Chandrika Kumaratunga (Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga)
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CHAP 9 Sri Lanka
79o 00' 79o 30' 80o 00' 80o 30' 81o 00' 81o 30' 82o 00' Kankesanturai Point Pedro A I Karaitivu I. Jana D Peninsula N Kayts Jana SRI LANKA I Palk Strait National capital Ja na Elephant Pass Punkudutivu I. Lag Provincial capital oon Devipattinam Delft I. Town, village Palk Bay Kilinochchi Provincial boundary - Puthukkudiyiruppu Nanthi Kadal Main road Rameswaram Iranaitivu Is. Mullaittivu Secondary road Pamban I. Ferry Vellankulam Dhanushkodi Talaimannar Manjulam Nayaru Lagoon Railroad A da m' Airport s Bridge NORTHERN Nedunkeni 9o 00' Kokkilai Lagoon Mannar I. Mannar Puliyankulam Pulmoddai Madhu Road Bay of Bengal Gulf of Mannar Silavatturai Vavuniya Nilaveli Pankulam Kebitigollewa Trincomalee Horuwupotana r Bay Medawachchiya diya A d o o o 8 30' ru 8 30' v K i A Karaitivu I. ru Hamillewa n a Mutur Y Pomparippu Anuradhapura Kantalai n o NORTH CENTRAL Kalpitiya o g Maragahewa a Kathiraveli L Kal m a Oy a a l a t t Puttalam Kekirawa Habarane u 8o 00' P Galgamuwa 8o 00' NORTH Polonnaruwa Dambula Valachchenai Anamaduwa a y O Mundal Maho a Chenkaladi Lake r u WESTERN d Batticaloa Naula a M uru ed D Ganewatta a EASTERN g n Madura Oya a G Reservoir Chilaw i l Maha Oya o Kurunegala e o 7 30' w 7 30' Matale a Paddiruppu h Kuliyapitiya a CENTRAL M Kehelula Kalmunai Pannala Kandy Mahiyangana Uhana Randenigale ya Amparai a O a Mah Reservoir y Negombo Kegalla O Gal Tirrukkovil Negombo Victoria Falls Reservoir Bibile Senanayake Lagoon Gampaha Samudra Ja-Ela o a Nuwara Badulla o 7 00' ng 7 00' Kelan a Avissawella Eliya Colombo i G Sri Jayewardenepura -
Reforming Sri Lankan Presidentialism: Provenance, Problems and Prospects Volume 2
Reforming Sri Lankan Presidentialism: Provenance, Problems and Prospects Edited by Asanga Welikala Volume 2 18 Failure of Quasi-Gaullist Presidentialism in Sri Lanka Suri Ratnapala Constitutional Choices Sri Lanka’s Constitution combines a presidential system selectively borrowed from the Gaullist Constitution of France with a system of proportional representation in Parliament. The scheme of proportional representation replaced the ‘first past the post’ elections of the independence constitution and of the first republican constitution of 1972. It is strongly favoured by minority parties and several minor parties that owe their very existence to proportional representation. The elective executive presidency, at least initially, enjoyed substantial minority support as the president is directly elected by a national electorate, making it hard for a candidate to win without minority support. (Sri Lanka’s ethnic minorities constitute about 25 per cent of the population.) However, there is a growing national consensus that the quasi-Gaullist experiment has failed. All major political parties have called for its replacement while in opposition although in government, they are invariably seduced to silence by the fruits of office. Assuming that there is political will and ability to change the system, what alternative model should the nation embrace? Constitutions of nations in the modern era tend fall into four categories. 1.! Various forms of authoritarian government. These include absolute monarchies (emirates and sultanates of the Islamic world), personal dictatorships, oligarchies, theocracies (Iran) and single party rule (remaining real or nominal communist states). 2.! Parliamentary government based on the Westminster system with a largely ceremonial constitutional monarch or president. Most Western European countries, India, Japan, Israel and many former British colonies have this model with local variations. -
Sugathapala Mendis and Another V Chandrika Kumaratunga and Others S C ( Waters Edge Case) 339
Sugathapala Mendis and Another v Chandrika Kumaratunga and Others S C ( Waters Edge Case) 339 SUGATHAPALA MENDIS AND ANOTHR V CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGA AND OTHERS (WATERS EDGE CASE) SUPREME COURT S.N. SILVA, C.J. TILAKAWARDANE, J RATNAYAKE, J. SC FR 352/07. MAY 29, 2008 JUNE 25, 26, 2008 JULY 14, 31,2008 Fundamental Rights - Article 12(1) - Public Interest litigation - Time limit - locus standi - Doctrine of Public Trust - Violation - Is the President subject to the Rule of the Law? - What is public purpose requirement? The petitioners/lntervenient petitioners complained of infringement pertaining to the acquisition of land on the premise that such land would be utilized to serve a public purpose whereas by the impugned executive or administrative action the land was knowingly, deliberately and manipulatively sold to a private entrepreneur to serve as an exclusive private golf resort in Sri Lanka. It was contented that, this was done through a process thatwas conniving and contrary to the equal protection of the law guaranteed by Article 12(1) of the Constitution which assures to the people the Rule of Law. It was further contended that those alleged to have initiated, facilitated and or empowered to achieve this outcome were those from the highest echelons of the executive and included senior officials members of the public sector, statutory bodies of the government, the former President (1st respondent) high government agencies. Held: (1) The Nature of large scale developments is that they occur over-time. In the instant case, though communication with UDA commenced in1997, completion of the project was delegated extensions granted and particulars changed, such that the project at the time this claim was brought remained unfinished. -
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CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (CSIS) A YEAR AFTER THE CIVIL WAR: CHARTING SRI LANKA’S FUTURE WELCOME AND MODERATOR: TERESITA SCHAFFER, DIRECTOR, SOUTH ASIA PROGRAM, CSIS SPEAKER: GAMINI LAKSHMAN PEIRIS, MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA TUESDAY, MAY 25, 2010 2:30 P.M. WASHINGTON, D.C. Transcript by Federal News Service Washington, D.C. TERESITA SCHAFFER: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen, and thank you very much for joining us. Those of you have been here before know that this is the CSIS South Asia Program and I’m Tesi Schaffer, the director. And you probably also know that I had the great pleasure of being U.S. ambassador in Sri Lanka from 1992 to 1995. And one of the particular pleasures of that job was my association with Professor G.L. Peiris in several different capacities during that time, initially as vice chancellor of Colombo University and a distinguished law professor – one of, I think it’s two, former Rhodes scholars in Sri Lanka – and subsequently, after he joined politics, as minister initially for constitutional affairs and then for commerce in the government that was headed, at the time, by Chandrika Kumaratunga. Professor Peiris, inside and outside of government, has always brought great intellectual distinction to what he has done. He was one of the architects of Chandrika Kumaratunga’s constitutional proposals at the time that the effort was on to negotiate a peace with the LTTE. We are now meeting at a very different time. The war was ultimately won on the battlefield rather than resolved at the negotiating table. -
Sri Lanka Assessment
SRI LANKA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT October 2002 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Sri Lanka October 2002 CONTENTS 1. Scope of Document 1.1 - 1.4 2. Geography 2.1 - 2.4 3. Economy 3.1 - 3.2 4. History 4.1 - 4.79 - Independence to 1994 4.1 - 4.10 - 1994 to the present 4.11 - 4.50 - The Peace Process January 2000 - October 4.51 - 4.79 2002 5. State Structures 5.1 - 5.34 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.2 - Citizenship and Nationality 5.3 - 5.4 Political System 5.5. - 5.7 Judiciary 5.8 - 5.10 Legal Rights/Detention 5.11 - 5.21 - Death penalty 5.22 - 5.23 Internal Security 5.24 - 5.25 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.26 Military Service 5.27 - 5.28 Medical Services 5.29 - 5.33 Educational System 5.34 6. Human Rights 6.1 - 6.168 6.A Human Rights Issues 6.1 - 6.51 Overview 6.1 - 6.4 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.5 - 6.8 - Treatment of journalists 6.9 - 6.11 Freedom of Religion - Introduction 6.12 - Buddhists 6.13 - Hindus 6.14 - Muslims 6.15 - 6.18 - Christians 6.19 - Baha'is 6.20 Freedom of Assembly & Association 6.21 - Political Activists 6.22 - 6.26 Employment Rights 6.27 - 6.32 People Trafficking 6.33 - 6.35 Freedom of Movement 6.36 - 6.43 - Immigrants and Emigrants Act 6.44 - 6.51 6.B Human Rights - Specific Groups 6.52 - 6.151 Ethnic Groups - Tamils and general Human Rights Issues 6.52 - 6.126 - Up-country Tamils 6.127 - 6.130 - Indigenous People 6.131 Women 6.132 - 6.139 Children 6.140 - 6.145 - Child Care Arrangements 6.146 - 6.150 Homosexuals 6.151 6.C Human Rights - Other Issues -
“Disappearance” SRI Lankagulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya
PUBLIC AI Index: ASA 37/28/00 UA 276/00 “Disappearance” 11 September 2000 SRI LANKAGulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya (45) A father of five has been arrested at a navy checkpoint in the eastern district of Trincomalee, and the navy has since denied having him in custody. His whereabouts are unknown, and Amnesty International believes his life is in danger. Gulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya had been visiting his mother, who lives in another part of the town of Nilaveli, with his wife and one of their children. They were on their way home on a bicycle when they were stopped, at around 7.30am on 11 August. The navy personnel took him away, and told his wife to take a bus home with her child. From the bus, she saw them questioning her husband. Later that day, when he did not come home, she made enquiries at the Nilaveli navy camp and was told that “no such person has been arrested”. His relatives have since appealed to the President of Sri Lanka and made complaints with the National Human Rights Commission and other local institutions. They have also asked the army for information about him, to no avail. BACKGROUND INFORMATION There has been a worrying increase in the number of “disappearances” reported from the north and east of Sri Lanka. On 31 August, Amnesty International appealed to President Chandrika Kumaratunga Bandaranaike to intervene to end the sudden increase in “disappearances” in Vavuniya district in the north, after seven people arrested there between 10 and 26 August reportedly “disappeared”. The “disappearance” of Gulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya is the second reported from Trincomalee this year. -
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: the ROOTS of PLURALISM BREAKDOWN
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: THE ROOTS OF PLURALISM BREAKDOWN Neil DeVotta | Wake Forest University April 2017 I. INTRODUCTION when seeking power; and the sectarian violence that congealed and hardened attitudes over time Sri Lanka represents a classic case of a country all contributed to majoritarianism. Multiple degenerating on the ethnic and political fronts issues including colonialism, a sense of Sinhalese when pluralism is deliberately eschewed. At Buddhist entitlement rooted in mytho-history, independence in 1948, Sinhalese elites fully economic grievances, politics, nationalism and understood that marginalizing the Tamil minority communal violence all interacting with and was bound to cause this territorialized community stemming from each other, pushed the island to eventually hit back, but they succumbed to towards majoritarianism. This, in turn, then led to ethnocentrism and majoritarianism anyway.1 ethnic riots, a civil war accompanied by terrorism What were the factors that motivated them to do that ultimately killed over 100,000 people, so? There is no single explanation for why Sri democratic regression, accusations of war crimes Lanka failed to embrace pluralism: a Buddhist and authoritarianism. revival in reaction to colonialism that allowed Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to combine their The new government led by President community’s socio-economic grievances with Maithripala Sirisena, which came to power in ethnic and religious identities; the absence of January 2015, has managed to extricate itself minority guarantees in the Constitution, based from this authoritarianism and is now trying to on the Soulbury Commission the British set up revive democratic institutions promoting good prior to granting the island independence; political governance and a degree of pluralism. -
ASIA WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments While China
ASIA WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments While China, Burma and Kashmir exemplified the continuing human rights problems in Asia, the major development in the region was not so much the nature of the abuses but the debate over how to address them. Two factors had a major impact on this debate: the increased visibility of Asian nongovernmental organizations or NGOs and the growing economic power of East Asia. Asian NGOs were able to articulate a vision of human rights that differed radically from that of their own governments and thus called into question the ability of the latter to define what is "Asian." They were more successful than their governments in blurring the traditional sub-regional distinctions of South Asia, Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia. And they helped redefine priorities for the human rights movement in a way that rendered obsolete the old division of labor among human rights, development, women's rights and environmental organizations. These efforts culminated in the issuing of the "Bangkok NGO Declaration on Human Rights" of March 27. Over one hundred NGOs from across Asia and the Pacific gathered in Bangkok on March 23 to coordinate their position for the World Conference on Human Rights, just as Asian governments convened a few days later, also in Bangkok, for the regional preparatory meeting of the World Conference on Human Rights. It was clear from a series of statements they made during 1992 that China, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia, at the very least, were determined to promote an "Asian concept of human rights" which downplayed political and civil rights, highlighted the importance of economic development, stressed the need to take cultural, historical and religious factors into account when assessing human rights, and rejected aid conditionality and other forms of "interference in domestic affairs." It was this concept that the Asian NGOs set out to rebut in Bangkok. -
The Sri Lankan Insurgency: a Rebalancing of the Orthodox Position
THE SRI LANKAN INSURGENCY: A REBALANCING OF THE ORTHODOX POSITION A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Peter Stafford Roberts Department of Politics and History, Brunel University April 2016 Abstract The insurgency in Sri Lanka between the early 1980s and 2009 is the topic of this study, one that is of great interest to scholars studying war in the modern era. It is an example of a revolutionary war in which the total defeat of the insurgents was a decisive conclusion, achieved without allowing them any form of political access to governance over the disputed territory after the conflict. Current literature on the conflict examines it from a single (government) viewpoint – deriving false conclusions as a result. This research integrates exciting new evidence from the Tamil (insurgent) side and as such is the first balanced, comprehensive account of the conflict. The resultant history allows readers to re- frame the key variables that determined the outcome, concluding that the leadership and decision-making dynamic within the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had far greater impact than has previously been allowed for. The new evidence takes the form of interviews with participants from both sides of the conflict, Sri Lankan military documentation, foreign intelligence assessments and diplomatic communiqués between governments, referencing these against the current literature on counter-insurgency, notably the social-institutional study of insurgencies by Paul Staniland. It concludes that orthodox views of the conflict need to be reshaped into a new methodology that focuses on leadership performance and away from a timeline based on periods of major combat. -
Overview Print Page Close Window
World Directory of Minorities Asia and Oceania MRG Directory –> Sri Lanka –> Sri Lanka Overview Print Page Close Window Sri Lanka Overview Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (formerly known as Ceylon) comprises one large, compact island and several islets, separated from the Indian subcontinent by a strip of sea which at its narrowest point is 40 kilometres and centrally located in the Indian Ocean, lying off the southern tip of India. Sri Lanka is strategically placed in the Indian Ocean, alongside major trading routes from the Far East, Europe as well as from Africa. In contrast to other South Asian countries, Sri Lanka's population has not shown an excessive growth since independence and the country boasts of high social development indicators, including a high literacy rate (by some accounts 96 per cent). Peoples Main languages: Sinhala (official and national language), Tamil (national language), English Main religions: Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Christianity Minority and indigenous groups include Sri Lankan Tamils(12.7%) (1981), Indian Tamil (5.5%) (1981) Muslims(7.4%) (1981), Veddhas2,000 (1981 Census), and Burghers (0.3%) (1981). A census was conducted in 2001 however it was not carried out in 7 districts in the conflict area which are all minority populous areas. Sri Lanka has a plural society. The majority group, the Sinhalese, speak a distinctive language (Sinhala) related to the Indo-Aryan tongues of north India, and are mainly Buddhist. There are two groups of Tamils: ‘Sri Lankan Tamils' (also known as ‘Ceylon' or ‘Jaffna' Tamils) are the descendants of Tamil-speaking groups who migrated from south India many centuries ago; and ‘Up Country Tamils' (also known as ‘Indian' or ‘estate' Tamils), who are descendants of comparatively recent immigrants. -
Sri Lanka. LKA40169
Country Advice Sri Lanka Sri Lanka – LKA40169 – Matara – Parliamentary Elections 2004 – Presidential Elections 2005 – United National Party – UNP 12 April 2012 1. Deleted. 2. Please give dates of the national elections in 2004-2005 and approximate timing of relevant campaign cycles. Parliamentary elections were held on 2 April 2004, and a presidential election on 17 1 November 2005. Parliamentary Elections According to the Political Handbook of the World, parliament was dissolved on 7 February 2004, after an alliance between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the JVP finished, 2 and an election was called for 2 April of the same year. Nominations for the parliamentary elections reportedly closed on 24 February, 2004. According to Qatar news source The Peninsula, a total of 6,024 candidates – from 24 recognised political parties and 192 independent groups – nominated to compete for 225 parliamentary seats.3 Forty political activists were reportedly injured in 27 incidents in southern and north-central regions the day after nominations closed.4 According to an article on the TamilNet website, the UNP was to launch its 2004 election campaign on Thursday, 26 February, with rallies in Anuradhapura and Kandy.5 The UNP won 85 seats in the parliamentary elections.6 Presidential Election In 2005, incumbent president Chandrika Kumaratunga apparently argued that, under the constitution, she was entitled to twelve years in office from her first appointment in 1994, and 1 „Sri Lanka‟ 2011, Political Handbook of the World Online Edition, CQ Press -
The Friday Forum 2, Greenlands Avenue, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka E-Mail; [email protected] Telephone; 0773634444 Fax; 2504181
The Friday Forum 2, Greenlands Avenue, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka E-Mail; [email protected] Telephone; 0773634444 Fax; 2504181 MEDIA RELEASE 16th December 2014 Minister S.B.Dissanayake should make a public apology and resign On 12 December 2014 Minister of Higher Education, S.B. Dissanayake said on Sirisa TV, that the former President of Sri Lanka, Chandrika Kumaratunga should be “put down on the ground, trampled, stripped naked and made to run along the streets”. This is a terrible statement to come from any individual, but that a Minister of Higher Education, a supposed role model for young people, felt it was even remotely appropriate for him to make such a statement, is truly appalling. In many other countries, he would have been forced to resign or have been dismissed the very next day. At the very least he would have been asked to apologise. None of this was forthcoming, pointing to the culture of violence and hate speech having been so normalized in Sri Lanka that both government and public seem to tolerate it with little or no dissent. As election fever for the presidential election mounts, there is a lot of talk about institutional change, better economics and a fight against corruption. What is also needed is a drastic change in our political culture. Viciousness and vitriol existed previously but were confined to the periphery of political space. Editors did their job and printed news that “was fit to print”. Today this government, more than any other, has given vitriol and hate speech centre place, whether in its newspapers, radio or TV.