Decolonising Peacebuilding
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Breakdown of the Harmonious Relations That Existed
Breakdown of the Harmonious Relations that Existed Between Sinhala and Tamil Political Leaderships and the Development of Feelings of Insecurity among the Latter During the 1919-1948 Period: A Historical Analysis Gamage, Lakmini Department of History & Archeology Facalty of Arts University of Ruhuna [email protected] Background Westernized Ceylonese elite class leaders had been engaging in political agitation against the British rulers from around the beginning of the 20th Century. This included both Sinhala and Tamil leaders. Even though Tamils were one of the minority communities in Ceylon, Tamil leaders worked shoulder to shoulder with Sinhala leaders for achieving constitutional reforms in Ceylon. The high caste Tamils were treated more favorably by the colonial administration as could be seen by the fact they provided a high standard of English education facilities in the Jaffna peninsula but not in the Sinhala areas. As a result, high caste Jaffna Tamils were able to receive a good English language based education which enabled them to maintain themselves at a higher social level. Due to those advantages the Tamils were able to engage in the forefront of the political agitation movement, ahead of the Sinhala leaders (Silva, 1967, p 90). During the first two decades of the 20thCentury, a remarkable phenomenon was the unity and harmony which prevailed between Sinhala and Tamil leaders. None of the Sinhala or Tamil leaders viewed or wished for anything from the ethnic angle; rather, they focused on reforms that would benefit the whole of Ceylon. Leaders laid emphasis on the common goals, rights and needs of both communities. -
Imagereal Capture
[1986] AUSTRALIAN INTERNATIONAL LAW NEWS n ■ • 'S 6*: I 5 2 S [1986] AUSTRALIAN IN1EHSIATI0NAL LAW NEWS THE WORK OF THE ALL PARTY CONFERENCE 4. Consequently on Wednesday 21st December 1983, His Excellency the President summoned a meeting of 8 political parties, namely, the AH Ceylon Tamil Congress, the Ceylon Workers' Congress, the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, the Democratic Workers' Congress, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the United National Party, together with a delegation of Government Ministers to go into the question of summoning an All Party Conference for the purpose of discussing the daily growing problems of the country in regard to ethnic affairs and terrorism. 5. At this meeting the participants decided unanimously that the President should invite the Tamil United Liberation Front, the janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the Nava Sama Samaja Party to join in the proposed Conference. The President agreed to invite the T.U.L.F. in accordance with their wishes, but in regard to the J.V.P. and N.S.S.P, since they were proscribed parties, he said that he would have to consider the advice given to him by the security authorities before he could decide. It was decided that the Conference should be held at the B.M.l.C.H. commencing on Tuesday 10th January 1984 and that it should continue till 20th January 1984. In order to assist the Conference to proceed with its work expeditiously, it was agreed that H.E. should send the invitees the relevant documentation for their study. -
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: the Case of JVP Post-1977
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: The case of JVP post-1977 Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri Abstract This article provides a critical understanding of dynamics behind the roles of the People’s Liberation Front (JVP) in post-1977 Sri Lankan politics. Having suffered a severe setback in the early 1970s, the JVP transformed itself into a significant force in electoral politics that eventually brought the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) to power. This article explains the transformation by examining the radical political setting and mapping out the actors and various movements which allowed the JVP to emerge as a dominant player within the hegemonic political mainstream in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, it also highlights the structural changes in JVP politics and its challenges for future consolidation. Introduction The 1977 general election marked a major turning point in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. While the landslide victory of the United National Party (UNP) was the most important highlight of the election results, the shocking defeat for the old leftist parties was equally important. Both the victory of the UNP and the defeat of the left were symbolic. The left’s electoral defeat was soon followed by the introduction of new macro-economic policy framework under the UNP’s rule, which replaced protective economic policy framework that was endorsed by the Left.1 Ironically enough, as if to dig its own grave, the same UNP government helped People’s Liberation Front (JVP), which became a formidable threat to the smooth implementation of the new economic policies, to re-enter into the political mainstream by way of freeing its leadership from the prison. -
Sri Lanka's Vistas of Prosperity and Splendour: a Critique of Promises
2021 Sri Lanka’s Vistas of Prosperity and Splendour: A Critique of Promises Made and Present Trends REPORT CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVES The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is an independent, non-partisan organisation that focuses primarily on issues of governance and conflict resolution. Formed in 1996 in the firm belief that the vital contribution of civil society to the public policy debate is in need of strengthening, CPA is committed to programmes of research and advocacy through which public policy is critiqued, alternatives identified and disseminated. No. 6/5, Layards Road, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka Tel: +9411 2081384, +94112081385, +94112081386 Fax: +9411 2081388 Email: [email protected] Web: www.cpalanka.org Email: [email protected] Facebook: www.facebook.com/cpasl Twitter: @cpasl Publisher: Centre for Policy Alternative (CPA), Colombo, Sri Lanka ISBN number – ISBN978-624-5914-00-5 Bar Code - 9 786245 914005 Copyright © | CPA ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper was researched and written by Bhavani Fonseka and Uvin Dissanayake. Research assistance was provided by Adheeb Anwar, Rajani Chandrasegaram, Mujeebur Rahman & Sandeep Tissaaratchy. Comments on earlier drafts were provided by Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu and Luwie Ganeshathasan. The authors appreciate the assistance provided by several who shared information and insights that informed the findings in the report. ACRONYMS CDF Civil Defense Force ECT East Container Terminal FTZ Free Trade Zone GSP Generalized System of Preference GDP Gross Domestic Product ICCPR International Covenant -
Sri Lanka: Pseudo-Left Blames Working People For
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ – ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ AA-AA ﭼﻮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒـــــــﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻦ ﻣــــﺒﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ www.afgazad.com [email protected] ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎی ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﯽ European Languages By Wasantha Rupasinghe and K. Ratnayake 02.02.2020 Sri Lanka: Pseudo-left blames working people for Rajapakse’s election victory The pseudo-left Nava Sama Samaja Party (NSSP) in Sri Lanka has cynically blamed workers and the poor for the victory of Gotabhaya Rajapakse in the November 16 presidential election. Rajapakse, a former military officer, served as defence secretary during the final stages of the communal war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and was responsible, along with his brother, then President Mahinda Rajapakse, for the slaughter of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians and other atrocities. The NSSP at one time claimed to be Marxist and Trotskyist. Today it functions as nothing than a political apologist for the right-wing United National Party (UNP) and promoted this bourgeois party in the election as a democratic alternative to the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) of the Rajapakses. Writing about the election outcome, NSSP leader Wickremabahu Karunaratne declared: “By the fascistic campaign [of Rajapakse], the country is divided. By that ‘Sinhala only,’ they have a monopoly on what passes for patriotism. A majority of the Sinhala-Buddhists have accepted this politics freely, [the SLPP] as their sole representative.” On December 7, Karunaratne again blamed the electorate for the Sinhala communal politics of Rajapakse, writing: “The Sri Lankan people are divided into several nationalities and remain aversive to being united as ‘One Lankan,’ signifying the further polarisation within the voter base…” www.afgazad.com 1 [email protected] There is no doubt that the election outcome reflected a certain polarisation along communal lines. -
Sri Lanka Assessment
SRI LANKA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT October 2002 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Sri Lanka October 2002 CONTENTS 1. Scope of Document 1.1 - 1.4 2. Geography 2.1 - 2.4 3. Economy 3.1 - 3.2 4. History 4.1 - 4.79 - Independence to 1994 4.1 - 4.10 - 1994 to the present 4.11 - 4.50 - The Peace Process January 2000 - October 4.51 - 4.79 2002 5. State Structures 5.1 - 5.34 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.2 - Citizenship and Nationality 5.3 - 5.4 Political System 5.5. - 5.7 Judiciary 5.8 - 5.10 Legal Rights/Detention 5.11 - 5.21 - Death penalty 5.22 - 5.23 Internal Security 5.24 - 5.25 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.26 Military Service 5.27 - 5.28 Medical Services 5.29 - 5.33 Educational System 5.34 6. Human Rights 6.1 - 6.168 6.A Human Rights Issues 6.1 - 6.51 Overview 6.1 - 6.4 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.5 - 6.8 - Treatment of journalists 6.9 - 6.11 Freedom of Religion - Introduction 6.12 - Buddhists 6.13 - Hindus 6.14 - Muslims 6.15 - 6.18 - Christians 6.19 - Baha'is 6.20 Freedom of Assembly & Association 6.21 - Political Activists 6.22 - 6.26 Employment Rights 6.27 - 6.32 People Trafficking 6.33 - 6.35 Freedom of Movement 6.36 - 6.43 - Immigrants and Emigrants Act 6.44 - 6.51 6.B Human Rights - Specific Groups 6.52 - 6.151 Ethnic Groups - Tamils and general Human Rights Issues 6.52 - 6.126 - Up-country Tamils 6.127 - 6.130 - Indigenous People 6.131 Women 6.132 - 6.139 Children 6.140 - 6.145 - Child Care Arrangements 6.146 - 6.150 Homosexuals 6.151 6.C Human Rights - Other Issues -
The Socialists and the Nationalist Movement in Sri Lanka 1931 - 1948 : II (Ctd
The Socialists and the Nationalist Movement in Sri Lanka 1931 - 1948 : II (ctd. from Rohana I) — M. U. D e Silva Meanwhile, the government took steps, to promulgate the necessary rules under the Defence (Miscellaneous) Regulations. These rules conferred on the Governor, the Officers of State, the Military and the Police a tremen dous amount of power nullifying civil liberties enjoyed by the people and their representatives. The powers given under the Donoughmore constitu tion were getting evaporated.1 Meanwhile, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, who appeared to have had a clear understanding of the traditional forces at work in society, had formed the Sinhala Maha Sabha in order to give a new impetus to them. Dressed in the traditional national costume and abdicating Christianity, he mobilized the forces of traditional culture elements. While the Samasamajists were struggling for political and economic emancipation from imperialist control, the Sinhala Maha Sabha sought solutions rooted more securely in the tradi tional cultural and religious patterns of the people. A section of the Ceylon National Congress also collaborated with the political programme of the Sinhala Maha Sabha which was based on religio- linguistic nationalism. Though the Samasamajists at their Youth League stage had stressed much on the traditional cultural heritage, by now they had begun to lay more stress on the political and economic problems. Therefore, while the Samasamaja struggle became more than a political liberation movement, the Sinhala Maha Sabha struggle took the form of a Sinhalese Buddhist revivalist movement. As a result every attempt at a precise defini tion of the political programme of the latter provoked charges of communa- lism.2 However, since Bandaranaike belonged to a Mudaliyar family, and was a member of the Board of Ministers as well, he commanded the support and sympathy of the bureaucracy as well as of the dying feudal elements. -
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: the ROOTS of PLURALISM BREAKDOWN
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: THE ROOTS OF PLURALISM BREAKDOWN Neil DeVotta | Wake Forest University April 2017 I. INTRODUCTION when seeking power; and the sectarian violence that congealed and hardened attitudes over time Sri Lanka represents a classic case of a country all contributed to majoritarianism. Multiple degenerating on the ethnic and political fronts issues including colonialism, a sense of Sinhalese when pluralism is deliberately eschewed. At Buddhist entitlement rooted in mytho-history, independence in 1948, Sinhalese elites fully economic grievances, politics, nationalism and understood that marginalizing the Tamil minority communal violence all interacting with and was bound to cause this territorialized community stemming from each other, pushed the island to eventually hit back, but they succumbed to towards majoritarianism. This, in turn, then led to ethnocentrism and majoritarianism anyway.1 ethnic riots, a civil war accompanied by terrorism What were the factors that motivated them to do that ultimately killed over 100,000 people, so? There is no single explanation for why Sri democratic regression, accusations of war crimes Lanka failed to embrace pluralism: a Buddhist and authoritarianism. revival in reaction to colonialism that allowed Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to combine their The new government led by President community’s socio-economic grievances with Maithripala Sirisena, which came to power in ethnic and religious identities; the absence of January 2015, has managed to extricate itself minority guarantees in the Constitution, based from this authoritarianism and is now trying to on the Soulbury Commission the British set up revive democratic institutions promoting good prior to granting the island independence; political governance and a degree of pluralism. -
Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A. -
In the Supreme Court of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA In the matter of an application under Article 126 of the Constitution S.C. APPLICATION NO. 470/96 (FR) Palihenage Don Saranapala, Batapotha, Thalangama South. Petitioner Vs. 1. S.A.D.B.R. Solanga Arachchi, Senior Superintendent of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 2. L.V.P. Samarakoon, Senior Superintendt of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 3. Lucky Pieris, Superintendent of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 4. D.M.I.B. Dissanayake, Deputy Inspector General of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1. 5. W.B. Rajaguru, Inspector General of Police, Police Headquarters, Colombo 1 6. Anurudha Ratwatte, Deputy Minister of Defence, Ministry of Defence, Colombo 1. 7.Hon Attorney General, Attorney General’s Department, Hulftsdorp, Colombo 12. Respondents. BEFORE: AMERASINGHE, J., WIJETUNGA, J. AND GUNAWARDANA, J COUNSEL: D. W. Abeykoon, PC with Nimal Ranawaka and Chandrika Morawaka for the petitioner. Nihal Jayasinghe, Deputy Solicitor-General with N. Pulle, SC for the respondents ARGUED ON: 18.06.1997 DECIDED ON: 17.02.1997. JUNE 18, 1997 Fundamental Rights - Freedom of speech, expression and peaceful assembly - Right to equality - May Day processions and meetings - Articles 12 (1), 12 (2), 14 (1) (a) and 14 (1) (b) of the Constitution - Permitted restriction of rights - National security and public order - Article 15 (7) of the Constitution - Section 77 (3) of the Police Ordinance. On 25. 4. 1996 Deputy Inspector-General of Police (Colombo Range) the 4th respondent approved the application of the Navalanka Sama Samaja Party (NSSP) for a May Day procession and a meeting. -
Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka
Policy Studies 40 Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka Neil DeVotta East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the themes of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American under- standing of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka Policy Studies 40 ___________ Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka ___________________________ Neil DeVotta Copyright © 2007 by the East-West Center Washington Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka By Neil DeVotta ISBN: 978-1-932728-65-1 (online version) ISSN: 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Overview Print Page Close Window
World Directory of Minorities Asia and Oceania MRG Directory –> Sri Lanka –> Sri Lanka Overview Print Page Close Window Sri Lanka Overview Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (formerly known as Ceylon) comprises one large, compact island and several islets, separated from the Indian subcontinent by a strip of sea which at its narrowest point is 40 kilometres and centrally located in the Indian Ocean, lying off the southern tip of India. Sri Lanka is strategically placed in the Indian Ocean, alongside major trading routes from the Far East, Europe as well as from Africa. In contrast to other South Asian countries, Sri Lanka's population has not shown an excessive growth since independence and the country boasts of high social development indicators, including a high literacy rate (by some accounts 96 per cent). Peoples Main languages: Sinhala (official and national language), Tamil (national language), English Main religions: Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Christianity Minority and indigenous groups include Sri Lankan Tamils(12.7%) (1981), Indian Tamil (5.5%) (1981) Muslims(7.4%) (1981), Veddhas2,000 (1981 Census), and Burghers (0.3%) (1981). A census was conducted in 2001 however it was not carried out in 7 districts in the conflict area which are all minority populous areas. Sri Lanka has a plural society. The majority group, the Sinhalese, speak a distinctive language (Sinhala) related to the Indo-Aryan tongues of north India, and are mainly Buddhist. There are two groups of Tamils: ‘Sri Lankan Tamils' (also known as ‘Ceylon' or ‘Jaffna' Tamils) are the descendants of Tamil-speaking groups who migrated from south India many centuries ago; and ‘Up Country Tamils' (also known as ‘Indian' or ‘estate' Tamils), who are descendants of comparatively recent immigrants.