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Allá Y Acá: Locating Puerto Ricans in the Diaspora(S) Diálogo Volume 5 Number 1 Article 4 2001 Allá y Acá: Locating Puerto Ricans in the Diaspora(s) Miriam Jiménez Román Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/dialogo Part of the Latin American Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Jiménez Román, Miriam (2001) "Allá y Acá: Locating Puerto Ricans in the Diaspora(s)," Diálogo: Vol. 5 : No. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/dialogo/vol5/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for Latino Research at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in Diálogo by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact digitalservices@depaul.edu. Allá y Acá: Locating Puerto Ricans in the Diaspora(s) Cover Page Footnote This article is from an earlier iteration of Diálogo which had the subtitle "A Bilingual Journal." The publication is now titled "Diálogo: An Interdisciplinary Studies Journal." This article is available in Diálogo: https://via.library.depaul.edu/dialogo/vol5/iss1/4 IN THE DIASPORA(S) Acá:AlláLocatingPuertoRicansy ©Miriam ©Miriam Jiménez Román Yo soy Nuyorican.1 Puerto Rico there was rarely a reference Rico, I was assured that "aquí eso no es Así es—vengo de allá. to los de afuera that wasn't, on some un problema" and counseled as to the Soy producto de la migración level, derogatory, so that even danger of imposing "las cosas de allá, puertorriqueña, miembro de la otra compliments ("Hay, pero tu no pareces acá." Little wonder, then, that twenty- mitad de la nación. Lo digo con ser de allá") only reinforced this sense five years after Isabelo Zenón Cruz of undesirable otherness. The image of orgullo, concierte de que para published his biting exposé on racism in Nuyoricans as immoral, violent, dirty, Puerto Rico2, there is still no official muchos es una condición lazy, welfare-dependent, drug-addicted acknowledgment of its existence on the desgraciada. Para muchos no hay felons was not restricted to the United island; newspapers, magazines and the que hablar de “diáspora” de ningun States; to this day, both countries broadcast media continue to ask if tipo—y mucho menos de sus produce media images that depict state­ racism exists, rather than affirming that side Puerto Ricans as overwhelmingly it does, a tactic followed by the island's implicaciones. engaged in some type of objectionable Civil Rights Commission in its recently behavior. Even by the most sympathetic published booklet, "Somos racistas?"3 Puerto Ricans and so-called Nuyoricans of accounts, it's assumed that living in Nor is it surprising that Black Puerto will understand the import of this the entrañas del monstro ruins Puerto Rican women, so long ignored as seemingly simple statement of otherness. Ricans, robs them of language and women and as Blacks, have found Many will reject it as an inappropriate culture and leaves them susceptible to themselves compelled to establish their identifier, viewing it as an admission of destructive influencias ajenas. own organization, la Unión de Mujeres lesser status, of authenticity, of illegitimacy Puertorriqueñas Negras, as a vehicle for and even, perhaps, a s an act of betrayal. Certainly among the most disturbing of fighting the silence, invisibility and To proudly claim membership in that those influences for the island Puerto racism that marks their participation en community of Puerto Ricans whose Ricans has been the Nuyorican apparent la gran familia puertorriqueña. formative years have been lived in the obsession with race and racism and, United States—and worse yet, in the most particularly, their identification This reluctance to engage racism as very pit of the imperialist monster's with African-Americans. This rejection anything other than an imported belly—is still a rarity in the island, of Nuyoricans and their ideas about "Gringo" problem is consistent with the where an atmosphere of discomfort race cannot simply be attributed to an exceptionalist posture typical throughout pervades the very subject of the affirmation of Puerto Rican nationalism Latin America, where the myth of racial diaspora. To be de allá would seem to as against the colonizing metropole democracy has continued to dominate represent only failure: beyond the because some ideas de allá have clearly national discourse despite well- island's inability to provide a viable met with higher degrees of receptivity documented evidence to the contrary. homeland for more than half of its on the island. For example, in the late Puerto Rico, identifying as culturally people is the equally painful reality that 1960s and early 1970s, the Black Power "Hispanic," has looked to an increasingly the majority of the diaspora community and feminist movements were both Europeanized Spain4 and to other lives in poverty, stigmatized as a racialized viewed with skepticism—if not outright Spanish-speaking countries, ignoring minority and expressing perspectives rejection—by most of the island's the neighboring Caribbean islands full wrought from that experience. The intellectual and political elite as "alien" of "negros de verdad," and instead struggles and achievements of Puerto notions, potentially divisive intrusions focusing on a Hispanoamérica ostensibly Ricans in the United States make up a into Puerto Rican national life. Within a full of mestizos, indios and blancos— still largely unknown history; what decade, however, and despite continued and just as reluctant to acknowledge its prevails is a distorted notion of the hostility from some sectors, the island strong African roots. Puerto Rico as a consequences of those experiences, boasted a number of feminist "Latin" country exempts itself from shrouded in the language of pathology organizations, as well as the official racism even as it distances itself from its and the belief that those experiences endorsement of the Commonwealth Blackness, identifying "real" Blackness have been overwhelmingly negative and, government. At the Comisión Para los as somehow inconsistent with Hispanic by implication, possibly anti-Puerto Rican. Asuntos de la Mujer, for example, history and culture. This view has found programs and literature developed in support in a long trail of academic and One of the very first lessons I learned the United States barely underwent any lay publications that insist on the when I followed my parents' dream and alteration in their transit(ion) to Puerto relative racial harmony among Puerto took the guagua aérea back to the land Rico, most merely translated into Ricans, born of the mestizaje that of my birth was that to be de allá was Spanish. Not only were these "foreign characterizes its people. akin to suffering from a social disability, ideas" acceptable but so too was the a condition that los de acá believed I format—neither message (middle-class In this scenario, Puerto Ricans, defined had best overcome por el bien de la feminism) nor messenger (in the main, as neither Black nor white, arrive in the nación, if not my own accommodation. white women) met with the easy United States devoid of racial prejudice That was in the 1970s, when Puerto Rico dismissal affected against Nuyoricans only to be accosted by it in their new was being invaded by a seeming horde who talked about race and racism. Nor home. Puerto Ricans are presumably of return migrants, and the children of were those Puerto Ricans de acá who taught racism allá and forced to choose the diaspora were beginning to be espoused the new ideas about women's between Black or white identity, to the perceived as a problem, one that taxed place in society any more receptive to detriment of their "true" cultural selves.5 the island's already scarce resources and the new ideas about race than was the This perspective, prevalent in the presented perspectives that seemed general population. Thus, in a meeting scholarship produced since the 1930s, is antithetical to long-cherished ideas with the then director of the Comisión, also expressed in the more recent about Puerto Rican identity. Throughout during which I described my own literary writings of Puerto Ricans such as my many years living and working in research on race and racism in Puerto Judith Ortiz Cofer who claims that she "was born a white girl in Puerto Rico those influences. It extends far beyond these millions of Africans and their but became a brown girl" in the United the short lived trendiness of the descendants to the making of Nuestra States. Years earlier, in the auto­ African-inspired dress and hairdos or América cannot be exaggerated. Nor biographical novel Down These Mean the continuing fascination with the should we relegate the African Streets, the dark-skinned Piri Thomas musical innovations that we know as presence to a distant past—in myriad anguishes over being "caught up "salsa"and its "cocolo" aficionados, or forms Africa infuses almost every between two sticks."7 Yet, it would be even the growing intellectual interest in cultural space of this hemisphere, more accurate to say that Thomas and identifying the African influences—or, whether directly or indirectly, whether the others are actually stuck between at another level, foundations—of acknowledged or ignored. the myth of racial democracy with its Puerto Rican culture. Less obvious, or at implicit preference for mestizaje, and least less commented upon, is the effect the reality of African descent and on the educational life of Puerto Rico, racism. The choice, if choice there were, where the astounding growth of post­ is not between Black and white but secondary educational institutions on Africa lives on in Mexico’s between the myth of race-free color the island can be directly attributed to blindness and the reality of white programs implemented under federally- Costa Chica where we supremacy—tanto acá como allá.
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