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Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
Africa Report
PROJECT ON BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa April to June 2008 Volume: 1 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Principal Investigator: Prof. Dr. Ijaz Shafi Gilani Contributors Abbas S Lamptey Snr Research Associate Reports on Sub-Saharan AFrica Abdirisak Ismail Research Assistant Reports on East Africa INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Asia April to June 2008 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Volume: 1 Department of Politics and International Relations International Islamic University Islamabad 2 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa 2008 Table of contents Reports for the month of April Week-1 April 01, 2008 05 Week-2 April 08, 2008 63 Week-3 April 15, 2008 120 Week-4 April 22, 2008 185 Week-5 April 29, 2008 247 Reports for the month of May Week-1 May 06, 2008 305 Week-2 May 12, 2008 374 Week-3 May 20, 2008 442 Country profiles Sources 3 4 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD Weekly Presentation: April 1, 2008 Sub-Saharan Africa Abbas S Lamptey Period: From March 23 to March 29 2008 1. CHINA -AFRICA RELATIONS WEST AFRICA Sierra Leone: Chinese May Evade Govt Ban On Logging: Concord Times (Freetown):28 March 2008. Liberia: Chinese Women Donate U.S. $36,000 Materials: The NEWS (Monrovia):28 March 2008. Africa: China/Africa Trade May Hit $100bn in 2010:This Day (Lagos):28 March 2008. -
The Politics of Writing 'Democratic' Narratives in Zimbabwe
Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Walter Kudzai Barure & Irikidzayi Manase Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power. Keywords: history, narratives, oppositional and dominant imaginaries, political autobiographies, Zimbabwe. Introduction This article considers how oppositional narratives answer back to patriotic narratives’ denigration of opposition and civic discourses, and their exclusion of the citizenship of minorities such as white Zimbabweans. Zimbabwe- an letters have witnessed the rise of a body of writings, produced by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other political and human rights actors, termed ‘democratic’ narratives, which contest patri- otic narratives that were constructed using a singular version of history (see Ranger who defines patriotic history as a monolithic version of history that supports the performance of power by ZANU-PF political actors). -
'Reporter Voice' and 'Objectivity'
THE ‘REPORTER VOICE’ AND ‘OBJECTIVITY’ IN CROSS- LINGUISTIC REPORTING OF ‘CONTROVERSIAL’ NEWS IN ZIMBABWEAN NEWSPAPERS. AN APPRAISAL APPROACH BY COLLEN SABAO Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University SUPERVISOR: PROF MW VISSER MARCH 2013 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ii DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: 17 September 2012 Copyright © 2013 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iii ABSTRACT The dissertation is a comparative analysis of the structural (generic/cognitive) and ideological properties of Zimbabwean news reports in English, Shona and Ndebele, focusing specifically on the examination of the proliferation of authorial attitudinal subjectivities in ‘controversial’ ‘hard news’ reports and the ‘objectivity’ ideal. The study, thus, compares the textuality of Zimbabwean printed news reports from the English newspapers (The Herald, Zimbabwe Independent and Newsday), the Shona newspaper (Kwayedza) and the Ndebele newspaper (Umthunywa) during the period from January 2010 to August 2012. The period represents an interesting epoch in the country’s political landscape. It is a period characterized by a power- sharing government, a political situation that has highly polarized the media and as such, media stances in relation to either of the two major parties to the unity government, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T). -
2GECOU Does Democracy Matter?
TheOpen University UBRARY DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE1 FOk.SNDATK)N OF AnRICULTURALG1ANtsdNi ECONOMiCS 2GECOU FUNDED BY THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH COUNCIL'S GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE PROGRAMME Does Democracy Matter? Pointers from a comparison of NGOs' influence on environmental policies in Zimbabwe and Botswana Alan Thomas June 1995 ©MK c7- M am©CDL _7CD mnrkfia 17/, GECOU is a research project based at the Open University. It consists of six researchers from five different disciplines: four from the Faculty of Social Sciences, namely Professor David Potter (Political Science), Professor Andrew Blowers (Geography), Dr Bernard Eccleston (Social Sciences), and Dr David Humphreys (Political Science); and two from the Faculty of Technology, namely Dr Susan Carr (Systems) and Alan Thomas (Development Studies). The project examines the advocacy work of environmental NGOs (non- governmental organisations) and their role in the policy processes which directly affect global environmental problems. GECOU forms part of the UK Economic and Social Research Council's Global Environmental Change Programme. For more information contact: Dr David Humphreys, Research. Fellow, Faculty of Social Sciences, Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes MK7 6AA. Tel: 01908 654480 Fax: 01908 654488 E.Mail: [email protected] Previous GECOU Working Papers Annie Taylor, "Setting Environmental Agendas: NGOs, Democracy and Global Politics, A Framework and Methodology for the Research", GECOU Working Paper No. 1, October 1993. David Potter, "Democracy and the Environment in Asia", GECOU Working Paper No. 2, January 1994. David Potter, "NGOs and Forest Management in Karnataka", GECOU Working Paper No. 3, January 1995. DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE The Development Policy and Practice Research Group was set up in the Open University towards the end of 1984 to promote research on development issues. -
Human Rights Abuses and Flawed Electoral Conditions WATCH in Zimbabwe’S Coming General Elections March 2008 Volume 20, No
Zimbabwe HUMAN All Over Again RIGHTS Human Rights Abuses and Flawed Electoral Conditions WATCH in Zimbabwe’s Coming General Elections March 2008 Volume 20, No. 2(A) All Over Again Human Rights Abuses and Flawed Electoral Conditions in Zimbabwe’s Coming General Elections Glossary of Acronyms .............................................................................................. 1 I. Summary..............................................................................................................2 II. Methodology........................................................................................................5 III. Recommendations ............................................................................................. 6 To the Government of Zimbabwe........................................................................ 6 To Opposition Parties..........................................................................................7 To the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission ..............................................................7 To the Southern African Development Community ...............................................7 To Local and International Observers ................................................................. 8 IV. Background.........................................................................................................9 State-Sponsored Violence and Intimidation against Opposition Members and Human Rights Defenders in 2007 ......................................................................10 -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself. -
Punishing Dissent, Silencing Citizens: the Zimbabwe Elections 2008
Punishing Dissent, Silencing Citizens: The Zimbabwe Elections 2008 Photo 1: In a brave act of defiance, posters of Morgan Tsvangirai hang on the wall of a hut burnt by ZANU PF supporters in Shamva, April 2008 Solidarity Peace Trust 21 May 2008 Johannesburg 1 I wouldn’t describe that as a crisis. It’s a normal electoral process in Zimbabwe. [Pres Thabo Mbeki] 1 Everyone agreed that things are not normal, except Mbeki. Maybe Mbeki is so deeply involved that he firmly believes things are going right. But now he understands that the rest of SADC feels this is a matter of urgency and we are risking lives and limbs being lost. He got that message clearly. [Botswana Foreign Minister Phandu Skelemani] 2 The current pattern of organized torture and violence being perpetrated by state agents in the rural areas of Zimbabwe is similar to that documented prior to the 2002 elections. However, the current violence is dramatically more intensive and unrestrained. The level of brutality and callousness exhibited by the perpetrators is unprecedented and the vicious and cowardly attacks by so called war veterans on women, children and the elderly shames the memory of all true heroes of the liberation struggle. [ZADHR, 8 May 2008] 1 Paddy Harper and Mpupela Mkhabela, “ Crisis?What Crisis?” Sunday Times, 13/05/08. 2 Mandy Rossouw and Jason Moyo, “Botswana raps ‘no crisis’ Mbeki.” Mail and Guardian, 18-24 April 2008. 2 Contents Contents ___________________________________________________________________________ 3 Index of Tables______________________________________________________________________ 4 Abbreviations_______________________________________________________________________ 5 Introduction ________________________________________________________________________ 6 1. Executive Summary___________________________________________________________________ 6 2. Recommendations ____________________________________________________________________ 8 The SADC Facilitation and the 2008 Election _____________________________________________ 8 1. -
Over Again Human Rights Abuses and Flawed Electoral Conditions in Zimbabwe’S Coming General Elections
March 2008 Volume 20, No. 2(A) All Over Again Human Rights Abuses and Flawed Electoral Conditions in Zimbabwe’s Coming General Elections Glossary of Acronyms .............................................................................................. 1 I. Summary..............................................................................................................2 II. Methodology........................................................................................................5 III. Recommendations ............................................................................................. 6 To the Government of Zimbabwe........................................................................ 6 To Opposition Parties..........................................................................................7 To the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission ..............................................................7 To the Southern African Development Community ...............................................7 To Local and International Observers ................................................................. 8 IV. Background.........................................................................................................9 State-Sponsored Violence and Intimidation against Opposition Members and Human Rights Defenders in 2007 ......................................................................10 Failure of SADC Mediation Talks........................................................................ 11 V. Electoral Institutions -
Zimbabwe Review, Vol. 25, No. 6
Zimbabwe Review, Vol. 25, No. 6 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzr19942506 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe Review, Vol. 25, No. 6 Alternative title Zimbabwe ReviewZimbabwe Review: official organ of the Zimbabwe African Peoples' Union (ZAPU) Author/Creator Publicity and Information Bureau of the Zimbabwe African People's Union Publisher Publicity and Information Bureau of the Zimbabwe African People's Union Date 1994-11-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1994 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. -
Zimbabwe: a Strategy of Tension
UNHCR Centre for Documentation and Research WRITENET Paper No. 04/2000 ZIMBABWE: A STRATEGY OF TENSION By Richard Carver Independent Researcher Oxford, United Kingdom July 2000 WriteNet is a Network of Researchers and Writers on Human Rights, Forced Migration, Ethnic and Political Conflict WriteNet is a Subsidiary of Practical Management (UK) E-mail: [email protected] THIS PAPER WAS PREPARED MAINLY ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THE PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT PURPORT TO BE, EITHER EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THE PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND ARE NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF WRITENET OR UNHCR. ISSN TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ..............................................................................................................................1 2. ORIGINS OF THE PRESENT CRISIS............................................................................................1 2.1 THE MATABELELAND CRISIS...........................................................................................................1 2.2 ECONOMIC CRISIS ...........................................................................................................................3 2.3 LAND ..............................................................................................................................................4 2.4 CONCENTRATION OF POLITICAL -
Youth Violence in Bindura Urban, Zimbabwe
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 2 No. 6; June 2012 Political Intolerance, Diversity and Democracy: Youth Violence in Bindura Urban, Zimbabwe Obediah Dodo Lecturer Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) P. Bag 1020 Bindura, Zimbabwe & Collen Musorowegomo Peace and Governance Masters‟ Student at BUSE Abstract Following political violence that was witnessed in Bindura constituency urban area during election periods between 1999 and 2011, a research was conducted to assess and evaluate the level of youth participation in the violence. The research, guided by the Culture of Violence theory by Wolfgang and Ferracuti and the Youth Bulge theory by Gunnar Heinsohn, sampled 243 respondents from various stakeholders. The research was conducted between August 2011 and January 2012. After a critical analysis and evaluation of all the information, the research did establish that indeed, the youth played some role in all the violence over the period. The research also noted that to some extent, youth participation was due to idleness, poverty and adult influence. (117) Key words: Youth, Democracy, Violence, Tolerance, Diversity. Introduction Zimbabwe attained its independence through a protracted liberation struggle that claimed thousands of lives. Ever since the independence in 1980, the country has had timely elections that have however been characterised by violence and bloodshed. In all these cases of violence and bloodshed, on the front line were the youth who have been described as vanguards of their political parties. It is therefore the intention of this paper to critically evaluate the role that these youth have played in Zimbabwe‟s violence with particular focus on the Bindura urban constituency between 1999 and 2011.