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Dialogue Democratic Dialogue Report 12 August 1999 Independent intervention Monitoring the police, parades and public order Dominic Bryan Neil Jarman democratic dialogue Democratic Dialogue Report 12 August 1999 Democratic Dialogue 53 University Street Belfast BT7 1FY Tel: 028-90220050 Fax: 028-90220051 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: www.dem-dial.demon.co.uk Community Development Centre, North Belfast 22 Cliftonville Road Belfast BT14 6JX Tel: 028-90284400 Fax: 028-90284401 E-mail: [email protected] Democratic Dialogue/CDC 1999 ISBN 1 900281 11 2 Printed by Regency Press 2 DD/CDC Contents Preface 5 1. Introduction 6 Parade disputes Civil intervention 2. What is a monitor? 9 Observing and monitoring The role of monitors The validity of observations 3. International approaches to monitoring 18 International monitoring of elections Domestic monitoring groups England: Sheffield Policewatch USA: National Lawyers Guild South Africa: monitoring of demonstrations Summary DD/CDC 3 4. Monitoring in Northern Ireland 32 Monitoring during the ‘troubles’ 5. Monitoring human rights 35 Human rights and parade disputes Solidarity monitors Summary 6. Monitoring public order 45 Mediators Community-based activity Summary 7. Stewarding public events 55 Purpose and responsibilities The role of stewards Some case studies Stewarding in Northern Ireland Apprentice Boys of Derry: Steward Training Project 8. Future monitoring 65 Developing monitoring Recommendations Groups involved in monitoring 71 References 72 4 DD/CDC Preface his is the 12th report from Democratic Dia- This latest report looks at the role that mem- logue and is a co-production with the Commu- bers of civil society have played, and continue to T nity Development Centre, North Belfast. This play, at the numerous disputes over contentious is also the seventh in a series of reports on the parade routes and focuses on the work of human- parades disputes and public-order issues written rights groups, community activists and stewards. by Dominic Bryan and Neil Jarman since 1995 and The report is based on observation at numerous published by DD, CDC and the Centre for the Study parades and on formal and informal interviews of Conflict at the University of Ulster in Coleraine. with people involved in monitoring and with mem- The other reports are: bers of the groups we discuss. However, the views expressed in this report are the responsibility of Political Rituals: Loyalist Parades in Portadown, the authors alone. Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1995. The authors would like to acknowledge the fi- Parade and Protest: A Discussion of Parading Dis- nancial assistance given by the Central Commu- putes in Northern Ireland, Centre for the Study of nity Relations Unit and the Parades Commission Conflict, 1996. towards the research for this report. The publica- On The Edge: Community Perspectives on the Civil tion costs have been supported by the Community Disturbances in North Belfast, June-September 1996, Relations Council. Further copies are available CDC, 1997. from Democratic Dialogue or the Community De- Politics in Public: Freedom of Assembly and the Right velopment Centre at the addresses on the inside to Protest—A Comparative Analysis, DD, 1998. front cover. From Riots to Rights: Nationalist Parades in the North of Ireland, Centre for the Study of Conflict, Anyone wishing to be kept informed of DD 1998. projects and publications should contact the office, Drawing Back from the Edge: Community Based Re- so that they can be added to the mailing list, or sponses to Violence in North Belfast, CDC, 1999. consult the web site. DD/CDC 5 1. Introduction ver the past five years disputes over the right community, as the ceasefires made it easier for new to parade have brought public-order issues political alliances to be forged. Disputes have per- O to the fore in Northern Ireland. The disputes sisted and intensified over the past four years. The have been inseparably entwined with attempts to marching orders refused attempts at dialogue or move from conflict to peace and have on occasion any suggestion of compromise over their ‘tradi- threatened to undermine the peace process and tional’ parade routes. At the same time the Royal disrupt the implementation of the Good Friday Ulster Constabulary became less willing to con- Agreement. During this period a range of groups tinue its historic role of protecting Orange parades have taken it upon themselves to intervene, to try and increasingly stopped them. to reduce the likelihood of conflict or violence, by The return route of the Orange Order parade monitoring the behaviour of one or more of the key in Portadown in early July, from Drumcree Church actors. back into the Co Armagh town along the Garvaghy Road, has come to symbolise the complexity of Paradedisputes these disputes and illustrates the difficulty of find- ing a broadly acceptable solution. In 1996, when Over the past two hundred years parades have fre- the parade was stopped by the RUC, there were quently been the focus of disputes in the north of widespread public protests, rioting and violence Ireland, but they have become particularly signifi- in loyalist areas. When the parade was eventually cant at times of political transition. Their current forced through, there was extensive violence in na- role as a site for public political confrontation be- tionalist areas. In 1997 the police again forced the gan after the paramilitary ceasefires were called parade through after violently forcing residents in 1994. Residents’ groups appeared in a number off the road. The following year saw more violent of areas to oppose Orange parades and drew protests when the Parades Commission issued a support from a cross-section of the nationalist determination stopping the Orangemen from 6 DD/CDC taking their ‘traditional route’ along the Garvaghy Isthereamonitorinthestreet? Road. Protests continued throughout the year. Many other Orange parades have been blocked or rerouted over the past four years. Some of these disputes have also ended in violence. The parade along the Garvaghy Road was once again stopped SCAN 1 by the Parades Commission in July 1999 but this year the protests have been more muted. We be- lieve that the presence of a variety of monitors— observers, community activists and stewards—has contributed to the more peaceful range of protests witnessed in the past two years. Civilintervention do not stand out from the crowd. Some monitor in A number of groups from within civil society have large groups; others work in pairs or sometimes attempted to contribute to a resolution of the pa- alone. Some are local; others have travelled from rade disputes by observing and monitoring events as far afield as the USA. In this report we try to and intervening where appropriate. Monitoring unravel the bewildering complexity of monitoring has become something of a growth industry and a groups and the diversity of their approaches, aims diverse and varied one at that. The monitoring and practices. groups express a range of aims, ideals, practices We begin by establishing the theoretical con- and aspirations. Some have focused their atten- texts and exploring approaches to monitoring tion on the role of the police and the potential for (chapter 2). We then review examples of monitor- the abuse of human rights. Some groups maintain ing in a variety of jurisdictions and circumstances a neutral, independent and impartial stance; oth- which we feel we provide useful comparative ma- ers have expressed support for one party; still oth- terial (chapter 3). We then turn to the local expe- ers utilise monitors clearly identified with one rience, discussing the background to monitoring party. Some monitors remain in the background in Northern Ireland and reviewing the main or- at the event, quietly observing the flow of action ganisations involved (chapters 5, 6 and 7). We con- and taking notes that will form the basis of a re- clude with a range of recommendations for port; others see their role as mediators and are developing good practice and extending the role of prepared to intervene to reduce the likelihood of monitors (chapter 8). trouble. Some monitors are highly visible; others While monitoring is a relatively common DD/CDC 7 practice, it is poorly theorised and documented. Many of the groups that decide, or need, to under- take monitoring, end up in some way ‘re-invent- ing the wheel’: process, method, framework and practice are usually created from scratch rather than by drawing on experience. We hope, there- fore, that this report will provide a useful starting point for generating ideas about the wider role monitors could play in Northern Ireland. 8 DD/CDC 2. What is a monitor? e all monitor the world around us: we ob- physical presence or, more commonly, through me- serve actions and events and we act on the diating, facilitating negotiation or providing a line W basis of our observations. In any social situ- of communication. ation—in our case parades, protests, and civil dis- As such we also include stewards or marshals turbances—everybody is monitoring the flow of within the wider category of monitors because, events: marchers, spectators, demonstrators, pro- although they may be part of the group organis- testers, police, the emergency services, the media, ing the event, they have a specific responsibility peace and human-rights groups, researchers, poli- to watch the behaviour of their members. They are ticians, businessmen, church officials. However, therefore expected to maintain a more distanced when we speak of ‘a monitor’ or ‘an observer’ we and detached presence, not participating fully in are indicating individuals or groups with particu- the occasion. lar roles. We are specifically interested in those people, Observingandmonitoring groups or non-governmental organisations that de- fine themselves as not directly involved in what is The diverse third-party groups use a variety of taking place—in other words as a ‘non-participant’ names to describe their work.
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