoritarianism. This, in turn, then led to ethnocentrism and majoritarianism anyway.1 ethnic riots, a civil war accompanied by terrorism What were the factors that motivated them to do that ultimately killed over 100,000 people, so? There is no single explanation for why Sri democratic regression, accusations of war crimes Lanka failed to embrace pluralism: a Buddhist and authoritarianism. revival in reaction to colonialism that allowed Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to combine their The new government led by President community’s socio-economic grievances with Maithripala Sirisena, which came to power in ethnic and religious identities; the absence of January 2015, has managed to extricate itself minority guarantees in the Constitution, based from this authoritarianism and is now trying to on the Soulbury Commission the British set up revive democratic institutions promoting good prior to granting the island independence; political governance and a degree of pluralism. -
In the Supreme Court of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA In the matter of an application under Article 126 of the Constitution S.C. APPLICATION NO. 470/96 (FR) Palihenage Don Saranapala, Batapotha, Thalangama South. Petitioner Vs. 1. S.A.D.B.R. Solanga Arachchi, Senior Superintendent of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 2. L.V.P. Samarakoon, Senior Superintendt of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 3. Lucky Pieris, Superintendent of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 4. D.M.I.B. Dissanayake, Deputy Inspector General of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 5. W.B. Rajaguru, Inspector General of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1 6. Anurudha Ratwatte, Deputy Minister of Defence, Ministry of Defence, Colombo 1. 7.Hon Attorney General, Attorney General’s Department, Hulftsdorp, Colombo 12. Respondents. BEFORE: AMERASINGHE, J., WIJETUNGA, J. AND GUNAWARDANA, J COUNSEL: D. W. Abeykoon, PC with Nimal Ranawaka and Chandrika Morawaka for the petitioner. Nihal Jayasinghe, Deputy Solicitor-General with N. Pulle, SC for the respondents ARGUED ON: 18.06.1997 DECIDED ON: 17.02.1997. JUNE 18, 1997 Fundamental Rights - Freedom of speech, expression and peaceful assembly - Right to equality - May Day processions and meetings - Articles 12 (1), 12 (2), 14 (1) (a) and 14 (1) (b) of the Constitution - Permitted restriction of rights - National security and public order - Article 15 (7) of the Constitution - Section 77 (3) of the Police Ordinance. On 25. 4. 1996 Deputy Inspector-General of Police (Colombo Range) the 4th respondent approved the application of the Navalanka Sama Samaja Party (NSSP) for a May Day procession and a meeting. -
ASIA WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments While China
ASIA WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments While China, Burma and Kashmir exemplified the continuing human rights problems in Asia, the major development in the region was not so much the nature of the abuses but the debate over how to address them. Two factors had a major impact on this debate: the increased visibility of Asian nongovernmental organizations or NGOs and the growing economic power of East Asia. Asian NGOs were able to articulate a vision of human rights that differed radically from that of their own governments and thus called into question the ability of the latter to define what is "Asian." They were more successful than their governments in blurring the traditional sub-regional distinctions of South Asia, Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia. And they helped redefine priorities for the human rights movement in a way that rendered obsolete the old division of labor among human rights, development, women's rights and environmental organizations. These efforts culminated in the issuing of the "Bangkok NGO Declaration on Human Rights" of March 27. Over one hundred NGOs from across Asia and the Pacific gathered in Bangkok on March 23 to coordinate their position for the World Conference on Human Rights, just as Asian governments convened a few days later, also in Bangkok, for the regional preparatory meeting of the World Conference on Human Rights. It was clear from a series of statements they made during 1992 that China, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia, at the very least, were determined to promote an "Asian concept of human rights" which downplayed political and civil rights, highlighted the importance of economic development, stressed the need to take cultural, historical and religious factors into account when assessing human rights, and rejected aid conditionality and other forms of "interference in domestic affairs." It was this concept that the Asian NGOs set out to rebut in Bangkok. -
The Sri Lankan Insurgency: a Rebalancing of the Orthodox Position
THE SRI LANKAN INSURGENCY: A REBALANCING OF THE ORTHODOX POSITION A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Peter Stafford Roberts Department of Politics and History, Brunel University April 2016 Abstract The insurgency in Sri Lanka between the early 1980s and 2009 is the topic of this study, one that is of great interest to scholars studying war in the modern era. It is an example of a revolutionary war in which the total defeat of the insurgents was a decisive conclusion, achieved without allowing them any form of political access to governance over the disputed territory after the conflict. Current literature on the conflict examines it from a single (government) viewpoint – deriving false conclusions as a result. This research integrates exciting new evidence from the Tamil (insurgent) side and as such is the first balanced, comprehensive account of the conflict. The resultant history allows readers to re- frame the key variables that determined the outcome, concluding that the leadership and decision-making dynamic within the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had far greater impact than has previously been allowed for. The new evidence takes the form of interviews with participants from both sides of the conflict, Sri Lankan military documentation, foreign intelligence assessments and diplomatic communiqués between governments, referencing these against the current literature on counter-insurgency, notably the social-institutional study of insurgencies by Paul Staniland. It concludes that orthodox views of the conflict need to be reshaped into a new methodology that focuses on leadership performance and away from a timeline based on periods of major combat. -
For the Right to Self-Determination of Ilankai Tamils
For the right to self-determination of Ilankai Tamils https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article1176 Sri Lanka For the right to self-determination of Ilankai Tamils - IV Online magazine - 2006 - IV384 - December 2006 - Publication date: Thursday 14 December 2006 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/4 For the right to self-determination of Ilankai Tamils The Sri Lanka government is carrying out an undeclared war against the Tamil people. The government of Mahinda Rajapaksa has consistently breached the 2002 cease-fire agreement with the LTTE. The anti-war opposition has been put under extreme pressure. Tamil MP Nadaraja Raviraj was gunned down in Colombo on November 9 and other activists have received serious death threats. At the heart of this secret war is the issue of the historic right to self-determination for the Tamil people. [https://internationalviewpoint.org/IMG/jpg/labka.jpg] The right of self determination of the Tamil speaking people is the foremost issue in modern Lankan society. Though it is related to the Tamil vs. Sinhala conflicts narrated in various chronicles, the present form arises out of an inability to construct a democratic, plural, civil society. Though Sri Lanka (the Sinhala equivalent of Ilankai) is considered a nation by the United Nations, Sri Lankan nationality is yet to be recognized by the masses here. People in Lanka consider themselves as Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim, Burger, Veddha, etc. and rarely as Sri Lankans. In that sense it is a Society of Nationalities. As a Marxist, I consider nations are really built on a capitalist market economy. -
840A6bd8a501f56e852570520
TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction............................................................................................................... 1 Background ............................................................................................................... 2 Village Defence Forces.............................................................................................. 3 Background to the Village Defence Forces ............................................................ 4 Training and weaponry of the Village Defence Forces ........................................... 5 Human rights violations committed by the Village Defence Forces........................ 6 Maoist Attacks on Village Defence Forces............................................................. 7 Divisions within rural Nepali society......................................................................... 8 Freedom of Movement ............................................................................................ 10 Detention................................................................................................................. 11 Maoist suspects.................................................................................................... 11 Torture and ill-treatment ...................................................................................... 12 Prisons................................................................................................................. 14 Non-Maoist political prisoners............................................................................ -
Fractured Country, Shattered Lives
TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 Background .................................................................................................................... 2 Village Defence Forces .................................................................................................. 3 Background to the Village Defence Forces ............................................................... 4 Training and weaponry of the Village Defence Forces ............................................. 5 Human rights violations committed by the Village Defence Forces ......................... 6 Maoist Attacks on Village Defence Forces ............................................................... 7 Divisions within rural Nepali society ............................................................................ 8 Freedom of Movement ................................................................................................. 10 Detention ...................................................................................................................... 11 Maoist suspects ........................................................................................................ 11 Torture and ill-treatment .......................................................................................... 12 Prisons ...................................................................................................................... 14 Non-Maoist