CHINDIAN VISIONS of SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

CONFERENCE DOCUMENTS

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

GENERAL DESCRIPTION - 3

PROGRAM - 4-7

BIODATA - 8-15

ABSTRACTS - 16-28

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

CHINDIA is a geo-cultural concept that describes ‘terrains’ where Chinese and Indian civilisations meet and where they sometimes overlap. These terrains include discourses and exchanges of material culture between Chinese and Indian civilisations, and discourses and cultural exchange within and between cultures that have grown between these civilizations, in Asia and - through diasporic presences – further afield.

Himalayan, South Asian and South East Asian polities and cultures are loci for alluring cultural hybridity – hybridities that are attractive to Chinese and Indians as well as to regional cousin cultures and the world at large. Australia, as the hybrid home of a plexus of diasporic communities – including Chindian diasporas - has its own soft power vis-a-vis the region.

The conference will focus not only on the two giants, China and India, and their soft power in relation to neighbors and countries further afield, but also on the soft power of Indonesia, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand – both in terms of external relations and governance at home. The notion of soft power at home is associated with governing based on attractive policies drawing on dialogic practices.

The overall question that the conference will pose is whether soft power approaches based on dialogic communication, cooperation and reciprocal benefits can help fashion more peaceful and stable environments? It will seek to address this question through examining the following:

1. External soft power a. Chinese and Indian soft power. b. Issues of cooperation and soft power. c. Education, culture and soft power 2. Internal soft power a. In post-conflict and civil unrest situations b. Urbanization in Vietnam c. Sustainability education in India. 3. Cases a. Practices of public diplomacy by the great powers in Indonesia. b. Thailand’s soft power – internal and external

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

PROGRAM FOR 17 OCTOBER 2013

START END ACTIVITY SPEAKER TOPIC TIME TIME 08:30 09:00 Registration at: Dunmore Lang, (Margaret Saville Room), 130 Herring Rd Macquarie Park NSW 2113 09:00 09:20 Welcome Prof. John Simons Welcome. Soft power of elephants 09:20 09:40 Keynote Address Madam The Hon. Sujata Koirala Chinese & 1 Indian soft power 09:40 10:00 Keynote Address Ambassador Kishan Rana Indian & Chinese 2 soft power vis-a- vis Asian neighbours 10:00 10:20 Keynote Address Prof. Li Xiguang Reconnecting 3 the soft power passage from China to the Middle Kingdom in post-Afghan War period 10:20 10:40 Q&A 10:40 11:00 Tea 11:00 11:20 Talk Ambassador Sarala Fernando Public diplomacy in Sri Lanka 11:20 11:40 Talk Dr Alison Broinowski Education, Culture and Soft Power: The Goldilocks Option: India, Indonesia, and Australia 11:40 12:00 Q&A 12:00 01:20 Lunch 01:20 01:40 Talk Professor Yuqiang Zhang Public diplomacy and so called revolution

01:40 02:00 Talk Dr Ji Li (Lilian) Public Diplomacy 2.0 – A comparative case study between the US and China 02:00 02:20 Talk Dr Lu Chia-Shin Lin Framing Social

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

Media: How Chinese Soft Power Shapes the Concept of National Identity in Taiwanese Pop Stars' Weibo 02:20 02:40 Talk Ms. Yehong yu Dialogic approaches in an Australia and China grassroots public diplomacy case project

02:40 03:00 Q&A 03:00 03:20 Break 03:20 03:40 Talk Ms. Malene Mortensen Foreign Influences on Nollywood 03:40 04:00 Talk Dr Prithi Nambiar Mining the Indian Sustainability Discourse for Soft Power Values

04:00 04:20 Talk Dr Duc Anh Do Soft power and ideological effects: Television among migrants in Hanoi, Vietnam

04:20 04:40 Talk Ms. Bunty Avieson Bhutanese soft power 04:40 05:00 Q&A 06:25 Assemble in Campus Hub – C10A Level 3 06:30 07:45 Bruce Allen Mr Peter Varghese AC Building Memorial Address Secretary of Foreign Affairs & Australia's soft Trade, Australia power

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

PROGRAM FOR 18 OCTOBER 2013

START END ACTIVITY SPEAKER TOPIC TIME TIME 08:25 08:30 Assemble at Dunmore Lang, 130 Herring Rd Macquarie Park NSW 2113 08:30 09:00 Talk Professor Jocelyn Chey China’s Soft Power In Indonesia and the Complications of Public Opinion 09:00 09:20 Talk Professor Murray Green Beyond the Boats: Connecting Indonesian Public Diplomacy and Australian Interests 09:20 09:40 Talk Dr Andrew Mack The New Colombo Plan’s Soft Power Agenda 09:40 10:00 Talk Ms. Twediana Hapsari The segmentation of Indonesian audiences with respect to Australian issues

10:00 10:20 Talk Dr Caitlin Byrne Get Smart: The Leadership Dimensions of Smart Public Diplomacy

10:20 10:40 Talk Mr. Andrew McKenna Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in Indonesia project proposal 10:40 11:00 Tea 11:00 12:00 Workshop The SPARC Indonesian project

12:00 01:20 Lunch 01:20 01:40 Talk Miss.Rugchanok Somsak “Soft Power”: Thailand’s case study 01:40 02:00 Talk Mrs. Sutchinda Pankham The Preservation and Existence 0f

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

“ Phee Mod Phee Meng” Lanna Folk Dance Ceremony. 02:00 02:20 Talk Mrs. Wiwan Sukcharoen The Identity Ketkaew Representation and Soft Power "Creative Economy City Model" 02:20 02:40 Talk Mr. Jate Jaruphandh. Wedding photography business is a soft power : constructing the identity, meaning and negotiation of Thai’s norms.

02:40 03:00 Talk Mr.Seksan Tayarangsee iPhone: Representation in the Thai Society in the Age of Consumerism 03:00 03:20 Q&A 03:20 03:30 Closing

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

BIO SKETCHES – IN ORDER OF APPEARANCE

Opening session - Morning of 17 October

Professor John Simons is Executive Dean of Arts at Macquarie University. He previously worked at the universities of Wales, Exeter, Winchester, Edge Hill and Lincoln in the UK and has held various visiting Professorships and Fellowships in the USA where he is also an alumnus of the State Department's International Visitor Program. In the 1990's he worked extensively in Eastern Europe on projects to build universities after the fall of communism. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, the Higher Education Academy, the Zoological Society of London and the Oxford Centre for Animal Ethics. He is President of CHASS, an Executive Board member of DASSH, a member of the Academic Council of the International League of Higher Education in Media and Communication and an advisory council member of the charity Voiceless. He has published very widely - some seventeen monographs or edited volumes and numerous chapter and articles - on topics ranging from Middle English chivalric romance to Andy Warhol and from codicology to the history of cricket. Since the late 1990's he has mainly concentrated on the issue of animals and his chief publications in the field are: Animal Rights and the Politics of Literary Representation (2002); Rossetti's Wombat (2008); The Tiger that Swallowed the Boy (2012); and Kangaroo (2013). He is also a published poet.

The Hon. Sujata Koirala is a member of the Nepali Congress Parliamentary Board , the Head of the Department of International Relations of the Nepali Congress, the Founder President of the Girija Prasad Koirala Foundation for Democracy, Peace and Development. She is a former Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Nepal. She has led delegations of the Nepali Congress International Relations Department to India and China. She has led Napalese delegations to UNHCR (Geneva), Asia-Middle East Conference (Bangkok) , Bali Democracy Forum. Additionally she has been on official delegations to UNGA, SAARC and NAM summits, the UN Human Rights and UN Millennium Summit, and the Fifth Ministerial Conference on the Community of Democracies. She is a member of the Governing Council of the Centrist Asia Pacific Democrats International and Vice Chairperson of the International Conference of Asian Political Parties, Honorary Chairperson of the Institute of Himalayan Studies and Member of the International Advisor Board of the Economic Club of China.

Ambassador Kishan S Rana has a BA (Hon) and MA in economics, St Stephens College Delhi. Indian Foreign Service (1960-95); Ambassador/High Commissioner: Algeria, Czechoslovakia,

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Kenya, Mauritius, and Germany; on staff of PM Indira Gandhi (1981-82). Professor Emeritus, DiploFoundation, Malta and Geneva; Honorary Fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi; Archives By-Fellow, Churchill College, Cambridge; Public Policy Scholar, Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington DC; guest faculty, Diplomatic Academy, Vienna; Commonwealth Adviser, Namibia Foreign Ministry, 2000-01. Author: Inside Diplomacy (2000); Managing Corporate Culture (co-author, 2000); Bilateral Diplomacy (2002); The 21st Century Ambassador (2004); Asian Diplomacy (2007); Diplomacy of the 21st Century (2011); India’s North-East States, the BCIM Forum and Regional Integration, (co-author, 2012). Co-editor: Foreign Ministries (2007); Economic Diplomacy (2011).

Professor Li Xiguang is supervisor of PhD students and MA students in journalism school and supervisor of MPH students in the school of medicine of Tsinghua University. Prof. Li is the Director of Tsinghua University Institute of Health Communication, dean of Tsinghua University International Center for Communication Studies, Director of Tsinghua University Center for Pakistan Culture and Communication Studies, Dean of the Chinese Academy of World Agendas and Honorable Dean of the School of Global Journalism and Communication of the Southwestern University of Political Science and Law.Dean Li Xiguang is also leading media advisor to the office of the Minister of Education, faculty leader of the State Council government spokesperson training program, faculty leader training provincial chiefs of CPC publicity departments, chief lecturer of newly-appointed local Party secretaries and mayors of CPC Organizational Department, chief lecturer of newly-appointed ambassadors and senior diplomats of Foreign Ministry, Member of the Experts Committee for Disease Control of the Ministry of Health, Member of the Experts Committee for Crisis Handling of the Ministry of Health，Vice-Chairman of the Journalism Education Committee of the Ministry of Education. He has received a number of significant national and international awards for his pioneering work in soft power research, health and journalism education, including Pakistan President’s Award, UNAIDS Awards for Outstanding Contribution to the Control of AIDS"，”China's Best Health Educator", " China's Best Course of News Reporting and Writing", "China Top 10 Educator", etc. He used to write a regular column on the English newspaper Global Times. He has published three books on soft power "Soft power and global communication"(2005), "Soft power and China Dream"(2010, Korean edition 2013), "Soft power in shaping public opinions"(2013)

Ambassador Sarala Fernando received a BA with First-Class Honours in 1969 from the University of Sri Lanka, also winning the Charles de Abrew prize for Arts and the University of Sri Lanka Scholarship. She received a MA (Maitrise d’ Etudes Modernes) from the University of Caen, France in 1973, on a French government scholarship. She read for Ph.D in 1974, at

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

Colombia University, New York, on a Dean’s Fellowship and a Fulbright travel grant. She earned a Master of International Public Policy (MIPP) from Johns Hopkins University, School of Advanced international Studies (SAIS), USA in 1993. Her Ph.D. is from the University of Colombo and deals with India-Sri Lanka relations. She joined the Sri Lanka Foreign Service in 1976 and retired in 2007 having served as Ambassador in Thailand, with concurrent accreditation to Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia; as Ambassador to Sweden with concurrent accreditation to all the Nordic and Baltic countries; and as Ambassador/Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations in Geneva, Ambassador to the Holy See and Consul General to Switzerland. She was a Consultant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2007-2008. Between 2008 and 2011 she was Director General of the Bandaranaike International Diplomatic Training Institute. She was awarded a Fulbright Professional Scholar grant in 2011-2012 at the Centre for Public Diplomacy, University of Southern California. She is editor and joint publisher with photographer Luxshmanan Nadaraja of two books Gardens of Lanka and Sri Pada, Peak Heritage of Lanka and is currently editing a third publication on Maritime Heritage for the National Trust, Sri Lanka.

Dr Alison Broinowski’s focus has always been on Australia’s place in the world. She is the writer or editor of ten books of fact and fiction, as well as numerous articles and reviews. After graduating from the University of Adelaide, she joined the Australian foreign service. She lived in Japan, Burma, Iran, South Korea, and Mexico with her diplomat husband, and worked as a diplomat in the Philippines, Japan, Jordan, New York, and Melbourne. Following her retirement in 1996, she received a PhD in 2001 from ANU for her thesis on Asian Accounts of Australia. She is a founding member of the Australian Republican Movement, a member of the International Advisory Council of the Toda Institute for Global Peace and Policy Research, a member of the Australian Institute of International Affairs (NSW), the American Association for Australian Literary Studies, the Association for the study of Australian Literature, the Paddington Society, and the Oriental Society.

General session - Afternoon of 17 October

Professor Zhang Yuqiang is currently a Visiting Professor at the Soft Power Advocacy & Research Centre, Faculty of Arts, Macquarie University. He is from Communication University of China where he serves as the Deputy Director of China Institute for International Communication Strategy. His research interests are international communication, public diplomacy, public communication, international journalism. He received his Ph.D. in International Communication in 2006, M.Phil. in International Relations in 2002 and BA in English and BA in Journalism in 1998 and 2000 respectively.

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Dr Li Ji (Lilian) has completed her doctoral training and research in the field of International Communication at Macquarie University. Her dissertation is entitled ‘Cooperation and Image in the Climate Change Context: Australia Frames China as an Environmental Actor’; it examines environmental images of China in the Australian mainstream media, conceptualizing a new image type and a framework for the evaluation of environmental image in other international contexts and assessing China’s soft power and public diplomacy strategy in western discourse. Her research interest is in the construction of national image through bilateral and multilateral environmental cooperation, straddling the fields of international communication, international relations and environmental communication. She has published three articles and has a forthcoming book chapter. Li Ji currently lectures at Macquarie University in an MA course on ‘Public Diplomacy and International Public Relations’, and is also a research assistant at the Soft Power Advocacy and Research Centre (SPARC) at the same University.

Dr. Luc Chia-Shin Lin received his PhD in 2013 from department of Media, Music, Communications and Cultural Studies at Macquarie University and his research interest mainly focuses on the use of social media in communications. He was a lecturer at Ming Chuan University between 2007 and 2009 as well as a journalist in ETTV and CTi TV between 2001 and 2007 in Taiwan.

Hongyu Ye is a cotutelle PhD candidate belonging to Communication University of China and Macquarie University. She has published several articles including Exploring the Public Diplomacy Studies of International Scholars, Modern Communication 11 (2012); How could Internet broadcasting news approach foreign audiences, Modern Communication 2 (2011); Inspiration of take-off of Hollywood, Current Report Journal 5 (2009); and 10 years’ livelihood news: history reality and breakthroughs, Modern Communication Journal 4 (2009). She has also presented papers in several international conferences: these include one on the state of academic research on press freedom related to International Journalism in mainland China, the paper being accepted by the Creativity and Innovation in Chinese media’ conference at the University of Westminster, London, UK in 2009; and another being on Beauty and Magazine Covers for theForum of International Dialogue and Cooperation on Gender Communication, Beijing, China in 2008. Her academic interest at present is in the fields of international communication and public diplomacy.

Malene Mortensen is a Master student in Political Science at University of Copenhagen and is currently spending 4 months at SPARC as a Visiting Scholar. Her postgraduate research topic is

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY regional politics and public diplomacy in West Africa. She has a Bachelor's degree from University of Copenhagen.

Dr. Prithi Nambiar has a PhD in International Communication from Macquarie University, Australia, a Master degree in Economics from Osmania University, India and a Masters degree in Development Economics from Dalhousie University, Canada. She has considerable career experience in the area of Education for Sustainable Development as the Executive Director of CEE Australia. She teaches Media and International Communications at Macquarie University and is a member of the World Commission on Protected Areas and IUCN’s Commission on Education and Communication.

Dr Duc Anh do has been working in the field of journalism and communication studies for over ten years since having graduated from Vietnam National University, Hanoi (VNU) in 1998. He has worked as both a lecturer and a journalist simultaneously in Vietnam until he came to Australia for further study. He completed his study for a PhD degree in International Communication at Macquarie University, Sydney in 2013. His thesis topic was ‘Television, Urbanisation and Development in Hanoi, the capital city of Vietnam’. In this thesis, he investigated television use and perceptions of the new rural-urban migrants residing in Hanoi, and the ideological role of television in relation to their daily lives. The project applied different theories and approaches to communication studies which are also my research interest including media and ideology, media uses and gratifications, network society, and development communication. Recently, he extended his research to link theories of soft power and public diplomacy with media studies in general and media and ideology in particular as he has found significant common ideas in these fields. While a PhD student, he attended and presented academic papers at international conferences held in China, Sweden, Vietnam and Australia.

Bunty Avieson., MPhil (MQ), AsDpJn (RMIT). Bunty is an academic, journalist and author, who went to Bhutan in 2008/9 as a UN-funded media consultant to work with new independent

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY newspaper Bhutan Observer, training journalists and advising management. She has completed all requirements for a Doctor of Philosophy.

INDONESIA SESSION- Morning of 18 October

Professor Jocelyn Chey’s career has been in the diplomatic service and in academic life in Australia. From a position as Lecturer in Chinese studies at the University of Sydney, she moved to Canberra in 1973 when Australia first established diplomatic relations with China. For more than 20 years, she worked on Australia-China relations in the Departments of Trade and Foreign Affairs and was posted three times in China and Hong Kong, concluding with an appointment as Consul-General in Hong Kong (1992-1995). She was the key administrative officer in the Australia-China Council at the time that it was founded in 1979. From 1988-92 she worked outside the public sector, as Director of the China Branch of the International Wool Secretariat. Now retired from the public service, Jocelyn lives in Sydney, where she is a Visiting Professor at the University of Sydney and a consultant on Australia-China relations. She is a frequent speaker and lecturer on Chinese affairs. She has led four study tours to China for the Centre for Continuing Education at the University of Sydney.

Dr Murray Green is a Media Development and Legal Policy Adviser, with a particular interest in the Asia Pacific. He is an Honorary Professor in Public Diplomacy at the Soft Power Advocacy and Research Centre at Macquarie University, Sydney. He has a doctorate in law from the University of Melbourne and is also a Research Associate at the Communications Law Centre at the University of Technology, Sydney. He was formerly Director International (Australia Network television, Radio Australia and ABC International Development) and Director Corporate Strategy at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation

Dr Andrew Mack is a Senior Research Fellow at the Macquarie University Department of Politics and International Relations and an Adjunct Professor for the Boston University Sydney Program where he teaches Asia Pacific political economy. He is a board member of the Evatt Foundation, an editor of the Journal of Australian Political Economy, and advisor to the Secretariat for International Landcare. His primary research focus is on business cycles, international financial systemic crisis, East Asian political economy and the history of economic thought.

Twediana Budi Hapsari (Dina) is a PhD program in the Department of Media, Music, Communication and Cultural Studies (MMCCS) at Macquarie University. She undertook her Master degree in Communication Studies in Postgraduate Program in University of Indonesia,

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

Jakarta and her undergraduate degree in Mass Communication Department in University of Sebelas Maret, Surakarta, Indonesia. Since 2000, Dina is a lecturer in the Islamic Communication Department, Islamic Studies Faculty, University of Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Intercultural and interpersonal communication is her area of interest. Her PhD topic is ‘Audience Segmentation in Indonesian Muslim Society framed Australian Issues’. She has undertaken several research projects including the following: ‘Influence factors in the selection process of Indonesian TV Drama in Indonesian Education Television’ (1997).; ‘Managing Intercultural Conflict between Students from Central Java and Non-Central Java’ (2006); and ‘Managing Conflict between Divorced Couples based on Intercultural Communication’ (2008). Dina also has published several journal articles in Bahasa (Indonesian Language). They are : “Peran Media dalam Konflik antarbudaya antara Inul Daratista dan Rhoma Irama” (The Media role in intercultural conflict between Inul Daratista and Rhoma Irama (two famous Indonesian singers) Afkaruna, Journal of Islamic and Social Studies, Volume 1, #1 Juli – December 2003; “Persuasive Communication in Preaching (Case Study of Abdullah Gymnastiar and Ja’far Umar Thalib)’, Proceedings of the International Joint Seminar on ‘Muslim Countries and Development: Achievements, Constraints, and Alternatives Solutions (Multi-Dicipline Approach)’, December 2006. ‘Helvi Tiana Rosa : Potret Pertarungan Idealisme dan Kapital dalam Perkembangan Sastra Islam Kotemporer di Indonesia” (Helvi Tiana Rosa : The portrait of contestation between Idealism and Capitalism in Indonesian Islamic Contemporary Literature), Jurnal Mukaddimah, Vol. XIV, No. 25 Juli – December 2008.

Dr Caitlin Byrne is an Assistant Professor of International Relations at Bond University, Queensland, where she teaches courses on East West Diplomacy, Diplomacy, Global Statecraft, Global Institutions and Conflict Resolution. Caitlin’s research interests are focused on the theory and practice of traditional and public diplomacy, with particular attention to Australian and Korean public diplomacy. Caitlin has recently published articles in Australian Journal of International Affairs and the Hague Journal of Diplomacy. Before joining academia in 2010, Caitlin held roles within the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (1993-2001), the Queensland Government’s Office for Women (2003-2005) and the Queensland Department of Communities (2009-2010), as well as within the private and community sectors. She is currently the Vice President of the Australian Institute of International Affairs (Qld branch) and the book review editor for the Australian Journal of International Affairs.

Andrew McKenna is Head of Partnerships & Development, Faculty of Arts at Macquarie University. Andrew builds collaborative research and commercial relationships with Australian and international businesses, governments, and organisations. Andrew has corporate,

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY consulting, and university sector experience across emerging and developed markets. With expertise in global research, international operations, and strategic management he has developed and established businesses in Australia, Hong Kong, India, and Europe. Andrew is a member of ESOMAR, a member of Chatham House, has a Bachelors of Laws and Bachelor of Commerce from the University of New South Wales, and a Masters in International Relations from Macquarie University awarded with the Vice-Chancellor’ Commendation for Academic Excellence.

THAI SESSION- Afternoon of 18 October

Mr. Seksan Tayarungsee is a PhD candidate in Communication program at Naresuan University. He is a lecturer at the Department of Information System, Rajamangala University of Technology Lanna Chiang Rai in Thailand. His research areas are focusing on multimedia, internet marketing and web design.

Ms. Rugchanok Somsak is a PhD candidate in Communication program at Naresuan University, Thailand. She has a Master degree in Journalism from Chulalongkorn University. Her postgraduate research topic is “Culture in political news covering compared among the old middle and new generation reporters”.

Mrs. Sutchinda Pamkham is a PhD candidate in Communication program at Naresuan University, Thailand. She is a lecturer at Department of Communication Arts, Lampang Rajabhat University. Her special research area is on Cultural Studies and Public Relations.

Mrs. Wiwan Sukcharoen Ketkaew is a PhD candidate in Communication program at Naresuan University, Thailand. Her postgraduate research thesis is earning the Best Thesis Award in the area of Speech Communication from Chulalongkorn University. Her specialized research areas are on Public Relations, Speech communication and Performing Arts.

Mr. Jate Jaruphandh is a PhD candidate in Communication program at Naresuan University, Thailand. He has a Master degree in TV and Video Production from University Of Pune, India with the First class honors. He also wins the Best price award in Cinematography “My little friend” film Gateway Awards ’70 at Chennai, India in 2007.

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ABSTRACTS – IN ALPABETICAL ORDER BY SURNAME

Bunty AVIESON Bhutan: walking between giants. Bhutan is a small, endogenous Buddhist kingdom in the Himalayas, of about 740,000 people. As a small nation with its own history and identity, it has always been sensitive to its cultural and territorial integrity. Although it has never been colonized, it has acted as both buffer and strategic objective for its giant neighbours, India and China. More specifically, it was targeted by Tibet in the 17th and 18th centuries and British India in the 19th century. In 1949 Bhutan chose to align itself with modern India, signing the Indo-Bhutan treaty, and decisively turning away from China. For decades Thimphu enjoyed a close and mutually beneficial relationship with Delhi, nurtured by the friendship of the Gandhi family with the kings of Bhutan over successive generations. Today, the relationship is less assured. Following the establishment of a democratically elected government five years ago, Bhutan has been cautiously opening itself up to the world, including China. The move towards China has displeased Delhi whose economic sanctions resulted in a recent electoral backlash in Bhutan. Through theories of structural scarcity and bandwagoning, this paper will investigate the current situation, where this nascent democracy - with a new government and an evolving mediascape - faces increasing challenges in its use of soft power both internally and externally to carve a middle path between its giant neighbours while retaining its cultural and territorial sovereignty.

Alison BROINOWSKI The Goldilocks Option: India, Indonesia, and Australia In recent decades the practice of soft power, empowered by communications technology, has taken diverse forms, involving new participants. Observing the power of social media, governments utilize them to advance national agendas of many kinds. Two approaches to can be identified. As practiced by the United States, soft power and smart power are an alternative

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY to ‘hard power’, the objective being to influence opinion in favoured directions; while a central goal of soft power in ‘unique language’ Asian countries like China, Japan, Korea and several European states, is to preserve and promote their culture in the face of English, and to foster their language among the diaspora and in other countries. In a third group of countries, including Australia, India, and Indonesia, public diplomacy is aimed less at fostering cross- cultural affinities and preserving language (too soft?), changing policies or exercising power (too hard?) and more at improving familiarity, reputation and standing (just right?). For Australia, India and Indonesia, a potential common enemy is China, so their soft power strategies may be assumed to reveal similarities and illuminating differences. Through non- violent means, it is claimed, such public diplomacy can have the effect of reducing conflict. Taking these three countries’ educational, cultural, and diplomatic efforts as examples of soft power that is directed, explicitly or not, at China, this paper evaluates their successes and failures, and in conclusion considers whether or not claims that soft power generates peace and stability are exaggerated.

Caitlin BYRNE Get Smart: The Leadership Dimensions of Smart Public Diplomacy Public diplomacy has come in from the margins over the past decade. Considered an instrument of ‘soft power’, public diplomacy today claims a greater prominence within foreign ministries and in the activities of their diplomatic networks. Institutions and non-state entities also engage more actively in public diplomacy as they seek to capture and leverage the attention of diverse public audiences. International education remains public diplomacy’s most enduring and effective instrument. Yet, the inherent effectiveness of international education as public diplomacy though increasingly recognised is rarely fully optimised. This raises the question of leadership. Within public diplomacy’s broad and diffused framework, leadership is not a simple matter. Using Australia’s international education as the case study, this paper explores four distinct dimensions of leadership in public diplomacy’s evolving agenda: strategic,

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY structural, social and symbolic leadership and seeks to identify how we might rethink leadership in practice to deliver on smart public diplomacy.

Jocelyn Chey China’s Soft Power In Indonesia and the Complications of Public Opinion Indonesia-China relations have steadily improved over the last 15 years and particularly since the financial crisis of the late 90s. In the same period China has developed new public and cultural diplomacy policies and applied them in Indonesia, as in other parts of South-East Asia, with varying effect. Under Xi Jinping, the Chinese government is focused on building up its “great power” status and its strident pursuit of its ambitions in the South China Sea have shown that it puts this objective ahead of the development of bilateral friendly relations. Consequently there has been some set-back in perceptions of China in Indonesia and elsewhere in the region. There seems to be some disconnect between China’s military and strategic objectives and the cultural diplomacy objectives and programs developed by the Chinese ministries of Foreign Affairs, Education and Culture. Chinese public opinion also increasingly influences official diplomatic positions, particularly in situations where ethnic Chinese are seen as targets of discrimination or persecution, as has been the case in Indonesia from time to time. Reaction to and outflanking of diplomatic activities by Taiwan in third countries are also complicate diplomatic activities. The Indonesia-China relationship is based in equal parts on trade and investment, communications, strategic and defence ties and common interests in participation in ASEAN and other regional forums. Chinese assistance during the financial crisis and in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami were certainly much appreciated by the Indonesian government. However, Jakarta also has to take into consideration public perceptions of China that are still coloured by suspicion and resentment of the resident Chinese population and imported mainland Chinese workers (although attitudes are moderating in recent years), and, like other South-East Asian neighbours, come to terms with Beijing’s economic dominance and regional power ambitions.

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

Luc CHIA-SHIN LIN Framing Social Media: How Chinese Soft Power Shapes the Concept of National Identity in TaiwanesPop Stars' Weibo The cross-strait relationship between Taiwan and China determines the stability of Asia-Pacific region. With the increasing interactions, both sides gained much opportunity to get to know each other better, and non-political interactions especially have great contribution. It opens a door to allow Chinese soft power influence Taiwanese soft power. How Chinese soft power influences Taiwanese soft power can be examined through Taiwanese pop stars’ the utilisation of Weibo (microblog) pages and this research proposes the research question as “whether Chinese soft power shapes Taiwanese pop stars’ presentation of national identity on their weibo pages?” This research adopts framing theory as framework and employs the concept of users’ frame to identify the entries of Taiwanese pop stars. In order to observe how Taiwanese pop stars’ frames are influenced by Chinese soft power, this research collect data from the Weibo pages of Taiwanese pop stars. Those pop stars who accumulate more than one million fans are selected as research objects and there are 54 pop stars meet the requirement. The observation especially focuses on certain terms that determine or refute Taiwanese national identity and these terms are China/mainland china/mainland/inner land (中國/中國大陸/大陸/ 內地). The term “China” implies Taiwan as a country whereas inner land refers to Taiwan as a part of China. Mainland China and mainland indicate a neutral position. The finding shows that Taiwanese pop stars never use the term “China” in describing China on their weibo pages and they mostly employ inner land. Even if mainland and mainland China represent a neutral position, they rarely use them. It indicates that Taiwanese pop stars’ frames of national identity are influenced by Chinese soft power due to their working opportunities are controlled by Chinese sectors which determine entertainment investment and regulations. How those Taiwanese pop stars shape national identity on their weibo pages can also become a factor that impacts Taiwanese fans’ national identity and that shows the influence of Chinese soft power through Taiwanese pop stars.

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

DUC Anh Do Soft power and ideological effects: Television among migrants in Hanoi, Vietnam The pace of urbanisation in Vietnam is increasing rapidly and is linked with industrialisation and modernisation. The geographical expansion of Hanoi in 2008 has had the effect of new residents from regions previously outside the metropolitan limits being included as metropolitan residents; migrants have also poured into the nation's capital city from outside the borders in order to earn a better living. Whether resettling in the city or identifying anew with it, these migrants are attracted to television as the main source of information and entertainment. Vietnamese television, as the single state-own media, struggles to connect with and influence its citizens in all aspects included shaping change, controlling agendas and establishing preferences. This paper demonstrates the role played by television as a potential bridge between the Vietnamese state and the large floating population in the urban margins. Linking theories of soft power with media and ideology, and media effects, it explores how Hanoi’s new residents perceive the role of television in their lives and how Vietnamese television accomplishes an ideological role in relation to selected audience segments. Results from case studies indicate that participants with lower socioeconomic status (SES) have a greater dependence on television for everyday information than those with higher SES. As a result, they also heavily subscribe to its particular ideologies and imbibe its ideological effects.

Sarala FERNANDO Public Diplomacy in Sri Lanka: A Missing Link Defining “Diaspora” diplomacy is problematic because of the origin of the term in a specific historical context and then there is the underlying taboo in theory and practice against the use of PD on its own nationals. Characteristics of the non-resident population : two distinct segments whose composition, goals and objectives differ - one, migrant workers whose remittances represent 8% of the country’s GDP ; two , ethnic refugees who left the country in the 80’s, a large segment of which is still operating within the boundaries of an “imagined” separate state in Sri Lanka, inspired by geo-politics. With at least 3 million of its 21 million

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY population abroad, addressing the positive and negative issues relating to its non-resident population is also unavoidable for Sri Lanka because they have a strategic impact effecting the future prospects for peace and prosperity of the entire country. The thirty year- long armed conflict came to an end in Sri Lanka in May 2009, since then, differing views and expectations have emerged on the ensuing reconciliation process. In the local literature on the subject of impediments to reconciliation there is a consistent theme- the lack of dialogue even the difficulty of finding a common language. It is a unique country situation which brings to mind no recent parallel. Can Public Diplomacy strategies help? This article draws on the taxonomy suggested by Cull: listening, advocacy, cultural diplomacy, exchange diplomacy and international broadcasting.

Murray GREEN Beyond the Boats: Connecting Indonesian Public Diplomacy and Australian Interests Indonesian public diplomacy has centred around the projection of the nation as an exemplar both of democracy in East Asia and of moderate Islam. The Bali bombings in October 2002 challenged this understanding. The establishment of a Directorate of Public Diplomacy (Diplomasi Publik), within the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2002, was designed to build a public diplomacy strategy that would advance the dual Indonesian assets of democracy and moderate Islam. The new Australian Government's commitment to turn back asylum seeker boats en route to Australia from Indonesia has created some real and potential tension between the two nations. The Abbott Government is seeking to position this issue as 'a passing irritant' and engage with Indonesia more widely. The Australian Department of Foreign Affairs is undertaking Oz Fest Indonesia from January to April in 2014. This is a major commitment to cultural public diplomacy. This talk will seek to analyse the current state of Indonesia public diplomacy and Australian public diplomacy efforts to develop further collaboration and mutual understanding with Indonesia.

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY

Twediana BudiI HAPSARI The segmentation of Indonesian audiences with respect to Australian issues Indonesia, with the largest world’s Moslem population, consists of a variety of Moslem groups. Taufik Abdullah (2013) categorizes these groups based on their degree of tolerance to others. The ‘militants’ demonstrate a minimum tolerance of even slight differences among others. The ‘liberalists’ are those with broader tolerance for others even of different religions. However, older and larger Islamic organizations exist in Indonesia – such as Muhammadiyah, Nadhatul Ulama and Persis as well as the Moslem majority in Indonesia – that stand in the middle and are called moderate Moslems. These differences will influence the way of understanding of an issue in the media (framing), especially issues related to Australia as a neighbouring country. There are several factors that influence the framing process; not only the media frames themselves, but also someone’s prior knowledge of Australia, their own or their friend’s experience of Australia, and what their group references say about Australia. This study investigates how Australian issues are framed by different Moslem groups in Indonesia. The frames of Australia are formed by both group members and/or internal media of groups. Positive and negative frames of Australia are explored in this research. Basically, most informants admitted that they have little information about Australia. Coverage of Australian issues is lower than that of US, Malaysia or other neighbouring countries in Indonesian media. However, the informants with direct or vicarious experience about Australia from their friends or group leaders have greater information about Australia.

Ji Li (Lilian) Public Diplomacy 2.0: A comparative case study between the US and China Social media have become a powerful tool for public diplomacy practice. Social media help extend the outreach of political information, make possible immediate integration with foreign publics and the gaining of diverse views from publics; moreover, the capability of storing information contributes to projecting and maintaining a steady public image through a variety of information sharing formats on a multimedia platform. The US has pioneered the new

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY technology as well as the use of social media in public diplomacy practice. President Barack Obama benefited from the new media communication strategy in his Presidential election campaign. His team is still running Barack Obama Facebook page, which has gained 36 million followers. In contrast, western social media such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube have been banned in China for several years. But surprisingly, the new government launched a Facebook page for the new President Xi Jinping in October 2012. Until now, it has attracted over 47,000 followers and considerable comments from the international publics. This indicates the new trend of China’s public diplomacy practice and perhaps the tendency of the era of Public Diplomacy 2.1. This study will investigate how the key international actors practice public diplomacy via Facebook and discover the systematic integration of foreign public opinion expressed on Facebook. Under these two objectives, the study proposes three research questions: 1) How are the two Presidents’ Facebook pages framed and what are the different frames? 2) What are the public opinions that correspond to the issues represented on the two Presidents’ Facebook pages and what are the different frames? In order to answer the research questions, the study employs framing analysis as a key method.

LI Xiguang Reconnecting the soft power passage from China to the Middle Kingdom in post-Afghan War Faxian was the first Chinese Buddhist studying in India in the early 5th century and he wrote the earliest book about South Asia "Records of Buddhist Kingdoms". In the book, Faxian regarded India as "Middle Kingdom" instead of China.

Andrew MACK The New Colombo Plan’s Soft Power Agenda The incoming Coalition government has explicitly endorsed the importance and application of public diplomacy (soft power) by promoting the New Colombo Plan (NCP) as a ‘signature’ university and foreign policy initiative. One of the NCP’s authors, Vicki Thomson of the Australian Technology Network of Universities, says the NCP will provide the government and

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY universities with a public diplomacy role by deepening Australia’s ‘engagement with our neighbours in Asia’. In essence the Plan endorses the spending of $100 million over five years to support Australian undergraduate students’ study and build mentorship/internship opportunities in Asia/Pacific host countries’ businesses or NGOs, with a pilot program for Indonesia, Singapore, Japan and Hong Kong to be initiated in 2014. Students will be chosen not only on academic merit but also on their ‘suitability as an 'ambassador' for Australia’. This paper critically assesses the role of, and interests driving, the NCP project in particular its capacity to strengthen Australia’s regional ties. As part of this process it compares the potential impacts of the NCP in comparison with the those of earlier government policies - such as the Howard Government’s 2001‘Virtual Colombo plan’, and the Gillard Government’s White Paper: Australia in the Asia Century. The chief focus is on the NCP’s potential impact on the regionally crucial consideration of Australia’s cultural and public diplomacy relations with Indonesia.

Andrew MCKENNA The Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in Indonesia project The Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in Indonesia project seeks through comparative research to identify the purposes, programs, methods of evaluation, and resources directed to public diplomacy in Indonesia by selected countries including Australia, Netherlands, United Kingdom, France, Germany, United States, Japan, South Korea, and China. Questions include: What purposes do selected countries have for their public diplomacy projects? What are the relative resource commitments? How do they justify those commitments to policy makers? How does the practice of public diplomacy differ between nations? What technologies and methodologies are used? What are the expectations and timeframes for public diplomacy? How do government, NGO, business, media, and community stakeholders evaluate effectiveness? What do stakeholders want from public diplomacy initiatives? 2014 is designated Australia’s ‘Year of Indonesia’ and Indonesia’s ‘Year of Australia’. What can be learned from these activities? The project will be conducted over approximately 1 year, and will

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY involve research interviews and a conference in collaboration with participating stakeholder agencies and organisations. The aim is to produce a briefing paper of internationally accessible conclusions for policy makers and stakeholder groups. As a pilot study, the project will seek to identify the most productive areas for future research.

Malene MORTENSEN Foreign influences on Nollywood The goal of this article is to give a comprehensive view on which foreign film industries have influences Nollywood to where it is today. By reviewing different articles on the foreign influences, the cultural hybridity as termed by Onuzulike can be described and understood. The literary review concludes that Hollywood and Bollywood has had tremendous influence on Nollywood. Nollywood’s political/overall theme is to deal with the schism between modernity and traditionalism,. Hollywood represents absolute modernity, which causes the relationship to be ambivalent, while Bollywood offers in Brian Larkin’s words “a third cultural space” between modernity and traditionalism, especially for the Muslim Hausa audience. Mining the Indian Sustainability Discourse for Soft Power Values

Prithi NAMBIAR Mining the Indian Sustainability Discourse for Soft Power Values Formulating a consistent and recognisable policy on sustainability has been de rigeur for all nations who wish to be seen as power players in the arena of international discourse. The UN Decade of Education for Sustainable Development has sought to rachet up the pressure and the expectation that sustainability will be prioritised by all nations as part of planning and practice and to a certain degree, national performance and attitudes on sustainability have begun to feature as a significant indicator of national soft power and influence in the global arena. The extent to which sustainability has infiltrated public consciousness is usually evident from the values that are being attributed to the concept within national discourse. Using data from interviews of public figures and elites in India's English speaking community, I examine the

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY nature of the soft power values that are prioritised in the sustainability discourse in India with particular emphasis on those values that are seen as highly translatable to national influence on international policy.

Kishan RANA Indian and Chinese Soft Power vis-a-vis Asian neighbours As the two largest states in Asia, pursuing their own paths to growth and global influence, India and China are potential rivals, who also share commonalities, and potential for mutually beneficial cooperation. Each has worked to project its soft power, even while they offer stark contrasts in their systems of political governance and in their socio-economic systems. We examine the manner in which each has identified and projected its soft power, and the way in which their experience is relevant to other Asian countries. Comparing the civilizational impact of the two states in Asia, we consider how this historical legacy translates into influence. Do their systems of polity and values contribute to their soft power? What has been the impact of their deliberate actions to accrete influence and attractiveness? How has technology helped in this quest? What role is played by their cultural, education and media sectors? Can we assess the impact of tourism flows, into and out of these two states, and other forms of people-to- people contacts? How do their aid programs act as influence multipliers? What roles do their globally distributed diaspora populations play? Can we assess the future pattern of their policies and likely impact on their external public diplomacy? And finally, how well do their home populations support their external ambitions? These are among the issues that this essay addresses, concluding with some thoughts on how these ‘frenemies’ might handle their mutual relations in the future.

Hongyu YE Dialogic approaches in an Australia and China grassroots public diplomacy case project In this paper, the question to be discussed is whether dialogic approaches are applied in an Australia and China grassroots public diplomacy case project. This is one part of a case study,

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY which was based on the theoretical framework of Habermas’ communication action theory. Drawn from the theoretical base, only if four necessary conditions are met could the communications be regarded as a dialogic approach. The four conditions are: first, non- authoritarian communication; second, non-purposive communication; third, communication between at least two subjects with the ability to speak and act; fourth, the subjects establish interpersonal relations by verbal or extra-verbal ways. In this paper, four of the conditions will be discussed respectively in the first place, and whether there are situations where all of the conditions are met is discussed in the latter part. The discussions will follow event and post- event stages, these being the stages for the research data of the case study. There is supportive and unsupportive data for each condition regarding both sides of communication. Based on the discussions, taking both kinds of data into account, there were dialogic approaches that were identified in the case study.

ZHANG Yuqiang Three Essential Features of Public Diplomacy in the “Cloud Era” The history of “public diplomacy”, theoretically or practically, can be divided into three stages. The first stage is traditional Public Diplomacy before the end of the cold war with information dissemination of short wave broadcasting. The second stage can be called “New Public Diplomacy” with the duration from the end of the Cold War to 2001. The environment of information dissemination is featured by traditional media and web 1.0. The third stage is what began in 2001 and we are now experiencing: Cloud Era Public Diplomacy. The environment of Information dissemination in this period is the combination of Web 1.0, Web, 2.0 and Web.3.0. It can also be recognized as the future style of public diplomacy. The mission should be to “meet the needs of global governance, facilitate global cultural exchange, and innovate a new global governance mechanism”. Public Diplomacy in the “Cloud Era” has three features. The first one is residual offensiveness resulting from a continuation of the cold war mentality. The second feature is enduring defensiveness - because nations are still the main actors in international relations and the security of national ideology is a major challenge. The third feature is that it has more and more affinity to the people. Public character and affinity to

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CHINDIAN VISIONS OF SOFT POWER GENERATED PEACE October 17 & 18, 2013 & STABILITY the people are the basic characteristics of public diplomacy. Such characteristics become more prominent in the “cloud era”. Thus, the core demand of the future PD is a rational international environment for public opinion and information dissemination. It will contribute to global cultural exchange and innovation and a new global governance mechanism. We should take a clear-cut stand in opposing global social movements that operate under the name of the “public” and “people”.

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