The Ukrainian Weekly, 2015
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Constitution of Ukraine
Constitution of Ukraine Preamble The Verkhovna Rada (the Parliament) of Ukraine on behalf of the Ukrainian people - Ukrainian citizens of all nationalities, expressing the sovereign will of the people, relying on the centuries-old history of Ukrainian state-building and upon the right to self- determination realised by the Ukrainian nation, all the Ukrainian people, aspiring to ensure human rights and freedoms, and life conditions worthy of human dignity, supporting the strengthening of civil harmony on the Ukrainian soil, striving to develop and strengthen a democratic, social, law-based state, realizing the responsibility in the eyes of God, before our own conscience, past, present and future generations, guided by the Act of Declaration of the Independence of Ukraine of 24 August 1991, approved by the national vote on 1 December 1991, adopts this Constitution as the Fundamental Law of Ukraine. Title I General Principles Article 1. Ukraine shall be a sovereign and independent, democratic, social, law-based state. Article 2. The sovereignty of Ukraine shall extend throughout its entire territory. Ukraine shall be a unitary state. The territory of Ukraine within its present borders shall be indivisible and inviolable. Article 3. An individual, his life and health, honour and dignity, inviolability and security shall be recognised in Ukraine as the highest social value. Human rights and freedoms, and guarantees thereof shall determine the essence and course of activities of the State. The State shall be responsible to the individual for its activities. Affirming and ensuring human rights and freedoms shall be the main duty of the State. Article 4. There shall be a single form of citizenship in Ukraine. -
Russia's Hybrid Warfare
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No. 105 – November 2014 Russia’s Hybrid Warfare Waging War below the Radar of Traditional Collective Defence by H. Reisinger and A. Golts1 “You can’t modernize a large country with a small war” Karl Schlögel The Research Division (RD) of the NATO De- fense College provides NATO’s senior leaders with “Ukraine is not even a state!” Putin reportedly advised former US President sound and timely analyses and recommendations on current issues of particular concern for the Al- George W. Bush during the 2008 NATO Summit in Bucharest. In 2014 this liance. Papers produced by the Research Division perception became reality. Russian behaviour during the current Ukraine convey NATO’s positions to the wider audience of the international strategic community and con- crisis was based on the traditional Russian idea of a “sphere of influence” and tribute to strengthening the Transatlantic Link. a special responsibility or, stated more bluntly, the “right to interfere” with The RD’s civil and military researchers come from countries in its “near abroad”. This perspective is also implied by the equally a variety of disciplines and interests covering a 2 broad spectrum of security-related issues. They misleading term “post-Soviet space.” The successor states of the Soviet conduct research on topics which are of interest to Union are sovereign countries that have developed differently and therefore the political and military decision-making bodies of the Alliance and its member states. no longer have much in common. Some of them are members of the European Union and NATO, while others are desperately trying to achieve The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the this goal. -
Riding the Anti-Corruption Tide
#7 (113) July 2017 What kind of land reform Will Ukraine lose the transit Updates on Ukraine’s captives will boost the economy of Russian gas in Russia and Crimea RIDING THE ANTI-CORRUPTION TIDE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 So many suspects, so little evidence: 4 The very costly secret: Ukrainian prisoners The pitfalls of Yanukovych’s in Russia and Crimea $1.5bn case 34 Ihor Luniov: “Our enemies no longer sleep tight” Commander POLITICS of Ukraine’s new Special Operations 7 Farmers vs agriholdings: Forces on progress, plans What kind of land market 36 Martin Brest: “Victory is not possible Ukraine needs until the people start to truly love 10 The Holy Grail: Who wants a change their military“ of Ukraine’s Constitution, and why Veteran and blogger on problems 12 Pre-Constitutional changes: and spirit in the Army, veteran What preceded the 1996 Constitution activism and life after war FOCUS NEIGHBOURS 16 A new kind of sport: 38 The crossroads of the new Silk Road: Why the trend of fighting government Kazakhstan is open for business corruption yields no visible results but only half-ready for it 18 Numerical anti-corruption: 40 Michael Binyon on the UK’s sense Scores in international rankings and of loss as Brexit talks start reports by domestic law enforcers 42 Gerardo Ángel Bugallo Ottone: “The image and ideas we project and ECONOMICS discuss today are not dissimilar 20 No transit, no cry: Dealing to the ones discussed during WWII” with the termination -
Urgent Action
UA: 297/14 Index: EUR 50/045/2014 Ukraine Date: 24 November 2014 URGENT ACTION ESTABLISH WHEREABOUTS OF DISAPPEARED MAN Aleksandr Minchenok, a 31-year-old civilian man from Lisichansk, disappeared on 21 July after being “arrested” by pro-Kyiv forces while travelling with his grandmother in eastern Ukraine. His parents, who have not heard from him since July, fear for his life. On the morning of 21 July Aleksandr Minchenok was traveling in his car with his grandmother Maria Naumova from Lisichansk, a town in Luhansk Region, to Kharkiv. He called his parents to tell them that they had passed the checkpoints controlled by pro-Russian separatist near Severodonetsk. After about 30 minutes, an unknown person who did not identify himself called Aleksandr Minchenok’s parents and told them that their son had been arrested and was being taken to the Prosecutor’s office. After this phone call, neither Aleksandr Minchenok nor the unknown caller could be reached again. Ekaterina Naumova and Yuriy Naumov, Aleksandr Minchenok’s parents, rushed to their son’s last known location and found people who told them that their son had been apprehended by the territorial defence battalion Aidar, one of over thirty so-called volunteer battalions to have emerged as part of the pro-Kyiv forces in the wake of the conflict. Members of the pro-Kyiv forces present at the site told the parents that Aleksandr Minchenok had already been released near Starobelsk, a town a short distance from Luhansk. Aleksandr Minchenok’s grandmother said that they had been stopped by men in military uniforms, but she could not remember what insignia they had. -
Civic Sector of Euromaidan Grassroots Movement
CIVIC SECTOR OF EUROMAIDAN GRASSROOTS MOVEMENT 2015 EuroMaidan Newsletter # 84 13 - Ukraine says 'record number' of Russian troops on border Why is the conflict in east Ukraine more important than the Greek debt crisis? Ukraine says 'record number' of Russian troops on http://goo.gl/jPhCmv ; live updates July 7 July 7 . border. 50,000 Russian troops and over 30,000 militants http://goo.gl/AohYoP 4 massed on Ukraine border. http://goo.gl/NOMJ3C 8 More than a year later, Euromaidan activists still # Why is the conflict in east Ukraine more important than demand justice for victims. http://goo.gl/CfLCHo R the Greek debt crisis? 'Ukraine far more strategically important to Europe' http://goo.gl/qFZVUu Will Ukraine Change the Law on Local Elections? An Update on Legislative Initiatives and Debates. The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly has approved a http://goo.gl/eAFUBP resolution condemning Russia’s “unilateral and unjustified assault on Ukraine’s sovereignty and Ukraine's former education minister Tabachnyk added to territorial integrity.” http://goo.gl/jfqNJa; country's wanted list. http://goo.gl/MBJqzF http://goo.gl/ui6CU6 Gradual russification continues in Ukraine. The On July 13, President Petro Poroshenko called an Ukrainian language strengthened only in certain areas NEWSLETTE extraordinary session of the National Security Council in according to NGO “Prostir Svobody” analysis. an effort to end a confrontation between fighters from http://goo.gl/r1aecX the radical nationalist group Right Sector and police SBU detains moderator of 500 anti-Ukrainian groups on following a deadly shootout in the western city of social networks. -
Ukraine in Its Modern History, Has Experienced Two Historical Moments of Global Compromise
The 1996 Constitution of Ukraine: A reflection of the values of the political elite. Ukraine in its modern history, has experienced two historical moments of global compromise. The first was the Declaration of Independence, when most Communists voted for the national ideals that we promoted, and the second was the adoption of the Constitution Ukrainian Parliamentary deputy (Interview #8) To Tato & Moko without whom my time in Cambridge would not have been The Illusion is not shattered Like a child it has grown. In a maturing reality, It became unrecognizable But it remains good. Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................ 1 Theoretical Framework ...................................................................................... 3 Values 4 Political Culture 6 Plan of the Dissertation 8 Methods ............................................................................................................... 9 The Interview Sample 10 Overall Approach 13 Coding 14 A Note on Presentation 15 Historical Overview of the Constitutional Drafting Process ........................... 17 Early Drafts 17 The 1994 Elections 18 The June 1995 Constitutional Agreement 21 The Syrota Committee 21 Final Stages 24 Nationality ........................................................................................................ 28 Clash of Symbols and Myths 28 Language 35 Citizenship and Nationality 38 An Imperfectly Unified Elite 42 Political Culture and Institutional -
Full Study (In English)
The Long Shadow of Donbas Reintegrating Veterans and Fostering Social Cohesion in Ukraine By JULIA FRIEDRICH and THERESA LÜTKEFEND Almost 400,000 veterans who fought on the Ukrainian side in Donbas have since STUDY returned to communities all over the country. They are one of the most visible May 2021 representations of the societal changes in Ukraine following the violent conflict in the east of the country. Ukrainian society faces the challenge of making room for these former soldiers and their experiences. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should recognize veterans as an important political stakeholder group. Even though Ukraine is simultaneously struggling with internal reforms and Russian destabilization efforts, political actors in Ukraine need to step up their efforts to formulate and implement a coherent policy on veteran reintegration. The societal stakes are too high to leave the issue unaddressed. gppi.net This study was funded by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Ukraine. The views expressed therein are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. The authors would like to thank several experts and colleagues who shaped this project and supported us along the way. We are indebted to Kateryna Malofieieva for her invaluable expertise, Ukraine-language research and support during the interviews. The team from Razumkov Centre conducted the focus group interviews that added tremendous value to our work. Further, we would like to thank Tobias Schneider for his guidance and support throughout the process. This project would not exist without him. Mathieu Boulègue, Cristina Gherasimov, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, and Katharine Quinn-Judge took the time to provide their unique insights and offered helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. -
Unravelling the Ukrainian Revolution: “Dignity,” “Fairness,” “Heterarchy,” and the Challenge to Modernity
Unravelling the Ukrainian Revolution: “Dignity,” “Fairness,” “Heterarchy,” and the Challenge to Modernity Mychailo Wynnyckyj National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, Department of Sociology Abstract Ukraine’s “Revolution of Dignity,” spanning both the 2013-2014 protests in Kyiv’s city center and the mass mobilization of grass-roots resistance against Russian aggression in 2014-2015 and thereafter, manifest new interpretations of ideas and philosophical concepts. In the first part of the article we unravel the meaning of the Ukrainian word hidnist (roughly translated as “dignity”)— a moniker of the revolution whose significance remains underestimated. In the second part we situate Ukraine’s revolution within a broader context of “modernity” and suggest its individualist foundation may be replaced by a form of “personalism”— an ethic that echoes that of Ukraine’s revolutionaries. In the third part of the article, we delve into the substance of the revolution’s agenda: its protagonists’ promise to build a non-hierarchical community of “fairness” (spravedlyvist). In the fourth and final section, the main argument of the article is summarized, namely: that the shift from individualism to personalism in social interaction and the transition from hierarchy to heterarchy in power relations, particularly with respect to institutionalizing “fairness,” embodied in the various structures and organizations formed during Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, may have been reflective of more comprehensive trends in ideational change affecting European (Western) civilization. KeyWords: Ukraine, Revolution, Euromaidan, personalism, dignity, heterarchy. In late 2013 and early 2014, over multiple weeks in sub-zero temperatures, hundreds of thousands of protesters in Kyiv (and in other cities across Ukraine), displayed amazing levels of civic activism, self-organization, and spontaneous cooperation while demonstrating their individual and collective displeasure with their rulers. -
Donbas, Ukraine: Organizations and Activities
Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance Civil Society in Donbas, Ukraine: Organizations and Activities Volodymyr Lukichov Tymofiy Nikitiuk Liudmyla Kravchenko Luhansk oblast DONBAS DONBAS Stanytsia Donetsk Luhanska Zolote oblast Mayorske Luhansk Donetsk Maryinka Novotroitske RUSSIA Hnutove Mariupol Sea of Azov About DCAF DCAF - Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance is dedicated to improving the se- curity of people and the States they live in within a framework of democratic governance, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. DCAF contributes to making peace and de- velopment more sustainable by assisting partner states and international actors supporting them to improve the governance of their security sector through inclusive and participatory reforms. It creates innovative knowledge products, promotes norms and good practices, provides legal and policy advice and supports capacity building of both state- and non-state security sector stakeholders. Active in over 70 countries, DCAF is internationally recognized as one of the world’s leading centres of excellence for security sector governance (SSG) and security sector reform (SSR). DCAF is guided by the principles of neutrality, impartiality, local ownership, inclusive participation, and gender equality. www.dcaf.ch. Publisher DCAF - Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance P.O.Box 1360 CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland [email protected] +41 (0) 22 730 9400 Authors: Volodymyr Lukichov, Tymofiy Nikitiuk, Liudmyla Kravchenko Copy-editor: dr Grazvydas Jasutis, Richard Steyne -
The Peninsula of Fear: Chronicle of Occupation and Violation of Human Rights in Crimea
THE PENINSULA OF FEAR: CHRONICLE OF OCCUPATION AND VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CRIMEA Kyiv 2016 УДК 341.223.1+342.7.03](477.75)’’2014/2016’’=111 ББК 67.9(4Укр-6Крм)412 Composite authors: Sergiy Zayets (Regional Center for Human Rights), Olexandra Matviychuk (Center for Civil Liberties), Tetiana Pechonchyk (Human Rights Information Center), Darya Svyrydova (Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union), Olga Skrypnyk (Crimean Human Rights Group). The publication contains photographs from public sources, o7 cial websites of the state authorities of Ukraine, the Russian Federation and the occupation authorities, Crimean Field Mission for Human Rights, Crimean Human Rights Group, the online edition Crimea.Realities / Radio Svoboda and other media, court cases materials. ‘The Peninsula of Fear : Chronicle of Occupation and Violation of Human Rights in Crimea’ / Under the general editorship of O. Skrypnyk and T. Pechonchyk. Second edition, revised and corrected. – Kyiv: KBC, 2016. – 136 p. ISBN 978-966-2403-11-4 This publication presents a summary of factual documentation of international law violation emanating from the occupation of the autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol (Ukraine) by the Russian Federation military forces as well as of the human rights violations during February 2014 – February 2016. The publication is intended for the representatives of human rights organizations, civil activists, diplomatic missions, state authorities, as well as educational and research institutions. УДК 341.223.1+342.7.03](477.75)’’2014/2016’’=111 ББК 67.9(4Укр-6Крм)412 ISBN 978-966-2403-11-4 © S. Zayets, O. Matviychuk, T. Pechonchyk, D. Svyrydova, O. Skrypnyk, 2016 Contents Introduction. -
ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation
PC.DEL/164/15 13 February 2015 ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation STATEMENT BY MR. ANDREY KELIN, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, AT THE 1039th MEETING OF THE OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL 12 February 2015 On the situation in Ukraine and the need for urgent steps to implement the Minsk agreements Mr. Chairperson, Today the leaders of the four Normandy format countries adopted an important declaration in support of the Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements approved by the Contact Group. We trust that all the parties to the conflict will begin in good faith to implement its provisions in accordance with the deadlines set out in the document. As we continue to emphasize, the establishment of direct dialogue among the parties is a key condition for a successful settlement. We need to be guided by the realities of life, and direct contacts are essential if everyone wants to reach an agreement that establishes relations for the long term. We believe that the parties have managed to agree on many issues: a ceasefire from 00.00 hours on 15 February and the withdrawal of heavy weapons. Matters are defined more clearly with respect to a long-term political settlement, the resolution of border issues in agreement with the Donbas insurgents, humanitarian and economic issues and the release of detainees. It is also important to develop a set of measures for verifying and monitoring compliance by both parties with the decisions adopted. It is necessary to work intensively within the Contact Group so that it can achieve practical results. -
Learning from Ukraine
THE UKRAINIAN JOURNAL The enemy is fi ghting like a coward, vilely, pretending he has nothing to do with it. No one believes him now but that doesn’t stop him. Oleg Sentsov PHOTO: MAKS LEVIN PHOTO: Learning from Ukraine Dear Reader, PHOTO: MAKS LEVIN The war in Donbass, Russia’s war against Ukraine that we know from television screens, is just part of the war that Russia has launched against all of us. After four years of Russian aggression, there is no point in reassuring yourself that there are no formal signs of war in our homeland. In this war, it is not tanks that play a major role. Even in Ukraine. The aggressor has long been among us. It is well-aware of our weaknesses in home and foreign policy. It engages in skilful contemporary and historical battles. It is deeply rooted in our economy, in large business, in the media and nonprofi t organizations where it fi nds loyal people who, in their own mercantile interests, are keen to serve it even better than those still active networks of Cold War agents. After the presidential elections in the United States and France, and last but not least in the Czech Republic, after the referendums in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, the West must understand that the war is already on its streets. The erosion of democracy in Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic is no longer just a signal and poses a real problem for Europe. Belarus is already occupied by Russia although the occupation is hybrid, hidden.