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Gender and the Discourse of Nationalism in South Asian Women Writers' Partition Narratives

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Gender and the Discourse of Nationalism in South Asian Women Writers' Partition Narratives UNRULY ALLIANCES: GENDER AND THE DISCOURSE OF NATIONALISM IN SOUTH ASIAN WOMEN WRITERS' PARTITION NARRATIVES ALISON JILL DIDUR A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Programme in English York University North York, Ontario May 1998 Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliograpti'i SeMces services bibliogrâhiques The author has wteda non- L'auteur a accordé une Licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distn'birte or sell reproduire, prêter, distri'buer ou copies of this thesis m microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche//nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format é1ectronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur comme la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent êeimprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. UNRULY ALLIANCES: GENDER AND THE DISCOURSE OF NATIONALISM IN SOUTH ASIAN WOMEN WR1TERS8 PARTITION NARRATIVFS by Alison Ji11 ~idur a dissenalion submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of York University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of OOCTOil OF PHILOSOPHY Permission has been granted to the LISRARY OF YORK UNIVERSITY to lend or seIl copies of this dissertation. to the NATIONAL LISRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this dissertation and to lend or sel1 coptes of the film. and to UN1VERSITY MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this dissertation. The author reserves other publtcation rights. and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's written permission. Abstract The partition of India in 1947 marked the birth of two modern nation-states and the end of British colonialism in South Asia. The move towards the 'two nation solution,' however, was accompanied by an unprecedented occurrence of mass migration to and from areas that would become India and Pakistan. Diverse representations of the violence that accornpanied this migration (often referred to as a holocaust) can be found in historical, autobiographical, critical and fictional accounts of the events of partition. Despite the availability of competing figurations of the events, a dominant, ' universalist, ' (and consequently, elite, patriarchal and nationalist) history and interpretation of them has been canonized. This canonical viewpoint represents the violent events that accompanied partition as a 'natural,' primitive and spontaneous outburst of fanatical, uneducated, irrational, religious and backward groups who were unable to appreciate the benefits of modernism and nationalism. Literature that supports this reading of events, such as Khushwant Singh's Train to Pakistan, Bhisham Sahnils Tamas, and Chaman Nahal's Azadi, has been celebrated in the popular and scholarly imagination. My dissertation explores how counter-discourses implicated in the works of Attia Hosain, Bapsi Sidhwa. and Jyotimoyee Devi, as well as other cultural texts, problematize hegemonic conservative- nationalisms in South Asia that silence heterogeneous views of the nation and, in particular, erase the experience and agency of wornen during the events of India's partition. These texts offer representations of women's experiences who negotiate their multiple identities in order to survive the events of partition, and point to the differential 'rights' that pertain to the gendered citizen-subject as well as contradictions in state and community nationalist imaginings. By interrupting the 'realistf ideology of these representations of experience, my project challenges the silence that surrounds the history of the private sphere during partition and discloses the unruly alliance between women's identities as citizen-subjects and members of their local cornrnunities. Acknowledgnients 1 am grateful to friends, family, colleagues and teachers who have supported me while I worked on this project. The intellectual dialogue, friendship, and political activism of students 1 have met during my doctoral studies have produced a revolution in my thinking about the world. 1 am especially thankful for the comradeship of Stephen Ahern, Peter Babiak, Stephen Barber, Katherine Binhammer, Chloe Burke, Patrick Carroll, Charis Cussins, Craig Gordon, Teresa Heffernan, Stacey Johnson, Angela Lintz, Sian McKenna, Radhika Mongia, and Anne-Marie Renzoni. My graduate years at York have also been enriched by my contact with Judy Barton, Ritu Birla, Lisette Boiley, Jackie Buxton, Linda Dirkson, Lauren Gillingham, Allyson Hadwin, Jennifer Henderson, Clara Joseph, Mwikali Kieti, Philip Kiff, Rita Kotari, Matias Millet, Minakshi Mishra, Janice Pearson, Shelly Reuter, Neeta Singh, and Linda Wallace. 1 have benefited from the mentorship of Dick Ewen, Meenakshi Mukher j ee, Kathleen Martingdale, Barbara Godard, Loraine Code, Richard Hillman, Ian Balfour and Maurice Elliott. This project was partially funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute. 1 owe much to Arun Mukherjee's supervisory and professional support. Her guidance has made it possible for me to pursue the study of South Asian womenfs writing and challenged me to interrogate the ideological assumptions underpinning literary and postcolonial studies. Terry Goldiefs careful reading of my work has encouraged me to refine and clarify my ideas, trust in my ability as a scholar and value of my contribution to the field. Marie- Christine Lepsf thoughtful comments and enthusiasm for my project helped me focus my writing, reassured me and gave me the confidence to keep going. 1 am indebted to my family but especially my parents, Beverly and Leonard Didur, for instilling me with a sense of adventure, perseverance and thoughtfulness about the world. 1 am especially appreciative of my motherfs patient encouragement when 1 would talk to her about my frustration with my work and fears about never finishing the degree. Finally, I want to thank Bart Simon for teaching me how to be a better paddler and vampire, and for being a source of friendship, love, and intellectual companionship over the past seven years. vii Table of Contents Acknowledgments. ....................vi Introduction. ..................... -1 Chapter One 'Making Men for the India of Tomorrowr? Gender and Nationalist Discourse in South Asia. ....-27 Chapter Two Fragments of Imagination: Re-thinking the Literary in Historiography through Narratives of Indiars Partition. .......................75 Chapter Three National Excesses: Gender, Romance and the Private Realm in Attia Hosain's Sunlight on a Broken Column . 123 Chapter Four Cracking the Nation: Gender, Minorities and Agency in Bapsi Sidhwa' s Cracking India. ...........172 Chapter Five Gender, Citizenship and Community/State Conflicts in Jyotirmoyee Devi's The River Churning. .......230 Conclusion Recovering the Nation?. ................270 Appendix A. ......................305 Works Cited List. ................... 323 viii Introduction "It was only after the riots started that people began to recognize that Independence had corne, Partition had occurred, India and Pakistan had been established", said Rashiduddin Khan, a Muslirn whose family had owned a shop in the plush market of Connaught Place in 1947. "To tell you the truth, it was only in the bloodshed of partition that ordinary people saw the shape of independence." The two faces of the Partition and Independence of India in 1947 are not in fact, 1 want to suggest, two separate faces at alb-for the two condition each other, constitute each other, at every step. (Pandey, "Partition" 2262) The end of British colonialism in 1947 marked the birth of two modern nation-states and the partition of the sub-continent.' Conservative Indian historians have represented the partition as a sudden and unfortunate turn of events engineered by Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the Muslim League in the final days leading up to independence. In these accounts, Jinnah is often represented as a self- serving, egotistical and power hungry individual who wanted Pakistan at al1 costs. In G.D. Khosla's Stern Reckoning: A Survey of the Events Leading Up To and Following the Partition of India, for exarnple, the Muslim League is portrayed as entirely uncooperative in negotiations that preceded independence. Khosla accuses the Muslim League, which Jinnah eventually led, of creating barriers to negotiating a national settlement on the basis of unnecessary concerns about minority rights in what would become postcolonial India. In the pivota1 1945-6 Constituent Assembly elections that determined the players in negotiations with the British over the terms of their withdrawal from India and the establishment of the nation- state, Khosla describes the Muslim Leaguers election campaign as "not a political fight but a fight in which the sole attempt . was to arouse communal passions and work up the religious frenzy of the ignorant and superstitious masses" (30). Jinnah is characterized as a ruthless, power-hungry man with "no desire or intention to corne to terms with the Congress" (29). Khosla comments: "He [Jinnah] maintained an arrogant and unbending attitude towards al1
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