The Regional Distribution, Marketing and Economic Value of the Palm Wine Trade in the Ingwavuma District, Natal, South Africa

Home , Palm wine

S.Afr.J. Bot. , 1990,56(2): 191 - 198 191 The regional distribution, marketing and economic value of the palm wine trade in the Ingwavuma district, Natal, South Africa

A.S.Cunningham Botany Department, University of Cape Town, Rondebosch, 7700 Republic of South Africa Present address: Institute of Natural Resources, University of Natal, P.O. Box 375, Pietermaritzburg, 3200 Republic of South Africa

Accepted 8 November 1989

Tapping of sap from Hyphaene coriacea and Phoenix reclinata palms to make palm wine is an important subsistence activity in the Hyphaene coriacea palmveld in south-eastern Africa. Monitoring of palm wine sale points showed that nearly 980 000 litres of palm wine were sold during the 12-month period between November 1981 and October 1982. This palm wine is transported way beyond the boundary of the palmveld source area, generating R157 732 [US $145 113 (1982)] through its sale, transport and resale over a 12- month period. Although individual profits are small, this regional trade is a means of self-employment for some 460-480 people. Together with pastoralism, gathering of weaving materials and wild foods, palm tapping trade forms an important part of multiple use of this area of low agricultural potential.

Die tap van sap van Hyphaene coriacea- en Phoenix reclinata-palms om wyn te maak, is 'n belangrike bestaansaktiwiteit in die Hyphaene coriacea-palmveld in Suidoos-Afrika. Die monitor van palmwynafset produkte het getoon dat bykans 980000 liter palmwyn in die 12-maand-tydperk tussen November 1981 en Oktober 1982 verkoop is. Hierdie palmwyn word na ver buite die grense van die palmveld-gebied vervoer, en die verkoop, vervoer en herverkoop daarvan het R157 732 [USA $145 113 (1982)] gegenereer. Hoewel individuele winste klein is, verskaf hierdie streekshandel werkgeleentheid aan sowat 460-480 mense. Gepaardgaande met veeboerdery en die insameling van weefmateriaal en veldkosse, vorm die palmtap handel 'n belangrike deel van die veelvoudige gebruike van hierdie gebied met sy lae landboukundige potentsiaal.

Keywords: Carrying capacity, Hyphaene, palm wine trade, Phoenix

Introduction a large-scale monoculture would reduce biological The 156 000 ha of palmveld extending southwards from diversity and the range of future land-use options. This the Mozambique border along the Maputaland coastal study aimed at assessing the regional economic value of plain in Natal, South Africa (Moll 1972) is dominated by the palm wine tapping trade (Figure 1) and baseline data Hyphaene coriacea Gaertn palms (Cunningham 2076 on the extent of palm use in the region. NU), (syn. Hyphaene natalensis Kunze) (Gibbs Russell et al. 1985) commonly called iLala palms. Together with Methods Phoenix reclinata J acq. (Cunningham 2077 NU), this Palm wine sale and resale points were identified during palm species is the basis of the local palm wine tapping the 12 months of fieldwork in the area prior to industry. monitoring palm wine sales. Permission was obtained To conservation biologists, the Maputaland region is a from the Tembe Tribal Authority during this period to high conservation priority area with a high species do the survey. The volume of palm wine sold from sale diversity and a high proportion of endemic species points was monitored . daily for 14 months, and on a (Bruton 1980). Two proposals have been put forward for weekly basis for a further 7 months at one of the two this area of marginal agricultural potential. The first major sale points. This monitoring was facilitated proposal recommended afforestation (Loxton et ai. through the local use of four standard-sized containers of 1969; Thorrington-Smith et ai. 1978) , the second known volume in the transport of palm wine. All contai proposed that the area be maintained in a semi-natural ners were known by specific local names. Plastic 25-1 state as a communal resource area based on develop ment of locally available resources with an emphasis on containers (iziPakupaku) are now most commonly used, conservation and tourism (Tinley & van Riet 1981). rather than traditional clay containers (iziMbiza) or the When these recommendations were made, little was glass bottles (amaGunklu) (20 I) , iziMphiselo (12 I) or known about the resource value of the palm veld to the iziBhakhela (5 I) from Mozambique, which were fre Tembe-Thonga people. Taylor (1974) and Fleuret & quently used until the mid-1970's. Fleuret (1980) both stressed the need for knowledge of Field assistants also recorded the extent of local sales existing land-use values to give perspective for land-use and the destination of palm wine bought for resale. planning and to avoid the adverse impact that can result During the 12-month period (November 1981 to October from insensitively planned development schemes. Trans 1982) taken to represent annual sales volume, 100% of formation of a multiple-use area under subsistence use to sale days were monitored at Sihangwana, 96.2% at 192 S.-Afr.Tydskr. Plantk. , 1990, 56(2)

Figure 1 A palm wine tapper in typical palmveld showing the short Hyphaene coriacea palms and small size of palms selected for tapping.

Esicabazini, 92 .6% at Phelendaba and 95 .9% at Zango Sales of palm wine from Phelendaba, Esicabazini and meni. Sales on the remaining days were estimated from to a lesser extent Sihangwana, showed a distinct summer the mean of minor (Tuesday, Thursday, Saturday) and peak, a rapid drop in February-March, and a slow major (Monday, Wednesday, Friday) sale days for that increase during April prior to the following summer particular week. peak (Figure 2). The major drop in palm wine sales Palm wine for resale is diluted to increase the volume (Figure 3) is due to the brewing of an alternative source (and therefore the profit margin) of palm wine. The of fermented beverage from Sclerocarya birrea (A. dilution factor is kept close to one part palm wine to one Rich.) Hochst. fruit (Cunningham 2383 NU). This beer, part water by consumer demand. If there is too much locally called ubuganu, is very popular and although water, people will not buy from that particular seller. If traditionally never sold, is freely available through most there is too little water added, the seller does not make a of the region during the fruiting season (January to profit, keeping the 1:1 dilution rate fairly constant. This March). The summer peak in palm wine sales is probably dilution rate was assumed in calculating the value of due to the hot weather and the increase in number of secondary sales of palm wine, subtracting the costs of returned migrant labourers (men) in the area. Short transport and sugar, which is added after dilution . term sales fluctuations are probably due to problems with vehicles. Results Income is generated through the sale of undiluted palm Transport, dilution and re-sale wine within the palmveld area (primary sales) and After initial sale, palm wine is transported to centres transport outside the palm veld zone and subsequent outside the Palmveld zone for dilution and resale, either resale of dilute palm wine (secondary sales). Primary on foot or in vehicles. Dilution and resale substantially sales (primarily the sale of undiluted palm wine prior to increase income from palm wine. The vehicles belong to transport and resale) are from four sale points in or local entrepreneurs and are run as general transport adjacent to the palmveld zone (Figure 2): Esicabazini businesses, transporting people, building materials, (288 136 I), Phelendaba (303 000 I), Sihangwana palm wine, reeds, palm leaves and other goods. Most (62 386 I) and Zangomeni (319 384 I) , a total volume of palm wine is transported to the KwaNgwanase, Ndumu, nearly 980 000 I. Unlike the first three points, which only Ingwavuma and Phondweni areas (Table 1, Figure 4) sell undiluted palm wine, sale of both undilute (primary which are the largest local centres. Eight vehicles were sales) and dilute (secondary sales) palm wine takes place involved in regular transport of palm wine during the at Zangomeni. A higher volume of palm wine appears to study period, either at the request of groups of women be sold at Zangomeni during winter than at the other earning money from dilution and resale of palm wine, or three points due to the additional sale of dilute palm for people who bought palm wine for their own wine. It was therefore considered more accurate not to consumption. A set price is charged for different sizes of include Zangomeni sales data in estimating regional container of palm wine , depending on the distance totals of palm wine bought for resale as it was not transported (Cunningham 1985). possible to distinguish between the sale of dilute and The Esicabazini sale point supplies areas to the west of undiluted palm wine at this point. the palmveld zone (Ndumu, KwaMbosi, Ingwavuma), S.Afr.J. Bot. , 1990,56(2) 193

Phelendaba areas to the east (Zangomeni, KwaNgwa commercial sales represent 50.3% of total annual sales nase), and Sihangwana the smaller sale points along the or 489 879 I per year. Phongolo floodplain (KwaLulwane, KwaMbosi , Palm wine bought for local consumption rather than Bhekabantu, Nodineka). All four sale points are also for resale is drunk at the sale point or at home. It is also sources of supply to the people in the immediate vicinity used as payment for various services such as hut of each sale point (Table 1, Figure 4). Assuming that building, moving a hut to a new site or agricultural quantities less than 1 000 I per site per year are services. Transport of palm wine on foot for commercial accounted for by casual buyers transporting palm wine resale, recorded by Felgate (1965), is still practised in the for their own use, rather than for commercial gain, then study area. For the purposes of this study however, this

18 18

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Figure 2 The total weekly volumes of palm wine sold at the four sale points from November 1981 to October 1982. 194 S.-Afr.Tydskr. Plantk. , 1990,56(2)

PEA K S c leroca r y a c a fir a F R U ITI N G SEA SON Table 1 Destination and volume of a. 'V 'V 'V 'V 'V 1_ • . _ . . -~ _____- -_= _=--= palm wine transported for resale from three sale points in the study area during the year November 1981-0ctober / 1982. Total sales during the year were I I o I I ..J , I 976 632 I of palm wine o (f) \ / w '-./ ::< Percentage => ..J Volume of total o > Resale point transported annual sales 1980 1981 Kwangwabase 144 150 14.8 TIME (years) Ndumu 118 159 12 . 1 Ingwavuma 79909 8.2 Phondweni 67201 6.9 Kwa-Mbosi 29821 3.1 Bhekabantu 13048 1.3

b. 50 000 Zangoweni 12466 1.3 Kwa-Lulwane 8311 0.9 , Makwakwa 8 158 0.8 Kwa-Zamazama 3917 0.4 I- 40 000 Kwa-Nodineka 3042 0.3 lozini I 697 0.2 -III 41 r- ...... Total 489879 50.3 30 000 r-

0 ...J '- , 0 (J) continues. Dilute palm wine is resold at homesteads or ,- t- 20 000 '''''' W ,- l- village markets (Figure 5). Poultney (1980) records that :IE t- 50 to 60 I of palm wine were sold daily at homesteads on :::l ,- I- ...J f- ,-' the Phongolo floodplain . Assuming an average cost of 0 > f- r Rl.40 per 50 I and 60c worth of sugar added to this 10 000 t- quantity of palm wine , then a 1:1 dilution would bring in a profit of R3 per 50 I. This is comparable with Poultney's (1980) figure of R4 earned per 60 I of palm wine as no transport costs were taken into account o ONDJ FMAMJJ ASONDJ FMAMJ because most palm wine was transported to the Siphond 1981 I 1982 I 1983 weni area of the Phongolo floodplain on foot. On the TIME basis of 50 to 60 I of palm wine sold per homestead for Figure 3 Palm wine sales from Esicabazini, one of the two 300 days per year, 15 000 to 18 000 I of dilute palm wine major sale points over a 21-month period (October 1981 to would be sold by each homestead annually. The 489879 June 1983) showing sales volume peaking in spring and early I of undilute palm wine transported commercially would summer, followed by a rapid decrease during Sclerocarya therefore support sales at 54 to 65 homesteads in the birrea subsp. caffra fruiting season (February to April) which Ingwavuma district. A profit of R3 per 50 I of dilute palm was monitored in 1982 and 1983 and is assumed in the extrapo wine would therefore generate R29 392 per year within lated dotted line. the region, or R452 to R544 per homestead per year. Palm wine tappers spread throughout the palm veld in the study area would therefore generate nearly R158 000 was regarded as 'non-commercial sale' as it is not always within the region from primary sales, transport and possible to separate commercial and non-commercial resale of palm wine (Table 2). sales when transported on foot. Gross income to entrepreneurs transporting palm wine from Sihangwana Discussion (2 vehicles), Esicabazini (3 vehicles) and Phelendaba (3 Large-scale commercial tapping and sale of palm wine is vehicles) was estimated from palm wine sales data and recorded from Nigeria (Okereke 1982) where over 20 the various rates per container per resale area. This years ago the regional value of palm wine sales was income amounted to R15 189 for the three sites estimated to be six million pounds sterling per year (Sihangwana R546, Esicabazini R 8 432, Phelendaba (Tuley 1965). Tuley (1965) does not present any R6211) for the 12-month period November 1981 to evidence to support this estimate, however. Unlike the October 1982. palm wine industries in the Phillipines and West Africa, After transport to the resale point, the palm wine is which are based on large, high-yielding palms (Gibbs diluted with water, sugar is added and fermentation 1911a, b; Okereke 1982), tapping in south-eastern S.AfLJ. Bot. , 1990,56(2) 195

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Figure 4 A diagrammatic representation of post-sales distribution of palm wine over a 14-month period (November 1981 to December 1982) from three sales points (Sibangwana, Esicabazini and Phelendaba). The source of the undiluted palm wine prior to distribution in the region is denoted by shading on the histograms.

Africa is based on small palms with low yields transported on foot to resale points (Felgate 1965, 1982) , (Cunningham 1985). One therefore questions why limiting access to the markets at Ndumu and people tap palms at all in this area for such low returns. Ingwdvuma. The palm wine industry on the Maputaland coastal A major change since then has been the wider distri plain appears to have developed for three reasons. bution of palm wine across the Ingwavuma district. Firstly, due to the extensive high palm density area, Upgrading of the main road infrastructure since 1974 secondly, the year-round availability of palm sap and and recent tarring of the KwaNgwanase-Ingwdvuma- thirdly, the local market for palm wine and reliance of 10zini road in 1982 has catalysed small-scale marketing. Tembe-Thonga people on natural resources to supply Poultney (1980) documents the increasing number of income in this marginal agricultural potential area. Oral middlemen who have bought trucks after long periods of records collected by James Stuart indicate that palm migrant labour on farms or in cities. Tarring the road has wine was available in the 1800's (Webb & Wright 1976) . reduced vehicle maintenance costs and improved access Although vehicle tracks were developed in the early to external markets for goods sold at informal markets, 1900's (von Wissell , undated; Bruton 1980), luck of including palm wine. On the basis of anthropological locally owned vehicles limited access to a larger market work, both Felgate (1965 , 1982) and Poultney (1980) for palm wine. Until the mid-1970's, palm wine was considered that palm wine sale and resale were 196 S.-Afr.Tydskr. Plantk. , 1990,56(2)

Figure 5 Resale of palm wine at a village market (KwaNgwanase). The palm wine is contained in the 20-1 glass bottle (igunklu).

important income-generating activities within the tapper to seller, seller to customer, transport entre region. Quantities of produce sold from markets have preneur and secondary seller, is a chain of events increased since these observations were made. Since this bringing income to a wide spectrum of 460 to 480 people. study, there has been a further increase in number of This reduces individual profits, but enables more people palm wine and reed sale points. During 1982, Phragmites on the poverty line to have the option of a source of australis reed sales in the region amounted to 260 ± 60 income used for buying goods from the store, paying metric tonnes (Cunningham 1985) and palm wine sales school fees, or to pay herd-boys if cattle are owned. to nearly 980000 I (this study). However, while palm Income generated from palm wine sale, transport and wine sales generate a significant amount of cash within resale therefore has more local importance than may be the regional economy of this marginal potential area, realized by urban oriented planners. Although palm wine sales only provide a subsistence income, palm wine individual profits from palm wine sales are only tapping is an important local alternative to labour R30-R70 per month (Cunningham 1985). Palm wine migrancy and a buffer against extreme poverty. Twenty tapping is not the high income earner that Moll (1972) years ago, Felgate (1965, 1982) pointed out that suggested where one week's work earns a month's migrancy reflected the marginal potential of the coastal subsistence income - it is exceptionally hard work for plain and a higher population than agricultural resources low returns. However, the trade in palm wine from could support. In 1964 when Felgate made this obser vation, 73% of the men in the comparitively resource Table 2 The regional value of the palm wine rich Coastal Lake ecological zone were migrant industry in the study area during the 12-month labourers. In the Phongolo ecological zone, which has a period November 1981-0ctober 1982 higher agricultural potential than the coastal plain due to floodplain soils, the level of migrancy increased from Estimated Estimated 56% in 1981 to 84% in the] 98211983 season because of Regional number of income/ the drought (Derman & Poultney, 1984). Self-employ income people person/ ment and income generated from wild plant resources, Activity R involved year* R such palms provides a local alternative to labour

Palm wine tapping 113 152 400" 190b-390' migrancy on the low agricultural potential coastal plain . Resale 29392 54-65 452-544 With rising unemployment, larger palm size classes fall Transport 15 188 8-12 I 26~1 890 under increasing tapping pressure. Apart from economic aspects, palm wine is the most widely consumed Total 157 732 462-477 alcoholic beverage in the area and is a useful source of *From palm wine sales. Other income may also accrue from other nicotinic acid and vitamin C (Cunningham & Wehmeyer sources, (agriculture, pastoralism, other economic activities) 1988) whilst palm leaves are an important source of fibre "200 tappers + 200 sellers for craftwork (Cunningham, 1988). These values make bIncome to average palm wine seller the palm resource worthy of consideration for sustained 'Income to average palm wine tapper yield management within the existing multiple use of (Data from 1-3 from Cunningham 1985) palmveld. S.Afr.J.Bot.,1990, 56(2) 197

Current level of exploitation and carrying capacity palm wine tapping and potentially increased palm leaf A single tapper in the study area tapped 712 palms (902 harvesting to a monoculture. In the adjacent coastal stems) producing 4 846 I of palm wine during a 12-month grasslands, under higher rainfall, it was projected that period, a level of palm use which on the basis of field Pinus elliotii plantations will make a potential net loss of observations and interviews was considered to be repre R24 per ha per year (KwaZulu Department of Agricul sentative of other full-time tappers (Cunningham 1985). ture and Forestry, pers. comm.). Since then, low rainfall During the 12-month period November 1981 to October and the resultant drop in the water table have killed off 1982, concurrent monitoring of regional palm wine sales about 1 000 ha of the plantation (1986/1987) , a factor determined that nearly 980 000 I of undilute palm wine that will certainly result in higher than expected were sold. Based on the volume of palm wine collected economic losses. by the representative tapper, it is estimated that 200 full Development of the tourism-conservation land-use time tappers would account for the 980 000 I of un dilute option suggested by Tinley & van Riet (1981) avoids palm wine produced within the region . From field obser replacement of the existing land-use system with a Pinus vation of palm regrowth by marked palms tapped or Eucalyptus monoculture, maintaining habitat between 1981 and 1984, I would estimate that it takes 6 diversity and keeping options open for the future. With to 8 years for a new coppice shoot to reach a suitable size increasing human:land ratios and the complexities of for tapping. This is longer than Felgate's (1965 , 1982) managing common property grazing resources, those figure of 3 to 5 years which is almost certainly an options are running out as returns from heavily exploited underestimate. If the average full-time tapper uses 712 local resources such as palm wine decline. The answer palms per year, then 4 200 to 5 600 palms would be probably lies in between these two extremes. Johnson required to support a single tapper on a sustainable (1985), for example, has recently suggested that that basis. Hyphaene coriacea is the main species tapped for palm- livestock agro-forestry systems be actively palm wine, representing 86% of stems tapped by the considered in development projects. In the study area selected tapper and 69% of those tapped by interviewed this could involve the increased commercial harvesting tappers. The Loxton et al. (1969) vegetation map shows of palm leaf resources (Cunningham 1988), homestead 25 600 ha of H. coriacea palmveld in the study area of based planting of tree crops such as cashew (Anacardium which 17 600 ha were considered close enough to occidentale) or new mango (Mangifera indica) cuItivars marketing points to supply the palm wine industry on the and institution of livestock grazing managed on the basis of field observation of women transporting palm limited access basis suggested by Reynolds (1981) . wine to sale points. The remaining areas of palm veld occured in remote patches away from access to the Acknowledgements regional market for palm wine. At an average density of Permission from the Tembe Tribal Authority and the 92.5 Hyphaene palms per ha (Moll 1972) there are Director, KwaZulu Bureau of Natural Resources approximately 2 370 000 palms in the entire study area enabled me to do the study, which would not have been and 1 630 000 palms in the area under commercial palm acheived without the friendship and discussions with wine tapping. The area under commercial tapping could B.R. Gwala and field assistance from J. Ngcobo, M. therefore support a maximium of 300 to 400 full-time Memela, A. Ntombela, B. Ntuli , I. Gumede, M. tappers at the current level of palm use and yields, using Khumalo, R. Khumalo and B. Gwala. The research was the present tapping technology without a further part funded by the Human Needs, Resources and decrease in palm size and sap yields. Over the lO-year Environment Section of the Council for Scientific and period 1974 to 1983 the population density of the Industrial Research and the Harry Oppenheimer Insti palmveld ecological zone increased by 43% , from 8.8 tute for African Studies. people per km 2 to 12.6 people per km 2 . At the time of this study, there were an estimated 200 commercial References tappers and at this rate of increase, carrying capacity BRUTON, M.N. 1980. Conservation and development in would be reached in 2 to 4 years. If the assumptions Maputaland. In: Studies on the ecology of Maputaland, eds Bruton, M.N. & Cooper, K.H ., pp. 497- 519, Cape and made are correct, then the Hyphaene resource at the Transvaal Printers, Cape Town. time of the study was close to maximum carrying CUNNINGHAM, A.B. 1985. The resource value of capacity at existing low levels of sap yield and economic indigenous plants to rural people in a low agricultural returns. potential area. Ph.D thesis, Univ. of Cape Town. CUNNINGHAM, A.B. 1988. Leaf production and utilization Multiple-use vs monoculture in Hyphaene coriacea: management guidelines for Placing the various land-use options into perspective is commercial harvesting. S. Afr. 1. Bot. 54: 189- 195. CUNNINGHAM, A.B & WEHMEYER, A.S. 1988. an important step towards avoidance of long-term Nutritional value of palm wine from Hyphaene coriacea and ecological, economic and sociological repercussions. An Phoenix reclinata. Econ. Bot. 42: 301 - 306. economic evaluation of the palm wine industry as one of DERMAN, P. & Poultney, C. 1984. The politics of production the uses of palmveld is an important part of that perspec and community development in rural South Africa. tive. Placing the palm veld under afforestation as Loxton Carnegi e Conference poper no 226, Second Carnegie et al. (1969) recommended would transform a muItiple Inquiry into Poverty and Development in southern Africa, use area used for cattle grazing, gathering of bush foods , Univ. of Cape Town. 198 S.-Afr.Tydskr. Plantk., 1990,56(2)

FELGATE, W.S. 1965. An ecological study of the production in Igbo Eze local government area of Anambra Tembe-Thonga people. Unpublished report, 167 pp. State of Nigeria. Agr. Syst. 9: 239-253. FELGATE, W.S. 1982. The Tembe-Thonga of Natal and POULTNEY, C. 1980. Subsistence and utilization of Mozambique: an ecological approach. Occasional resources by inhabitants of the Mthikeni/Nsimbi pans Publications no 1, Department of African Studies, Univ. of region of the Pongolo floodplain. Human Sciences Natal. Research Council, Pretoria. FLEURET, P. & FLEURET, A. 1980. Nutrition, REYNOLDS, N. 1981. The design of rural development consumption and agricultural change. Human Organiz. 39: proposals for the evolution of a social contract suited to 250--260. conditions in southern Africa. Parts 1 and 2, SALDRU GIBBS, H.D. 1911a. The alcohol industry of the Phillipine Working Papers no 1 & 2, Univ. of Cape Town. islands. Part 1. Phillip. 1. Sci. 6: 99- 145 . TAYLOR, D.R.F. 1974. Land reform in Kenya: a reappraisal. GIBBS, H.D. 1911b. The alcohol industry of the Phillipine Rural Africana 23 : 79- 90. islands. Part 2. Phillip. 1. Sci. 6: 147-206. THORRINGTON-SMITH, ROSENBURG & GIBBS RUSSELL, G.E., REID, C, VAN ROOY, J . & McCRYSTAL. 1978. Towards a plan for KwaZulu. The SMOOK, L. 1985. List of species of southern African preliminary development plan, KwaZulu Government, plants, 2nd edn, Part 1, Mem. bot. Surv. S. Afr. 51. JOHNSON, D.V. 1985. Present and potential economic Ulundi, South Africa. usages of palms in arid and semi-arid areas. In : Plants for TINLEY, K.L. & VAN RIET, W.F. 1981 . Tongaland: Zonal arid lands, pp. 198- 201, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. ecology and rural land-use proposals. 186 pp., Department KWAZULU DETARTMENT OF AGRICULTURAL AND of Cooperation and Development, Pretoria, South Africa. FORESTRY 1984. Private Bag X05, Ulundi, 3838, South TULEY, P. 1965. The production of Raphid wine in Nigeria. Africa. Expl. Agric. 1: 141- 144. LOXTON, HUNTING AND ASSOCIATES. 1969. VON WISSEL, L.c. undated. Dad's story. Unpublished Development plans for Maputaland. Unpublished map manuscript compiled from the notes of L.c. von Wissel. series, Department of Bantu Administration and Photocopy in Killie Campbell Memorial Library, Univ. of Development, Pretoria. Natal, Durban, South Africa. MOLL, E.J. 1972. The distribution, abundance and utilization WEBB, C de B. & Wright, J.B. 1976. The James Stuart of the lala palm, Hyphaene natalensis in Tongaland, Natal. Archive of recorded oral evidence relating to the history of Bothalia 10: 627- 636. the Zulu and neighbouring peoples. Vol 1, Univ. of Natal OKEREKE, O. 1982. The traditional system of oil palm wine Press, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa.