ii

Foreword

When I arrived in Utrecht in 2001, I had just traded Psychology at the University of

Tilburg in for English Language and Culture, here, in Utrecht. Writing this thesis means that my time at the English department has come to an end. Over the last four years, the UU offered a wide variety of courses and I have studied subjects from syntax to creative writing and from contemporary American literature to the history of the English language. I developed an interest in history, especially the medieval period.

In my third year I went to University College Dublin on a Harting scholarship. This was great, because next to the obvious benefits of studying abroad, this scholarship enabled me to choose exactly the courses I liked, without the usual restrictions for foreign students.

One of the courses was a year-long course on King Alfred at the history department of UCD.

During weekly two-hour sessions, Professor Howard Clarke discussed Alfred with us in detail, the fact and the fiction, by analysing contemporary sources. Back in Utrecht, but

‘homesick’ for Dublin, I decided I wanted to use this course as a basis for my thesis, but I was not sure about the details. Luckily, my mentor, Dr Erik Kooper, was able to fill in the blanks.

The rest, they say, is history.

I would like to thank Erik Kooper, but also Thea Summerfield of the UU for taking on this project and pointing me in the right direction, when necessary. From UCD, I would like to express my appreciation to Howard Clarke, for having provided the necessary knowledge on Alfred. I am also very grateful to my parents for their continuing interest and willingness to take care of me during this, sometimes stressful, period. Last but not least, I would like to thank all my friends, but especially Eline, who always knew exactly what I meant, Karin, for forcing me to express my feelings, and Marina, for the postcards she sent me. You have all contributed to a successful completion of my work.

ii

Contents

Foreword i

Contents ii

Introduction 1

Chapter 1: King Alfred 3

Map: The Vikings in England 10

Genealogy of the Kings of Wessex 11

Chapter 2: The Middle English Sources In Their Time 12

Chapter 3: The Old English Texts 25

Chapter 4 : The Middle English Texts 32

Conclusion 49

Bibliography 52

Appendix: All the Texts In a Grid 55

ii Introduction

This thesis will try to provide the reader with an insight into Middle English sources that concern themselves with Alfred, king of Wessex from 871 to 899. King Alfred is known for his exceptional efforts in the war against the Vikings and in cultural reform. He is also the only English king to be awarded the name “the Great”. By both analysing the late Medieval sources and contrasting them to sources of Alfred’s own time, I will research how King

Alfred the Great’s life was portrayed and how his image developed in the period from 1100 to

1500.

I will first introduce King Alfred himself in Chapter 1 by giving a short outline of what is known about his life. I will then proceed by discussing the Middle English period from 1100 to 1500 and introduce the Middle English sources relevant to this topic in chapter two. These are, in chronological order:

- William of Malmesbury, Historia Regum Britanniae

- Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum

- Robert of Gloucester, Metrical Chronicle

- Robert Mannyng of Brunne, The Chronicle

- Thomas Castelford, Chronicle, or The Boke of Brut

- John Trevisa, Translation of the Polychronicon of Ranulph Higden

- An Anonymous Short English Metrical Chronicle

- The Anonymous Brut, or The Chronicles of England.

The editions used are listed in the bibliography.

In chapter three an analysis of the contents of the Old English sources will be made and in chapter four the same will be done with the Middle English sources, and each of these

1 will also be compared to the Old English sources about King Alfred. In short, this chapter will explore who said what about Alfred’s person and life and when. A schematic representation of the contents of all the texts will follow. Finally, a short conclusion, or rather several minor conclusions, will be presented to round off my research about the reception of stories and legends about King Alfred by historiographers of the late medieval period.

In order to carry out the study described above, a fairly complete impression of the writers between 1100 and 1500 and a basic knowledge of historical events of that period is necessary. This will enable me to read between the lines and shed a light on why these chroniclers did, or did not, record certain aspects of King Alfred’s life, or even inserted new elements, and what this says about King Alfred’s image throughout the centuries.

The above-mentioned Middle English sources cover the period from 1100 to 1500.

The chroniclers are well known and the information they supply will provide a solid point of departure for this research. The passages that are useful for this research are also relatively extensive and provide an adequate amount of information. To gather these sources I used the

Manual of the Writings in Middle English 1050-1500, volume 8. This work provided me with a list of sources that included passages about king Alfred.

2 1. King Alfred

Most of what is now known about Alfred, King of Wessex from 871 to 899, has been obtained from Asser’s Life of King Alfred and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the contemporary sources. This first chapter will give an account of the life of King Alfred the Great, using these sources, providing explanations where necessary.1

First, a hypothesis that has been supported by Alfred P. Smyth, the author of a book about Alfred, concerning Asser and his Life needs to be mentioned. According to Smyth and others the Life was actually not compiled by Asser, but by a later forger. Nevertheless, as this hypothesis has not yet been backed up by any solid proof, it will not be taken into consideration in this chapter.

Asser was a monk of St David’s in Wales. If we are to believe Asser himself, he was summoned by King Alfred to join his household in the year 885. He became a personal assistant to the king and later Bishop of Sherborne. Asser was fully involved in the intellectual activities at Alfred’s court. He travelled throughout the kingdom both independently and in Alfred’s company. In the year 893, the twenty-second year of Alfred’s reign, he wrote a biography of Alfred. It is a biography dedicated to Alfred both as a king and as a person. Asser died in 909.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is a series of annals covering Anglo-Saxon history from the start of the Christian era to the mid-twelfth century. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’s passages about Alfred focussed mostly on his achievements in a period of war. It was released to different centres in England in 892, but, of course, its compilation must have started earlier.

It is generally assumed that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was written at Alfred’s court. Over the centuries, up till the twelfth century for the Peterborough Chronicle, various scribes have

1 All quotations are from Keynes and Lapidge.

3 added to this work. Asser used it as a source for his Life, even though his work and the Anglo-

Saxon Chronicle had fundamentally different ideas.

For both sources there are complications concerning the reliability of their contents.

The fact that they were written during the reign of King Alfred could mean that they were influenced by the king. For instance, Asser explicitly states that he writes for Alfred. He starts his biography as follows:

To my esteemed and most holy lord, Alfred, ruler of all the Christians of the Island of Britain, King of all the Angles and Saxons, Asser, lowest of all the servants of God, wishes thousandfold prosperity in this life and in the next, according to the desires of his prayers. (p. 67)

Of course, statements like these cast doubt on the reliability of the source.

Nevertheless, even though Asser’s Life abounds in praise and admiration for King Alfred, his use of translations of place-names into Welsh suggest that the work was not, in the first place, meant for Alfred himself, but for a Welsh audience (p. 56).

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was also written at King Alfred’s court. It was compiled in a period of national crisis caused by Viking attacks and can thus be seen as a means to stimulate national morale. But there is no evidence that Alfred was personally involved in the writing of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (p. 40).

As contemporary sources, these two works have proven to be very important sources for the Middle English works discussed in the next chapters.

Most of what is known about King Alfred as a young man, a soldier, a king, a scholar and a religious man can be found in Asser’s Life of King Alfred and the Anglo-Saxon

Chronicle, texts that will be analysed in chapter three. As a starting point for the research

4 reported in chapters three, four and, of course, the conclusion, the reader will now be provided with a narrative account of King Alfred’s life and family and reign.

Alfred was born in Berkshire in 849. He was the son of King Æthelwulf of the English kingdom Wessex and the youngest in a family of four brothers and a sister.2 According to

Asser, Alfred was his parents’ favourite child. He spent his early childhood alongside them, travelling throughout the kingdom. In 853, Alfred’s father sent him to Rome. According to

Asser, Alfred was anointed king by the Pope during this visit, but, according to Keynes and

Lapidge, it is more likely that he went for his spiritual development (p. 14). If he was indeed anointed by the Pope, this probably meant that this was done for future kingship. In 855

Alfred returned to Rome with his father. Both times it is likely that he was received by Pope

Leo IV (847-855). These visits may have influenced Alfred’s choice of literature in his later years when he translated, for instance, Pope Gregory’s Pastoral Care. According to Asser, young Alfred was already interested in literature, but the lack of suitable teachers in the kingdom made it impossible for him to develop this interest. The year 855 was also the year in which Æthelwulf married Judith, daughter of the king of the Franks, Charles the Bald.

After an account of Judith’s arrival, Asser includes the story of the Mercian King Offa and his daughter Eadburh, a tyrannical, but foolish woman, who ends up being ejected from a nunnery after failing a test by Charlemagne3.

Growing up, Alfred’s older brothers were already involved in battles against the

Vikings, who were, at that time, also invading big parts of the Continent. In 860, the political centre of Wessex was under siege. But within the family there was a fierce disagreement about the division of their father’s kingdom. In 858, Æthelwulf died and his son Æthelbald took over both his father’s kingdom and marriage, by marrying Judith. After Æthelbald, who

2 A genealogy and a map of England are given at the end of this chapter. 3 After Eadburh ‘s arrival at his court, Charlemagne made her choose between himself and his son. When Eadburh made her preference for the younger man known, she lost both and was given a nunnery instead. Years later, she was ejected from the nunnery for behaviour not fitting an abbess.

5 died in 860, Æthelberht reigned. Æthelred, the brother closest brother to Alfred in age, would finally succeed in 866, when Æthelberht died.

At the end of 865 the Great Viking Army, the largest army to invade the island so far, set foot on Anglo-Saxon land. The Vikings first invaded East Anglia, later Northumbria and

Mercia. In 866 York was captured. A war broke out between the Northumbrians and the

Vikings, which caused political instability. In 867 a peace was established and the Vikings appointed a puppet ruler. During this time, Mercia and Wessex formed an alliance. This had been done before, in 853. Alfred married into a Mercian upper-class family in 868, making the bond between the two kingdoms even stronger. Then, Asser mentions St Edmund, the king of the East Angles, who was martyred after having been killed by the Viking army. In

871, Æthelred and Alfred continued to fight off the Vikings in Wessex together, but failed. In the same year Æthelred died.

And so, in the year 871, it was Alfred’s turn to take over the reign of Wessex. It was a difficult period for Alfred. He was still dealing with the disputes about the division of his father’s inheritance. He was also disappointed with the state of learning and religion in

Wessex and was struggling with personal problems concerning his health. At this time, the kingdom was still involved in a war with the Viking army, and Burgred, King of Mercia, had already been driven from his kingdom. Alfred realised he could not overcome the Vikings and he made peace with them, both in 871 and then again in 875, after a second invasion.

According to their agreement, the Vikings were supposed to leave the country permanently, but in 878 they came back for another attack on Wessex. This time, Alfred was caught by surprise and went into hiding. His army either submitted to the enemy, or took flight. In his time out of the public eye, Alfred built a fortification at Somerset and organised an even larger army. About his period of absence, many fictitious stories circulated. Not only did

Alfred burn a swineherd’s cakes while he was supposed to be watching them, both St Neot

6 and St Cuthbert appeared to Alfred and predicted his victory, and Alfred also entered a Viking camp in disguise, stealing vital information about the Viking’s war strategies. These stories did not originate from Asser’s Life of King Alfred, or the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Eventually, after tireless battles, in 878 he finally defeated the Vikings. They, again, promised to leave

Wessex. Alfred could even add a moral victory to his list, when the Viking leader, Guthrum, consented to be baptised. The Viking army moved on to Northumbria and parts of Mercia in

879-80 and finally settled in East Anglia. This entire area had become known as the Danelaw area, which centred around York, over which the Vikings had political authority. Asser describes the Vikings’ travels and invasions on the Continent after 883 and events on the

Continent in general, such as the deaths of Carloman, king of the western Franks and of Pope

Marinus.

During the Viking army’s presence, but especially after its partial departure, Alfred enjoyed a period in which he had time to reconstruct his kingdom. Asser mentions Alfred’s family, which consisted of seven members in total. Alfred was also interested in hunting, arts and crafts, religion and charity. He divided the revenue of taxation among his people, for instance, among the poor, but he also gave to religious groups and guilds, which made him beloved both by natives and foreigners. He fortified the towns in his kingdom and reorganised his army, preparing them for probable further attacks. Alfred saw the Viking invasion as a divine punishment for the decline in religion and learning and he felt that these aspects needed to be stimulated in Wessex. In the 880s, with this in mind, he built monasteries, gave financial support to religious houses and imported wise men from other nearby kingdoms, but also from the Continent. One of these men was the Welshman Asser.

To promote learning, he also supervised the translation of, mostly religious, Latin works into what he considered to be a more accessible language: English. For this he used his imported scholars, who read and explained manuscripts to Alfred. Later, he would learn Latin and read

7 these manuscripts himself. He would even make translations of Latin works of his choice independently, to educate a more general public. He also built a school at his own court to teach his children and those of his leading men. Of course, literacy and literature and especially these translated works, played an important part at this school. On top of all of these developments, Alfred also financed the crafts, like sculpting, architecture and metalwork, in his country. As a result of all of these measures, culture in King Alfred’s kingdom flourished.

With regard to politics, Wessex and Mercia still had an alliance. When in the year 886,

London, formerly a Mercian town, was invaded and taken over by the Vikings Alfred regained and restored London and gave it back to the Mercians. At this point chroniclers and

Asser state that all the Angles and Saxons submitted to Alfred as their lord. The same is said in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. This was probably done by taking an oath of loyalty to King

Alfred. The oath would not have included the Danelaw area. In the same year the Vikings besieged Paris and around this time Alfred’s law-code appeared.

In 892, a new Viking army came to the island. A further conquest of the island proved unsuccessful for the Vikings, probably partially due to the measures taken by Alfred in his period of reconstruction, measures he was still extending. During this time, Alfred also started the reconquest of the Danelaw area. Nevertheless, both keeping the Vikings out of his kingdom and his development of culture must have been an ongoing process for Alfred. This is also the period in which the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was initiated, which then motivated

Asser to write his biography of Alfred. During the later years of his life, Alfred was occupied with politics and the study and translation of important, religious works. He died in 899 when he was about fifty years old. He was buried in Winchester Cathedral and succeeded by his son

Edward.

8 In the course of the later Middle Ages, the years 1100 to 1500, Alfred’s life was incorporated into English history by chroniclers of that period. This thesis will continue with an outline of the Middle English sources in the time they were written, followed by an analysis of the contemporary texts in chapter three. Chapter four will offer the same for the later medieval texts.

9

The Vikings in England, 865-878

Keynes and Lapidge, p. 59

10 Genealogy of the Kings of Wessex

Keynes and Lapidge, p. 62

11

2. The Middle English Sources in Their Time

This chapter will introduce the Middle English sources and give a rendering of the most important historical events of the period from 1100 to 1500, the period during which these sources about King Alfred the Great were written. First, an outline of every century will be given to introduce the Middle English period. Next, background information about the sources will follow, linking the sources to the period in which they were written.1

The Twelfth Century

The twelfth century is the period during which William of Malmesbury and Henry of

Huntingdon wrote their histories of England. But most of all, the twelfth century is the century after the Norman Conquest (1066). Apart from entailing an enormous change in political affairs, the Normans would also change English language, literature and culture.

The Conquest occurred during a period of extraordinary cultural activity on the

Continent. At the time, Paris was considered to be the focal point of western culture. Because of a new, Norman rule, England was in a position to profit from this situation and it became a part of international life. This also influenced the literature of the time. An important result of the Norman Conquest was that the language of the Normans became the language that was used at William the Conqueror’s court and by the upper class. It replaced English in all official writings. English literature of the time was influenced by French popular literature, most of all stories of chivalry. A Norman king also meant more political power for the church, because the king and his advisors were closely linked to Rome (Schofield, p. 26). The

1 The sources used for general background information to the centuries are Myers, Schofield, Bolton, Whitelock, Ackerman and Ford. Information concerning the Middle English writers came from the modern editions of their writings and the discussions by Kennedy, Gransden and Kersken.

12 church’s influence on society led to the invigoration of monasteries, which meant an increase of monks, who, next to other secular affairs, studied and wrote about the past. This was still done in Latin. Monks produced and adapted legends and chronicles to make them suit their own purpose, but also to make them more interesting for a wider audience (Schofield, p. 9).

These works were written with the objective to educate. This period also saw a more scholastic approach to religion, a philosophical school that tried to combine the classical philosophers with contemporary, Christian theology.

The Norman Conquest also led to an increase in the building of castles to suppress revolts, if necessary. Because of this increase, minstrelsy became popular as a way to entertain lord and household, since the men were no longer engaged in continuous warfare and stayed at home more often. Furthermore, the twelfth century was a period during which many men found their calling in the Crusades. Thomas Becket, the famous archbishop, was murdered after he opposed Henry II over the rights and privileges of the church. During the same period, England conquered Ireland.

William of Malmesbury

William of Malmesbury was born to a Norman father and an English mother in

Wiltshire around 1095. He later became a monk at the abbey of Malmesbury in Wiltshire where he studied history, the scriptures, hagiography, theology, the classics and law

(Gransden, p. 166). He wrote the (Latin) Gesta Regum Anglorum in 1122, when he was only

27 years old. A few years later, he wrote the Gesta Pontificum Anglorum (1125) and a revision of the Gesta Regum Anglorum (1127). Around 1140, he wrote the Historia Novella.

The Gesta was his first historiographical work and he was the first man since Bede, who was an influence on the Gesta, to undertake a project of this kind. Malmesbury’s account of Alfred was also influenced by Asser. Beside that, Malmesbury was, understandably,

13 affected by the tradition of writings at Malmesbury Abbey. Another important and quite obvious factor that had an influence on his work was his Anglo-Norman parentage, which made his interests incline towards the Continent. On the whole, he never tried to hide his preferences. He favoured Normandy over England, Malmesbury Abbey over other abbeys and

Canterbury over York. His admiration for the Anglo-Saxon biographical tradition, especially

Asser’s Life of King Alfred and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, also played an important part in the compilation of his own works (Gransden, p. 169), as did his many travels through England

(Malmesbury, ed. Giles, p. vii). Malmesbury’s purpose was “to record the truth, as far as it could be discovered, about important people and events, without fear or favour, clothing it in literary form, for the edification and amusement of his audience” (Gransden, p. 168). He succeeded in his efforts, because his works were very popular and as many as twenty-five copies of the Gesta exist (Gransden, p. 179). When he revised the Gesta between 1135 en

1140 he dedicated it to the Earl of Gloucester, son of Henry I. William of Malmesbury died at

Malmesbury Abbey in 1143. In 1928 Malmesbury Abbey fitted a stained-glass window, showing his image in memory of William. His works have been highly esteemed by scholars of all times.

Henry of Huntingdon

Henry of Huntingdon was a contemporary of William of Malmesbury. Born between

1080 and 1085 in Cambridgeshire or Huntingdonshire, Henry would grow up to succeed his father as the archdeacon of Huntingdon. It has been suggested that his family was originally of French origin (Huntingdon, p. xxiv). He died between 1156 and 1164.

Huntingdon undertook the writing of the Historia Anglorum in 1129 by the commission of the Bishop of Lincoln. It would eventually cover English history from the year

43 BC, the Roman invasion, to the accession of Henry II in 1154. At first, Huntingdon

14 divided it into seven books: the Rule of the Romans in Britain, the Coming of the English, the

Conversion of the English, the Rule of the English, the Danish Wars, which is important for

Alfred life, the Coming of the Normans and the Rule of the Normans. He would later incorporate more books containing letters, which formulated Huntingdon’s personal concerns, saints’ lives, miracles and a summary of parts of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britanniae.

Like Malmesbury, Huntingdon showed a bias towards his hometown, in his case

Lincoln. His purpose was, most of all, to edify his readers, especially the “less well-educated”, as he says in one of his letters, “De Contemptu Mundi”. The Historia is filled with morality

(Gransden, p. 196). As much as Huntingdon liked a good story to entertain his audience, he would stress the moral of that particular story. His writings show that he was interested in hagiography, King Arthur and England’s other mythical figures. Huntingdon was influenced by the Bible and the Classics, Bede, Hildebert of Lavardin, Baudri of Dol, Marbod, Vegetius,

Paul the Deacon, Orderic Vitalis, Geoffrey of Monmouth, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and

Anglo-Norman historiographers like William of Malmesbury. Writing the Historia took him twenty-five years and with more than twenty-five medieval copies of the Historia Anglorum surviving, his work has proved to be very popular and at least as successful as Malmesbury´s

Gesta Regum Anglorum.

About the Thirteenth Century

The end of the thirteenth century produced the Metrical Chronicle of Robert of

Gloucester. This period is, of course, important as a century building up towards the fourteenth century, the time during which most of our sources were written.

During the thirteenth century scholasticism, an intellectual movement that tried to combine the philosophical ideas of the ancient classical philosophers with contemporary

Christian theology to resolve questions or problems, reigned supreme. At the universities the

15 exact aspects of science, for instance research, inquiry and the organisation of facts, also became very popular (Schofield, p. 77). The humanism of the twelfth century had to make room for research and the organisation of newer disciplines at newly established universities like Oxford and Cambridge. Something alike was the case with literature. Romances and courtly lyrics made way for satire and didactic literature (Schofield, p. 77).

The church in England was constrained, dark and heavily influenced by conservative

Rome (Ford, p. 38). Franciscan and Dominican friars were still settling in in monasteries in

England. But while the numbers of friars and their schools increased, their writings remained traditional and even deteriorated in style.

During this period the king lost some of his power and prestige, which would lead to a resurgence of native English civilisation. Early in the thirteenth century, John became king of

England under suspicious circumstances. When he also wanted to appoint the archbishop of

Canterbury and failed to be assertive when the King of France took back English land in

France, he lost many of those who supported him. Of course the barons rebelled, because they lost much of their lands. This eventually led to the drafting up of Magna Carta in 1215. Under

Magna Carta the power of the monarch was curtailed. Later on during this century, the boroughs would obtain representation in the King’s Council. The economy developed, the crafts were organised into guilds and towns became almost self-governing, less dependent on the crown.

Robert of Gloucester

Robert of Gloucester probably wrote his Metrical Chronicle in the late thirteenth century. It was the first English history of England in the vernacular. The chronicle contains detailed information about Gloucester. It is suggested that Gloucester was a monk at the

Benedictine abbey of St Peter’s in Gloucester (Gransden, p. 434), but Gransden does not rule

16 out that he was a secular clerk, combining lay and ecclesiastical matters. The Chronicle also includes specifics on Oxford, suggesting that Robert of Gloucester was a scholar at the university of Oxford. What is certain is that the author must have had access to a good library.

Two versions of the Metrical Chronicle exist. In its entirety it was once ascribed only to Gloucester himself, but it is also possible that the chronicle was written by a different author and that Gloucester wrote only the continuation (Kennedy, p. 2618). The Metrical

Chronicle’s longer version (12,000 lines) contains English history from the arrival of Brutus to the year 1270, the year in which Henry I died. This version was written around 1272. The shorter version (10,000 lines), which is extended to cover affairs up to 1272, was written later.

They differ mostly in their account of affairs after 1135. The original was written in Middle

English verse, most likely in a Southwest, or Southwest Midlands dialect (Kennedy, p. 2617,

2619). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Roger of Wendover, Waverley, Winchester, Geoffrey of

Monmouth, Eadmer, Ailred of Rievaulx, Roger of Hoveden, Florence of Worcester, Simeon of Durham, hagiographies and, of course, twelfth-century Latin chroniclers like William of

Malmesbury and Henry of Huntingdon were an influence on the Metrical Chronicle.

Moreover, Gloucester’s work also fits in the tradition of secular romance and was inspired by chivalric literature and Arthurian romance. It is not sure if the Metrical Chronicle was a monastic production. It expresses pro-baronial sentiments and it is assumed that the chronicle’s continuation was written for a baronial supporter, Sir Warin of Bassingbourne, one of Edward’s Knights (Gransden, p. 2619).

The Chronicle was written for “the unlearned” (Kennedy, p. 2619). In the longer version the author states: “Of þe prophecye of merlin we ne mowe telle namore/ Vor it is so derc to simplemen. Bote me were þe bet in lore” (Gloucester, ll. 2819-2820). It was probably popular in its time, as at least fourteen manuscripts have survived. It was also mentioned by

17 several later historiographers and was mostly admired for its historiographical information.

What is more, linguists see it as a witness to the development of the English language.

About the Fourteenth Century

The fourteenth century is the century in which half of the sources used by this thesis were written. Robert Mannyng of Brunne, Thomas of Castelford and John Trevisa wrote their histories in the same century in which also the Anonymous Short English Metrical Chronicle was written.

In England, Oxford and Cambridge had obtained their positions at the top of the universities in Europe. They were able to compete with Paris, which was still considered to be

Europe’s intellectual capital. Theology, grammar and science flourished and even the church stressed the importance of a good education at these institutions. This new generation of scholars would eventually plead against the uncontrolled authority of the church, wanting a

“reunion of mind and God” (Myers, p. 75). The ‘Lollard’ movement, as its adherents were called, demanded a translation of the Bible into English. The church was against this form of freedom. Its literature was still made to suit the church’s purpose to teach certain morals to the people in the church’s voice and the Bible was not accessible for individual reading. The

Lollards no longer accepted this and demanded unhindered access to the scriptures. They pleaded for an individual interpretation of the Bible. This movement would continue into the fifteenth century, but as early as 1382 John Wycliffe, or one of his followers, made public an

English translation of the Bible.

In the fourteenth century the Black Death struck Western Europe, including England, several times, proving to be fatal for almost a third of England’s 3,700,000 population. This terrible disease, an invasion of the Scots led by Robert Bruce and a series of armed conflicts with France (the 100 Years War) during an unstable period at home, unsettled the minds of

18 many of the English. During this period, many revolts against both government and church took place. For instance, 1381 saw the Peasant’s Revolt and 1399 a revolution against the tyranny of Richard II.

The fourteenth century was the age of Geoffrey Chaucer, William Langland and the

Gawain, or Pearl Poet. It was the beginning of a new era in literature. Nationalism flourished and, due to a combination of an anti-French sentiment throughout England, the language of these modern writers, and the rise of the English-speaking middle class English made its way up. French was slowly but surely driven to the background. Evidence is also the introduction of the Bill of Parliament in 1362, according to which English was already to be used in law courts, but only with regards to pleadings (Schofield, p. 111). Nevertheless, during this century, the native English tongue started to flourish again.

Robert Mannyng of Brunne

Robert Mannyng of Brunne was borne around 1283 and would become, first, a canon of the Gilbertine house of Sempringham and later of Sixhills in Lincolnshire. The Gilbertine order was a monastic order, established in the twelfth century. Mannyng was a poet of the early fourteenth century and probably a scholar at the university of Cambridge between 1298 and 1302. Next to his Chronicle, he is known for his penitential work Handlyng Synne.

Mannyng undertook the compilation of his Chronicle (in total around 25,000 lines) after 1327 at Sixhills, probably at the request of Robert of Malton, perhaps his prior, and finished it around 1338. It was written in the Northeast Midland dialect. It is divided into two parts and starts with an account of Noah’s flood and ends with the death of Edward I in 1307.

Mannyng’s aspiration was to edify and entertain both the common man and parishioners, by using words everyone could understand (Kennedy, p. 2626). For the first part, he used the

Anglo-Norman chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft, Gildas, Nennius, Wace’s Roman de Brut,

19 Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historiae Regum Brittaniae and Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica to draw from. For part two, he used Langtoft, Bede, Ailred of Rievaulx, Henry of Huntingdon,

Nicholas Trevet, a romance about Richard the Lion Hearted and a life of St Edmund. He took from these sources and inserted events to amuse his audience. His work often concerns political issues of his own time: it is even said that he knew Robert Bruce. These events cannot be traced back to any of the sources (Kennedy, p. 2626). Even though it is a well- known Middle English chronicle, it has survived in no more than two manuscripts.

Thomas Bek of Castelford

Thomas Bek of Castelford’s Chronicle, or The Boke of Brut is dated around 1327, but scholars have not succeeded in attributing it to an exact year. Over the first line of the text, which contains 39,674 lines in total, the name Thomas Castelford is written, therefore it is assumed that he is responsible for the writing of the chronicle. It has also been suggested that he was the owner of the manuscript (Castelford, ed. Eckhardt, p. xi). Unfortunately, there is no solid information about Thomas of Castelford’s identity. Kennedy states that he might have been a cleric and that a Thomas Bek, living in 1269 in Pontefract, is known to have been the rector of a church at Castelford, but this man has never been connected with the Chronicle

(Kennedy, p. 2624). The Chronicle was most likely contributed to by different authors. The

Northern dialect used in the Chronicle and the author’s descriptions of and interests in York suggest the writer was from southern Yorkshire, not improbably from the town of Castelford, near York.

The chronicle covers English history from the founding of Albion to the accession of

Edward III in 1327 and is much like other Brut chronicles, such as Bede’s Historia

Ecclesiastica, Wace’s Brut, Layamon’s Brut, Robert of Gloucester’s Chronicle and the

Middle English Prose Brut. Castelford translated and paraphrased parts of Geoffrey of

20 Monmouth’s Historiae Regum Brittaniae, adding and making changes to the original material.

Other sources were the Bible and Anglo-Norman chronicles of Wace (Roman de Rou), and

Pierre Langtoft. The work is a combination of fact and fiction, offering the reader historical facts, imaginative literature and English legends (Castelford, ed. Eckhardt, p. xiii).

John Trevisa

John Trevisa was born in 1342. Scholars have situated his childhood in Trevessa,

Berkeley. He was a member of the diocese of Exeter and a scholar at Oxford. In 1374 he became vicar of Berkeley and in 1379 chaplain to the Berkeley family. He worked on the

English translation of Ranulph Higden’s Polychronicon, a universal history, at least from

1385 to 1387 at the command of Sir Thomas Berkeley, but it is more likely that he had already started during his years as a student. He also translated other works and it is suggested that he was involved in the translation of the Wycliffe Bible (Kennedy, p. 2660). Trevisa died in 1402.

Higden was a Benedictine monk in Chester, who, like Trevisa himself, wrote in the fourteenth century. It took Higden his entire life to complete the Polychronicon. At least 118 manuscripts of the original, Latin Polychronicon have survived.

Of Trevisa’s translation of the Polychronicon over 120 copies survive. Caxton printed an edition in 1482 and Wynkyn the Worde and Treveris also contributed to the dissemination of the widespread knowledge of the work. The Polychronicon was influenced by the chronicles of Marianus Scottus, Alfred of Beverley, Martinus Polonus, John of Salisbury,

Gerald of Wales, William of Malmesbury’s Historia Regum Britanniae and Henry of

Huntingdon. It also drew upon works of natural science, theology, biblical commentaries and saints’ lives (Kennedy, p. 2658). The work itself would later influence men like Chaucer,

Lydgate and Raleigh.

21 Trevisa worked on this English translation in a period during which the English language became more important. He pleaded in favour of the translation of more famous works, because this would make them available to a larger public, the group of people that did not know Latin. Trevisa’s translation became very popular and contributed to the survival of universal histories throughout the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. His own additions to the work were drawn from contemporary sources like the Brut chronicles and the chronicles of London.

The Anonymous Metrical Chronicle

The last of our sources from the fourteenth century is the Anonymous Short English Metrical

Chronicle, also known as the Abridged English Metrical Brut. In fact, this work has no established title. Nothing is known about its author. According to an editor, Una O’Farrel-

Tate, the chronicle itself probably originated in the West Midlands, where its compilation must have started soon after 1307 (The Anonymous Metrical Chronicle, p. 9).

The chronicle relates the history of England from the arrival of Brutus to the accession of Edward II in 1307 and offers detailed biographies of its kings. Continuations go as far as

1312. The chronicle’s different versions range from 900 lines to about 2400 lines. Its goal was probably to offer its audience an easy access to the history of England, suitable for memorisation (Kennedy, p. 2622). It combines facts with fiction and its contents suggest that it had both an educational and entertaining objective. Its style is related to the romance tradition, which means it was considered to be popular literature, emphasising its purpose to entertain. The main influences of the Chronicle may have been Robert of Gloucester, William of Malmesbury’s Gesta Regum and Historia Novella, Layamon’s Brut, Geoffrey of

Monmouth’s Historiae Regum Brittaniae, possibly Wace’s Roman de Brut, Henry of

Huntingdon, Thomas of Castelford and the brief Le Livere de Reis de Brittanie. Neither the

22 facts, nor the fiction in this work are considered to be of a high standard and it has never been highly esteemed by critics. The chronicle has survived in seven manuscripts.

About the Fifteenth Century

The fifteenth century is the last century of this research on King Alfred. This century produced the Brut, or Chronicle of England.

In the beginning of the fifteenth century, the English king, Henry V, was up against

Scottish invasions and Welsh revolts. He was busy abroad, asserting his right to the French throne. This meant another war in 1417. When Henry died in 1422, England faced a period without an official king, but with many contenders. Because of the war, England also found itself in large debt. Protests took place throughout the country.

This century also saw the introduction of the printing press by William Caxton at

Westminster in 1476. Minstrelsy and manuscripts would become out of date and literature became more varied because of the ease with which it could be produced. This also had a positive effect on the use of English as a written language. The establishment of English as the nation’s language continued and the demand for literature in English, instead of French, increased considerably.

The Hundred Years’ War with France was followed by the national War of the Roses, which began in 1455, when Richard, Duke of York, asserted his claim to be regent after

Henry VI’s madness became known. Henry’s wife feared for her son’s succession and declared war. York’s son, Edward, finally succeeded to the throne, but the war between the two parties and their political allies lasted until 1471, when the queen’s troops, including the

Lancasters, were defeated.

23 The Brut, or Chronicles of England

The Brut, or Chronicles of England is our last Middle English source for King Alfred the Great. It was completed in 1333 and added to up till 1480. At the time the Brut was written, chronicles in the vernacular had never been very important. The Brut was the first chronicle to be printed. It survived in at least 172 manuscripts and none of them have exactly the same contents. Its popularity illustrates the acceptance of the English language for historical writing.

Like the Anonymous Short English Metrical Chronicle the Brut is an anonymous source. Several writers contributed to continuations of this work. It deals with English history, from the arrival of Brutus to the year 1333, and continuations go as far as 1479, with the first part, which ends with the year 1333, being a translation of the French Brut d’Engleterre. Brut chronicles in general all start with the legend of Brutus and are patriotic and chivalric in tone.

Their authors loved jousts, battles and English legends. They were inspired by the fifteenth- century chronicles of London, but compared to the Brut, these focussed on London-based, contemporary events (Gransden, p. 221). The Brut would later influence other writers. The

Brut chronicles mostly appealed to the higher and knightly class of society.

24 3. The Old English Texts

Asser’s Life of King Alfred and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle are the most important contemporary sources for an account of King Alfred’s life. The difference between the two is that Asser’s Life was written especially as a tribute to Alfred, while the Anglo-Saxon

Chronicle is a chronicle, a chronological account of Anglo-Saxon history, with entries from the first settlement to 1154. Both proved to be important sources for the Middle English texts studied here.

This chapter will analyse what Asser and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle say about

Alfred’s life and in what order this is done.1 A schematic report including all the sources’ accounts of Alfred’s life will be included at the end of this thesis.

Asser’s Life of King Alfred

Asser, one of the scholars imported into Wessex by Alfred himself, wrote Alfred’s biography in 893. It starts with his birth and ends in 887, followed by an account of his many accomplishments. Asser was close to Alfred and an eyewitness to many events. He gave a very detailed and personal account of Alfred.

In the introduction to his Life, Asser dedicates his work to “my esteemed and most holy lord, Alfred, ruler of all the Christians of the island of Britain, king of the Angles and

Saxons …”(p. 67). This is an exaggeration of Alfred’s position as king of Wessex.

His account of Alfred’s life starts with his birth in 849. Asser traces Alfred’s genealogy up to Adam, the first man created by God. Information about Alfred’s mother’s parentage and character is also included: she was “a most religious woman, noble in character and noble by birth” (p. 68).

1 All references for Asser are from Keynes and Lapidge. For the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the edition by Dorothy Whitelock was used.

25 In Alfred’s early years, kings on the island already struggled to keep the Vikings out of their kingdoms.

According to Asser, Alfred was sent to Rome in 853, where Pope Leo “anointed the child Alfred as king, ordaining him properly, received him as an adoptive son and confirmed him” (p. 69). In 855, Alfred and Æthelwulf, his father, returned to Rome. On their return to

England, Æthelwulf brought a new queen, Judith, the daughter of Charles the Bald, to his court. In the same year, Æthelbald, one of Æthelwulf’s sons and Alfred’s brother, together with other men, plotted to take the kingdom from his father. After an account of these events,

Asser inserts the story of King Offa and his daughter Eadburh, who lived “in fairly recent times” (p. 71).

After this Æthelwulf died and his sons succeeded him, first Æthelbald, then Æthelberht and later Æthelred, in 866. After having stated the arrival of a Viking fleet, Asser returns to

Alfred’s childhood, even though, at this point, Alfred was already seventeen years old:

Now, he was greatly loved, more than all his brothers, by his father and mother – indeed, by everybody – with a universal and profound love, and he was always brought up in the royal court and nowhere else. […] he was seen to be more comely in appearance than his other brothers, and more pleasing in manner, speech and behaviour. (p. 74)

The year 867 was a year of political instability in Northumbria. With the year 868, Asser returns to Alfred’s marriage to a Mercian woman and his struggle against the Vikings in

Mercia, together with his brother, Æthelred. After more Viking activity from 869 to 870,

Asser briefly brings up the struggles of King Edmund, the king of East Anglia, against the

Vikings. In 871, Æthelred and Alfred were involved in several battles with the Vikings, at

Reading, Ashdown and Basing.

26 When Æthelred died that same year, Alfred took over

with the approval of divine will and according to the unanimous wish of all the inhabitants of the kingdom. Indeed, he could easily have taken it over with the consent of all while his brother Æthelred was alive, had he considered himself worthy to do so, for he surpassed all his brothers both in wisdom and in all good habits; and in particular because he was a great warrior and victorious in virtually all battles. (pp. 80-81)

After a battle at Wilton and eight following battles, Alfred succeeded in establishing a peace with the Vikings, according to which the Vikings were to leave the country. In 872 and 873, the Vikings settled in London and Northumbria and established peace with Mercia. Asser’s account of 875 includes more Viking activity and Alfred’s involvement in a naval battle. In

876, the Vikings broke their peace with Alfred. “In the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 878 (the thirtieth of King Alfred’s life)” (p.83), the Viking army came to Chippenham and Alfred and some of his men hid in the Somerset marshes. During this time, the country was subjected to many attacks. As a defence from the Vikings, Alfred built a fortress at Athelney, and at

Egbert’s Stone (a location unknown) the people of Somerset, Wiltshire and Hampshire joined him. In the next battle with the Vikings, Alfred was victorious and had Guthrum baptised, who was the Viking leader: “King Alfred raised him from the holy baptism, receiving him as his adoptive son” (p. 85). After Viking activity from 879 to 880 and continental Viking activity from 880 to 883, Alfred launched another naval attack in 882. In 885, the Viking army split up, with one part staying in Britain, causing a battle at Rochester, the other part going to France. In the same year, Alfred felt compelled to go to East Anglia with a naval force. After an account of more continental activity, including the death of Pope Marinus, who “had generously released the Saxon quarter in Rome from all tribute and tax, as a result of the friendship and entreaties of Alfred” (p. 88), the Vikings broke the peace yet again.

27 After this, Asser interrupts the Vikings’ struggles for another account of “the life, behaviour, equitable character and, without exaggeration the accomplishments of my lord Alfred” (p.

88). This includes Alfred’s family, his illness, his faith, the government of his kingdom and his search for scholars. Asser takes this opportunity to tell his audience something about himself and his home country, Wales: “At that time, and for a considerable time before then, all the districts of right-hand [southern] Wales belonged to King Alfred, and still do” (p. 96).

The year 886 is the penultimate year Asser includes in his Life. Here, he describes Viking activity on the Continent and Alfred’s restoration of London to Mercia. London had been burned and its people slaughtered, but Alfred restored it and

entrusted it to the care of Æthelred, ealdorman of the Mercians. All the Angles and Saxons – those who had formerly been scattered everywhere and were not in captivity with the Vikings – turned willingly to King Alfred and submitted themselves to his lordship. (p. 98)

Asser ends his account of Alfred life with the year 887. After more Viking activity on the

Continent, Asser gives a final account of Alfred. He had alms taken to Rome, he read and translated with Asser, he constructed monasteries, divided the revenue from taxation, found a way to tell the time and sat in at judicial hearings.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was started during the reign of King Alfred, probably after 892 (Keynes and Lapidge, p. 39), and was contributed to up till 1154. There is no evidence that the Chronicle was originally commissioned by Alfred. Being a contemporary source, it provides as much detail as Asser did, but its emphasis is on different aspects of

Alfred’s life. It gives an account of Alfred’s life from his early childhood up to his death.

28 The Chronicle’s first mention of Alfred is in 853, when King Æthelwulf sent Alfred to

Rome: “The lord Leo was then pope of Rome, and he consecrated him king and stood sponsor to him at confirmation” (p. 43). After the death of Æthelwulf and the accounts of the successive reigns of Æthelbald and Æthelberht, Æthelred took over in the year 866. In that year, the Great Heathen Army arrived and settled in East Anglia. From 867 to 869, the

Chronicle describes Viking activity on the island. Like Asser, the Chronicle mentions

Æthelred’s and Alfred’s joint struggle against the Vikings in Mercia in 868. It also broaches the subject of King Edmund’s unfortunate encounter with the Viking invaders in 870, where

“the Danes had the victory, and killed the king and conquered all the land” (p. 46).

After Ætelred’s and Alfred’s battles at Reading, Ashdown, Basing and, here, also Meretun,

Ætelred died and Alfred became the new king of Wessex in 871. A battle at Wilton and nine more battles followed. According to the Chronicle the period from 872 to 875 was a period of

Viking activity. Like Asser, it mentions the Viking settlement in London, their move to

Northumbria and peace with Mercia. Also in 875, Alfred was involved in a naval battle against the Vikings. A year later, Alfred made peace “and they gave him hostages, who were the most important men next to their king in the army, and swore oaths to him on the holy ring” (p. 48). This same ritual would also occur the next year when Alfred pursued the

Vikings at Exeter. In 878, Alfred was the only king to oppose a powerful Viking army, but he had to hide and journey through the woods with a small force of his men. Alfred made a stronghold at Athelney and the people of Somerset, Wiltshire and Hampshire joined him at

Egbert’s stone “and they rejoiced to see him” (p. 49). The Chronicle then states that Alfred travelled from Iley to the battle at Edington

and there fought against the whole army and put it to flight, and pursued it as far as the fortress, and stayed there a fortnight. And then the enemy gave him preliminary

29 hostages and great oaths that they would leave his kingdom, and promised also that their king should receive baptism, and they kept their promise. (p. 49)

Consequently, their leader Guthrum was baptised. The Chronicle continues with Viking activity and continental events from 879 to 884. In between, in the year 882, Alfred is said to be involved in a naval battle. For the year 883, the Chronicle introduces something new:

Alfred received a piece of wood from the cross of Christ from Pope Marinus. In return Alfred sent alms to Rome, India to St Thomas and St Bartholomew2 “when the English were encamped against the enemy army at London; and there, by the grace of God, their prayers were well answered after that promise” (p. 50). After this victory in London, a battle at

Rochester followed. The Chronicle then describes how Alfred sent a naval force to East

Anglia. Continental activity, the death of Pope Marinus, and the violation of the peace by the

Vikings, the latter being much like Asser’s description, follow. The Chronicle continues with

Alfred’s restoration of London in 886, after which “all the English people that were not under subjection to the Danes submitted to him” (p. 52). During the year 887, the Viking army spread on the Continent from the river Seine. In the same year and in 888, Alfred had alms taken to Rome. In 888, Alfred’s sister, queen Æthelswith, the wife of Burgred of Mercia, died.

In 889, Alfred sent letters to Rome and, a year later, he sent more alms. The Chronicle then states that Guthrum, “whose baptismal name was Athelstan”, died in 890. For 891 the

Chronicle continues with more continental activity and interpolates the story of three Scots

(Irishmen), visiting Alfred at his court “because they wished for the love of God to be in foreign lands, they cared not where” (p. 53). The next year was another year of continued

Viking activity, and in 893 Alfred received oaths and hostages from Northumbria and East

Anglia, where the Vikings had built a fortress. This year was also the year of battles at

2 St Thomas and St Bartholomew were probably Christian churches in India.

30 Farnham, Buttington and Wirral (Chester). In 894, a shortage of food forced the Vikings to move across the island. Alfred had to make sure his people survived: “[T]he king encamped in the vicinity of the borough while they were reaping their corn, so that the Danes could not deny them that harvest” (p. 57). In 896, Alfred built “longships” to be able to form a serious threat to the “Danish warships” (p. 57):

They were almost twice as long as the others. Some had 60 oars, some more. They were both swifter and steadier and also higher than the others. They were built neither on the Frisian nor the Danish pattern, but as it seemed to himself that they could be most useful. (p. 57)

That same year, Alfred ordered defeated Vikings to be hanged. Finally, in 899, Alfred died.

He was king over the whole English people except for that part which was under Danish rule, and he had held the kingdom for one and a half years less than thirty; and then his son Edward succeeded to the kingdom. (p. 58)

31 4. The Middle English Texts

This chapter will analyse the Middle English texts about Alfred by outlining them and comparing and contrasting what is said about Alfred to the contemporary sources, the Anglo-

Saxon Chronicle and Asser’s Life of King Alfred. It will try to describe what the Middle

English writers have done with the Old English information. This chapter’s aim is to register notable choices, not to interpret the choices the writers made. The texts will be discussed in chronological order.

William of Malmesbury

William of Malmesbury completed his Historia Regum Britanniae around 1122, over

220 years after Alfred’s reign. It provides a relatively extensive description of English history before 1066, the year of the Norman Conquest. A significant part is about King Alfred the

Great.

Malmesbury describes all aspects of Alfred’s life thoroughly. Like the contemporary sources, he introduces Alfred as a child by looking back on his visit to Rome where he met with and was anointed by Pope Leo IV. Malmesbury also enters upon the conspiracy against

Æthelwulf to “eject him from the sovereignty” (p. 95)1, the stories of Judith and Edburga,

Alfred’s brothers’ reigns, St Edmund, even though he places St Edmund a year later than the contemporary sources, and battles with the Vikings, both before and after Alfred’s coronation.

About the battle at Ashdown Malmesbury says: “Elfred was ready at his post, but his brother, intent on his devotions, had remained in his tent” (p. 98). This description of Ashdown is very much like Asser’s report of events. He includes Alfred’s retreat, which the Anglo-Saxon

Chronicle and Asser’s Life of King Alfred describe under the year 878. Instead of placing

1 All quotations are taken from the edition by J. Stephenson.

32 Alfred in marshes and woods, Malmesbury situates Alfred on the island Adelingia “which from its marshy situation was hardly accessible” (p. 100). Later, Alfred baptised the Viking leader Guthrum. The Vikings’ subsequent activities on the Continent are discussed. Alfred’s victory in London, which gave him national acclaim, is also mentioned: “During this space of time, Elfred had reduced the whole island to his power, with the exception of what the Danes possessed” (pp. 102-103). Before Alfred’s death, Malmesbury broaches the subjects of

Alfred’s own wife and children, his health, law making, religion, arts, the division of his income and, finally, the way he divided his days. Unlike the contemporary sources,

Malmesbury places Alfred’s coronation in the year 872. Throughout his account of Alfred, he inserts some new contributions. For instance, he adds information about continental kings and dream visions, Æthelwulf’s genealogy (Asser did the same for Alfred) and Æthelwulf’s will and charter2. He is the first writer to mention St. Cuthbert’s prediction “and how [Alfred] escaped [the perils] by the merits of” this saint (p. 100), which illustrates Alfred’s support from God. He also gives an account of how, later, Alfred would infiltrate the Viking army and defeat them:

Remaining there several days, till he had satisfied his mind on every matter which he wished to know, he returned to Adelingia; and assembling his companions, pointed out the indolence of the enemy, and the easiness of their defeat. (p. 101)

Malmesbury also includes an account of Johannes Scottus, or John the Scot, an Irish theologian who lived from 815 to 877. He spends many lines on the Vikings’ move to the

Continent at the end of the ninth century: “Such of the Danes as had refused to become

Christians […] went over sea, where the inhabitants are best able to tell what cruelties they perpetrated” (p. 102).

2 A charter is a royal decree, in this case, for the citizens of Wessex.

33 Striking is that in spite of the fact that he is thorough with regards to what he describes, which is evident when comparing him to the Old English sources, he sometimes places events a year later than the contemporary sources.

Malmesbury describes Alfred as a king who defended his kingdom against all odds.

He says: “The Christians were fighting in an unfavourable situation” (p. 99), yet “[Alfred] suddenly attacked and routed [the Vikings] with incredible slaughter” (p. 101), and “like a slippery serpent, [Alfred] would escape from the hand which held him, glide from his lurking- place, and, with undiminished courage, spring on his insulting enemies” (p. 103). Yet Alfred is also described as a man who saw a chance to stimulate the development of culture, political structure and religion in his kingdom. Even though the Vikings formed a constant threat to the kingdom of Wessex, “[Alfred] gave his whole soul to the cultivation of the liberal arts” (p.

105). “The king himself, with his usual activity, was present in every emergency, daunting the invaders, and at the same time inspiring his subjects” (p. 103).

Even though Malmesbury’s account of Alfred’s life is very elaborate, compared to the

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and Asser’s Life of King Alfred, Malmesbury leaves out many events.

The most noteworthy omissions are Æthelred’s and Alfred’s battle against the Danes in

Mercia in 868, several important battles in 871, Alfred’s naval force, his fortress at Athelney, and the death of Pope Marinus. These events are included in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as well as in Asser’s Life. It is therefore remarkable that Malmesbury has chosen not to include them in his history. On the other hand, he himself says about his recapitulation of Alfred’s life:

“To trace in detail the mazy labyrinth of [Alfred’s] labours was never my design…” (p. 101).

Although Malmesbury makes mistakes with regards to years, most of the time he is quite accurate. Malmesbury leaves a personal mark on his account of Alfred by referring to himself, his goals, opinions and his monastery. For instance, under the account of the reign of king Æthelwulf, Alfred’s father, he says about Swithun, who was one of Æthelwulf’s prelates:

34 “…by his intrigues he seized the monastery of Malmesbury to his own use. We feel the mischief of this shameful conduct even to the present day”(p. 87). He includes both stories that convey a moral to the reader and stories about the Continent, while he also makes remarks about Alfred’s future when speaking about Alfred’s grandson (p. 101). The extent to which Malmesbury discusses Alfred suggests that his aim was to give an account of his life that would cover all aspects of the king as a person.

Henry of Huntingdon

Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum, written between 1129 and 1154, describes

English history, including Huntingdon’s own time. The work is as detailed as Malmesbury’s, although the emphasis is on different themes.

Like Malmesbury, Huntingdon describes Alfred’s life extensively. He, too, introduces

Alfred by placing him in Rome during his childhood in 853 where “Leo afterwards blessed him as king and adopted him as son” (p. 279). He also mentions Æthelwulf’s marriage to

Judith. Huntingdon continues with the reigns of Alfred’s brothers and the arrival of a large pagan army. In his description he even names two of Alfred’s opponents, Hinguar and Ubba.

What follows is Alfred’s battle against the Danes in Mercia in 868, together with Æthelred.

Like the two contemporary sources he places King Edmund’s struggle against the Vikings, during which Edmund chose “to suffer death rather than see the desolation of his people” (p.

283), in 870, and he includes the battles of the two brothers at Reading Ashdown and Basing in 871, the same year as Alfred’s coronation. Again, the opponents are named. Here, they are

Bagsecg and Healfdene. Like the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Huntingdon speaks of a battle at

Meretun in 871. The arrival of the Viking army in London and Alfred’s involvement in a naval battle are also mentioned. Then, Alfred secured a peace treaty with the Vikings, but after this was broken by the Vikings, Alfred pursued them to Exeter. He includes Alfred’s

35 going into hiding in the woodlands in 878, even though he is not as explicit on this subject as his predecessors were. Again, the people of Somerset, Wiltshire and Hampshire supported

Alfred in his struggles. In the same year, the Viking leader Guthrum was baptised. Alfred’s tributes to Rome follow. Then, Huntingdon elaborately describes how Alfred defended his country against many Viking attacks:

In King Alfred’s fourteenth year [885], part of the army that was in Gaul came to Rochester, and laying siege to the city, began to construct another stronghold there. When the king arrived they fled to their ships and sailed away. Then King Alfred sent a naval force from Kent to East Anglia. (p. 291)

Huntingdon also places the Vikings on the Continent, but does not give a detailed account like Malmesbury does. He does not fail to mention the death of Pope Marinus. In 886, Alfred restored London, after which “[a]ll the English immediately submitted to him and acknowledged him, for the Danes were put to flight” (p. 291). Huntingdon even includes the death of Guthrum in his account of Alfred’s life. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is the only source also to relate this. He continues with the return of the Great Army in 891 and the

Vikings’ breaking of the peace. During his later years, Alfred built fortifications and

“longships”.

Huntingdon’s preoccupation with religion is striking and can be found, for instance, in his introduction of the Danish wars. He starts as follows: “At the beginning of this History, I spoke of Britain as having been struck by five plagues. In the present book I shall deal with the fourth of these, which was inflicted by the Danes” (p. 273). Later, he also considers the

Danes’ arrival to be “punishment for wicked behaviour” (p. 275) and describes their arrival as a plague of locusts (p.289). Despite his own fascination with religion, Huntingdon represents

Alfred mostly as a king defending his kingdom.

36 Like Malmesbury, Huntingdon leaves out certain facts the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and

Asser do mention. But compared to Malmesbury, Huntingdon deletes different aspects of

Alfred’s life. There is a side to Alfred Huntingdon does not enter upon at all. He says nothing about Alfred’s family, his health, his cultural and social activities and how Alfred spent his days.

To conclude, Huntingdon is careful with regards to the information he supplies. Albeit that his use of years is less elaborate than Malmesbury’s, Huntingdon is more accurate.

Huntingdon places most events in the same year as Asser and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle do.

With Malmesbury, this is not the case. Huntingdon also seems to value religion in his account of history. Moreover, he is very factual, but embellishes these facts. He has left out important aspects of Alfred’s life and concentrates on Alfred as a king and his kingdom.

Robert of Gloucester

Robert of Gloucester’s recapitulation of Alfred’s life is not as lengthy as

Malmesbury’s, or Huntingdon’s, nor is it as detailed. The Metrical Chronicle contains English history from Brutus to the reign of Henry I, which ended in 1135. Gloucester later extended the work to 1300.

When Alfred first appears in the Chronicle he is described as one of the good sons of king Æthelwulf. Before Alfred’s coronation in 872, Gloucester brings up the reigns of

Alfred’s brothers and the country’s struggles against the Danes in 867. Gloucester also names the attackers and gives a very detailed version of the story of St Edmund, the king of East

Anglia.

Hii nome him an scourgede him. & suþþe3 naked him bounde. To an tre & to him ssote. & made him mony a wounde.

3 Afterwards

37 þat þe arwen were on him so þikke. þat no stede4 nas on him bileued. Atte laste hii martred him. & smite of is heued. (ll. 5304-5307)

Then, after the battles at Reading and Ashdown and the death of Æthelred, Gloucester has

Alfred go to Rome before his coronation (which he situates in 872) being blessed and oiled, or anointed “king of engelond” (ll. 5330) by the pope. Gloucester resumes with Alfred’s war against the Danes, in which Alfred was omnipresent, and reports on St Cuthbert, on whom he is also relatively detailed. The first lines go as follows: “Icham he sede cuthbert. to þe icham ywent. / To bringe þe gode tydinges. fram god ich am ysent” (ll. 5342-5343). This, again, shows God’s influence on history.

Like the contemporary sources and Malmesbury, Robert of Gloucester mentions that the people of Somerset, Wiltshire and Hampshire joined Alfred, and the battle at Edington.

The support of his countrymen brought Alfred the victory, leading to the baptism of

“Gurmund”, the Viking king.

The Danes’ activities on the Continent and their return, after which Alfred shamed them, follow. So do law in wartime and Alfred’s childhood. Gloucester briefly raises the subject of Alfred as a student and a builder of monasteries.

Gloucester’s emphasis is on Alfred as the protector of his country. He hardly ever mentions the years in which these matters took place, and when he does, most of the time he is mistaken. Gloucester says about Alfred and his brothers that “þis was a stalwarde5 tem. & of gret wisdom & red. / & kinges were alle foure. & defended wel þis lond.” (ll. 5241-5242), asserting Alfred’s efforts against the Vikings. What seems more important, however, is that he writes:

4 Place 5 Determined

38 þe pope leon him blessede. þo he þuder com. & þe kinges croune of þis lond þat in þis lond 3ut is. & elede6 him to be king. ar he were king ywis. & he was king of engelond. (ll. 5327-5330)

Gloucester is the first to ascribe the title “king of England” to Alfred. Moreover, not only is

Alfred pronounced “king of England” by the pope, soon after this “is herte gladede þo. þat londfolc to him com” (ll. 5368-5369). Alfred got the support of the English people in time of war.

Robert of Gloucester’s description of Alfred’s life seems to centre around one aspect in particular: Alfred was the first king of England. As said before, Gloucester’s account of

Alfred’s life is not as lengthy, nor as detailed as the previous texts. He scarcely mentions years. When he does he is often incorrect, e.g. where it concerns the regnal years of the

English kings. There are many events in Alfred’s life he does not mention, for instance,

Alfred’s presence in Rome in 853 and the battle in Mercia. Compared to Malmesbury and

Huntingdon, he leaves out issues like Alfred’s own family, his social and cultural activities and the division of both his income and his days. He also omits Alfred’s accomplishments in

London, as a result of which Alfred gained national status according to Asser, the Anglo-

Saxon Chronicle, Malmesbury and Huntingdon.

Robert Mannyng of Brunne

Robert Mannyng completed his Chronicle in 1338. His account of Alfred’s life is brief, but not less colourful than the earlier texts. It will soon become clear that Mannyng’s

6 Anointed

39 Chronicle is different from what we have seen so far, which makes it difficult to compare him with the other sources.

Even though the Chronicle gives a short introduction to Alfred’s brothers and Alfred himself, according to this version Alfred ruled Surrey, Alfred’s life starts at the point that he and his brother Æthelred fought a winning battle against the Danes. Before continuing with

Alfred’s life, Mannyng enters into Æthelred’s. He discusses his battles with Alfred against the

Danes, and a procession Æthelred organised in York to “þank […] Ihesu criste” (l. 415). In between Æthelred’s affairs he gives a quite detailed version of the life of St Edmund, who was killed by Hinguar and Hubba, who we have seen in Huntingdon’s and Gloucester’s texts.

He then describes one of Æthelred’s and Alfred’s battles in the year 871, after the two brothers fled from York, much like Asser did: “þe kyng Зede to þe kirke, his messe forto here.

/ Bot Alfride, his broþer, Зede to þe bataile” (ll. 456-57). Mannyng gives an exhaustive account of a battle against an alliance of Danes and Scots and he describes Æthelred’s death, inflicted on him by a Scottish king. After Æthelred’s death, Mannyng attributes characteristics that were ascribed to Alfred by previous sources, for instance the division of his day, law making, the division of his income and the construction of churches, to Æthelred. Only then does Mannyng enter upon Alfred’s reign. According to Mannyng, Alfred won twenty-two battles during his first year. He converted Rollo (860-932), a Viking leader who later (911) conquered Normandy, at Rollo’s own request. Also, “þorgh þe grace of God”, Gunter,

Havelok’s father, who had burnt towns before, now “turned his wille; cristend wild he be” (ll.

514-515). Alfred won fifty-six more battles before he died. In between Alfred’s conversion of the enemy and his following fifty-six battles, the story of Havelok the Dane is inserted, who is the subject of a romance poem that was written around 1285. Like most of the Middle English sources so far, Mannyng includes St Cuthbert, but Mannyng’s account of him is very limited and atypical.

40

Saynt Cuthbertes clerkes þo Danes þei dred, þe toke þe holy bones, about þei þam led; seuen Зere þorgh þe land wer þei born aboute, it comforted þe kyng mykelle whan he was in doute. (ll. 509-512)

Towards the end, Mannyng also introduces the arrival of the Danish Earl Alfden with Inguar, here also identified as the murderer of King Edmund. After a reign that lasted for 29.5 years,

Alfred died and was buried at Winchester.

Mannyng seems to be very concerned with religion. He often speaks of God’s influence on Alfred’s life: “God did faire miracle for Elfride” (l. 462) and “þorgh godes grace” (l. 412). He also illustrates Alfred’s religious side: “Elfride & his broþere […] praied god specially þat he wild þam saue” (ll. 452-53). More importantly, he describes Alfred as a king who “resceyued þe coroune after his broþer dede” (l. 483) and who, even though “strong were þe batailes þe Danes on him bede” (l. 484), still won, first, twenty-two battles and then fifty-six. Mannyng’s version of Alfred’s history also includes many other new and dramatic stories, for instance those of the Scottish king, Havelok and Rollo. Because of this, it seems unlikely that Mannyng’s primary purpose was to educate. Entertainment appears to play a more important part in his Chronicle.

To conclude, it is obvious that Mannyng’s account of Alfred’s life is different in that he values and introduces many animating stories, but leaves out many of the generally known facts. He does not mention years, he mixes up the order of events and he seems misinformed, for instance, about Alfred’s and Æthelred’s accomplishments. There is a focus on religion and

Mannyng includes exceptional references to the city of York. A correct rendition of Alfred’s history does not seem to be Mannyng’s main concern. It seems that, foremost, he wanted to entertain his audience.

41

Thomas of Castelford

Thomas of Castelford started writing his Chronicle, or The Boke of Brut, around 1328.

It describes British history from its foundation to the year 1327. The part that discusses the life of King Alfred is very limited.

Castelford commences Alfred’s history by directing his attention towards Alfred’s brothers. Even though he mentions each one, his order is confused and he displays an exceptional interest in Æthelberht. He seems to be even more confused when he calls Alfred

Æthelberht’s successor. The year in which this succession is supposed to have taken place is unclear, although 857 is mentioned, which is, of course, incorrect. Alfred is then said to have driven the “Dakes” from the country (l. 29023)7 and to have gone on a pilgrimage to Rome, where Pope Leon, “wiЗ willes fre” (l. 29031), crowns him “kyng of Englande” (l. 29035). In

855, according to Castelford, Alfred imported scholars and fought unrest in his country. He names important Viking leaders, Inguar and Hub, “duk of Fresie” (l. 29223), who are said to have caused the death of King Edmund, the king and protector of East Anglia, whose struggles are, again, described in detail. Something similar has been seen in Mannyng’s description of St Edmund’s death. Only after this did Alfred have a vision in which St

Cuthbert appeared to him:

Saint Cuthbert, certes, to him apers. He sais, ‘Godde has herde our praers! Rise vp, and be of gode comfort, For wiЗin brefe tides and schort, In felde þou salle mette wiЗ þi face8, And on þam sal þou win þe place!

7 All quotations are taken from the edition by Caroline P. Eckhardt. 8 Opponent

42 (ll. 29388-93)

Alfred won the war with the Vikings with the help of people all over England and slew

Hinguar and Hubba. Throughout Alfred’s life, Castelford introduces stories about contemporary, chaotic events in Scotland surrounding the coronation of a new king, and about plagues in Italy, Gaul and Britain, after which all changed for the better. After Alfred’s death,

Castelford states that Alfred left two sons.

Castelford’s descriptions of Alfred are not very innovative, nor forceful. Even though he interpolates some new tales within Alfred’s life, his account of Alfred himself is vague and inaccurate. Castelford only offers descriptions of Alfred as a “doghti knight” (l. 28805), “king of England” (l. 29035), or a statement that “all folk him helde ful yiape9 and wise” (l. 29131).

These make it difficult to find out what Castelford wanted to express with his account of

Alfred’s life.

Castelford has neglected to mention a number of important aspects of Alfred’s life.

For instance, he does not mention Æthelred and Alfred’s collaboration against the Danes,

Guthrum’s conversion, Alfred in London, Alfred’s family, the Danes’ activities on the

Continent, nor most of his social and cultural efforts. His version of Alfred’s life is incomplete, to say the least.

This leads to the conclusion that Castelford’s objective was probably not to give a historically correct rendition of Alfred’s life. He is not accurate, nor thorough. The order in which he mentions events seems random and he makes many mistakes. He has only succeeded in painting an unclear picture of Alfred as a king in a turbulent period.

John Trevisa

9 Vigorous

43 John Trevisa finished his translation of Ranulph Higden’s Polychronicon around 1387.

Higden’s purpose was to write a history of the world, which he finished around 1346, and

Trevisa translated this work into English.

Probably because the Polychronicon is a history of the world, it does not give many details, nor are events accompanied by years. Despite this, the work includes vast parts of

Alfred’s life. After a short, general introduction on Alfred, Trevisa begins his life with an account of his childhood. His descriptions suggest that he was inspired by Asser: “Aluredus was feyr of schap & more yloued boþe of vader & of moder þan hys oþer breþern” (p. 1, ll. 6-

7). This is a statement Asser also makes. Trevisa portrays Alfred as a very religious man:

Whanne he come to age & wolde stable hys herte & hys þouЗt in God hys hestes10, þe

lechery of hys vleysch greuede hym & lette hym ofte tyme. Þarevore vor to pot awey

þat temptacyon of vleyschlyche lykynge, he went to & vysytede fol ofte temples of

holy seyntes…

(p. 2, ll. 20-23)

He discusses his health and his family. He then portrays Alfred as the king we have seen in earlier descriptions. He organised learning, shared his income and Trevisa mentions how

Alfred divided his days. After this, Trevisa gives a report of the Viking war, including how the Vikings spread throughout England, and the peace with Mercia. Trevisa also mentions continental affairs. He then introduces Alfred’s encounter with Colwolfus, a servant of

“Burdred” (p. 5, l. 84), and the last king of Mercia. He included more Continental affairs, for instance, information on a conflict about relics from Constantinople between Rollo, who had conquered Normandy, and Charles the Bald (p. 6, ll. 98-124). Alfred went into hiding in the

10 Commands

44 woods of Somerset after a battle at Chippenham. The account of St Cuthbert follows, who appeared to Alfred twice. First, “a pylgrym com to hym & axede almus in God hys name” (p.

8, ll. 10-11). Later, Cuthbert reappeared and told him to love God, be kind to the poor and worship priests and he would be victorious against the Vikings. Alfred’s infiltration into the

Danish army “in mynystral hys lyche” (p. 9, l. 31), as a result of which he secured a victory with help of all the English, the baptism of Guthrum and his tyranny in

Northumberland are next. The account of Alfred’s infiltration resembles Malmesbury’s report. Trevisa also includes Alfred’s navy, which he says was overcome by the enemy, his restoration of London and the giving and receiving of alms. What follows then is quite a- typical and is only found in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: it is the arrival of the three ‘Scots’ in

Wessex (See the year 891 in the grid.). His final lines centre around more Continental activity, including information about Charles the Younger (born in 811), the deaths of important people, especially popes, and Alfred’s final war efforts. Like William of

Malmesbury’s Historia Regum Britanniae, the Polychronicon gives an elaborate report of such continental affairs, but Trevisa does not mention the Vikings’ activities on the Continent.

After stating Alfred’s death, the Polychronicon ends with a verse in Alfred’s honour.

Trevisa does not fail to mention the important events in Alfred’s life. He even adds new stories, but neglects to add detail. His order seems random and he does not mention any years. A possible explanation is that because Higden’s objective was to write a history of the world, an objective which Trevisa took over, it was impossible to paint a complete picture of

Alfred.

The Anonymous Short English Metrical Chronicle

45 The Anonymous Short English Metrical Chronicle, also called The Abridged English

Metrical Brut, is probably the shortest and least detailed rendition of Alfred’s life. It is preserved in five different manuscripts, which were contributed to by different hands from the early fourteenth century up until the fifteenth century.

First, as regards Alfred, it gives a short genealogy and mentions Alfred’s brothers.

Even though all of Alfred’s brothers are named, this does not happen in the correct order, nor does it acknowledge the existence of Alfred’s sister, Æthelswith. After giving a very summarised account of the lives and reigns of both Alfred’s father and his brothers, the text continues with Æthelwulf’s visit to Rome, Judith’s arrival and Æthelred’s and Alfred’s war against the Danes. Alfred is considered to be “þe wiseste kyng þat euer et bred” (l. 477).11 He is said to have reigned for twenty-four years. During this period he was a busy and much troubled man: “… he hade trauail muche” (l. 488). He divided his day by burning candles to tell the time and he distributed his income. Even before it states Alfred’s death, the

Anonymous Metrical Chronicle mentions that he was buried in St Paul’s.

The emphasis of Alfred’s life lies on his social, religious and cultural activities. Alfred is described as a wise man, who led his kingdom through study and deliberation. About the division of Alfred’s day the Anonymous Metrical Chronicle says that

þe þridde VIII were þe beste, þilke he spende saunt[3] dotaunce Aboute þoht and purueaunce, Hou he myhte him wise and rede Ant ys lond ariht lede. (ll. 497-501)

11 All quotations are taken from the edition by Una O’Farrell-Tate.

46 The Anonymous Metrical Chronicle seems to have deleted more than it left in. In the account of Alfred’s rule nothing is said about the Viking wars, nor does it mention Alfred’s wife and children, his health, Alfred’s activities in both Rome and London, St Edmund, or the

Continent.

The only aim of this text seems to be to portray Alfred as a man who led his kingdom through hard work, social and religious activities, and study. It gives a very limited account of these aspects of Alfred’s life. It does not attach years to important events, the order of events is wrong and people are forgotten. Accuracy and detail seem to have become less important in this late Middle English source.

The Brut, or Chronicles of England

The Brut is an anonymous source, like the Anonymous Metrical Chronicle. A part of the Brut, including king Alfred’s life, is a translation of the Anglo-Norman Brut. The entire

Brut, including its continuations, goes up to 1479.

The Brut is the only text to introduce Alfred as the first English king who made chronicles of England public:

But Abbotes, prioures, & men of religioun, written þe lifes and dedes of kynges, & how longe eueryche hade regnede, & in what contre; & in what maner eueryche kyng deide, and of bisshopis also, and þerof made grete bokes, & lete calle ham þe Cronicles: and þe goode Kyng Alurede hade þat boke in his warde, and lete brynge hit to Wynchestre, & lete his faste bene tackede to a pilar, þat men myЗt hit nouЗt remeve ne bere þenns, so þat euery man miЗt hit see and þereoppon loke, for þerin beþ þe lofes of alle þe Kynges þat euer wer in England. (p. 102-103, ll. 32-33, 1-8)

It then adds a story about a King Osbright and Viking activity in England. Then follow the story of St Edmund, “who was Kyng of Northfolc and Southfolc” (p. 106, ll. 21-22), and

47 Æthelred’s and Alfred’s efforts against the Danes at Reading. It mistakenly calls Alfred king of Southsex (p. 108, l. 19). The Brut then describes the aspect of Alfred’s life the Anonymous

Metrical Chronicle fails to mention: king Alfred’s war against the Vikings. About Alfred’s victory in London it says:

[A]nd þere wolde he haue fouЗten wiþ ham, but þe Danois derste nouЗt wiþ him feiЗt, but praiede him of pees, & þat þai most gone aЗeyne into her owen contre, & neuermore into Engeland forto come aЗeyne. (p. 108, ll. 25-27)

The conversion of a Viking leader and the Vikings’ return from the Continent are mentioned.

It also describes that, during this period, Alfred got assistance in fighting the Vikings from barons of “Westsex, Wilteshire and Dorset” (p. 109, l. 22). Unfortunately, after a reign of thirty years, Alfred died while England was subject to a Viking attack led by Gurmonde, who had just returned form France.

The Brut describes Alfred as a king who defended his country against the Vikings. He had God on his side: “þus hit bifelle, as God wolde, þat Kyng Alurede hade þe vittorie” (p.

110, ll. 4-5).

The Brut mentions Alfred’s wartime achievements foremost. Again, years are not given and the order of events is not chronological. In addition to describing Alfred as a defender of the country, it introduces Alfred as a maker and commissioner of many books. It deletes most of the religious, social and cultural aspects regarding Alfred.

The Brut is as limited as the Anonymous Metrical Chronicle with regards to the information it supplies. The Brut focuses on Alfred as a king, defending his country from the

Vikings. This late fifteenth century source has even become inaccurate enough to make

Alfred king of Southsex.

48 Conclusion

The preceding chapters have made clear that Alfred’s image remained consistent throughout the Middle English period. However, the descriptions of his person and of the period in which he lived deteriorated with regard to detail as time went on and were influenced by several factors. The most distinctive influences on the Middle English accounts of Alfred the Great were

- Old English and contemporary sources

- the author’s approach to his writing

- important events during the period of writing

- mythical descriptions and embellishments.

In this final chapter, the effects of these influences on the different accounts of King Alfred and the account of his life will be singled out and clarified.

Of course, the sources used by the Middle English writers influenced the contents of their works. The early Middle English writers made use of the Old English sources and later

Middle English writers also worked with these earlier sources. William of Malmesbury and

Henry of Huntingdon both used Asser and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which makes the information they supply relatively accurate. John Trevisa and the Anonymous Metrical

Chronicle, for instance, both used William of Malmesbury’s work and, on top of that, Trevisa used Henry of Huntingdon’s text, which are not eyewitness reports like the contemporary sources. All these influences changed the development of the texts.

The author’s approach to his writing often influenced the way in which he used his source(s). His attitude was moreover often affected by his own background and personal motives, or by those of the person who commissioned the writing of the text. Sometimes the

49 writer does not reveal his motives for the choices he makes, but often he does. About William of Malmesbury, for instance, we know that he was of Anglo-Norman parents from

Malmesbury himself and that this influenced his view on English affairs. We know that he was a historian and that his purpose of writing was “to record the truth” (Gransden, p. 168).

The writers’ decisions to teach or to entertain also contributed to the contents of the work. For instance, while William of Malmesbury wanted to teach first and foremost, is seems that Robert Mannyng of Brunne valued entertainment. Moreover, about Henry of

Huntingdon we know that he wrote under the commission of the Bishop of Lincoln and

Robert of Gloucester may have written for a knight at the court of King Edward I. Because of this, literature was often influenced by religion, chivalry and romance. This can partly be ascribed to the third factor, as some influences were stronger because of events that occurred in certain centuries.

This third, very interesting, factor influencing the report of Alfred’s time are contemporary, Middle English events, political, or otherwise. We have already seen that literature was influenced by, for instance, chivalry. This happened after the Norman

Conquest. Two very specific events that affected Alfred in medieval renditions of his life are the plague and the Wars of Scottish Independence. Both Robert Mannyng of Brunne and

Thomas of Castelford incorporated important fourteenth-century affairs into Alfred’s ninth- century life even though nothing similar occurred at the time.

Another kind of influence on accounts of Alfred’s life are the embellishments and mythifications of his accomplishments. It is a well-known habit of mankind to embellish events as time goes on. His victories became even more impressive (as in the account by

Robert Mannyng) and his accomplishments phenomenal. Blanks in Alfred’s life, for instance during the period in which he was out of the public eye in 878, brought about people’s own

50 additions to his life. Centuries later, this absence was ignored and replaced with infiltrations into the enemy’s camp and a vision of St Cuthbert.

Because all the Middle English texts were subjected to these different influences, they provide different accounts of King Alfred. Where, for instance, William Malmesbury’s image of Alfred includes all the activities mentioned by the Old English sources, Henry of

Huntingdon and Robert of Gloucester mostly describe him as a defender of Wessex. It made

Robert Mannyng of Brunne’s text stand out from the others and the later texts significantly less specific than the early ones. Nevertheless, the sources all agree on one thing: Alfred was, indeed, King Alfred the Great.

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54

Asser The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

849: Alfred is born, his genealogy and information on his mother are given. 851: Viking activity 853: King Æthelwulf sends Alfred to Rome. 853: King Æthelwulf sends Alfred to Rome. 853-55: Viking Activity 855: Æthelwulf and Alfred return to Rome. Æthelwulf brings Judith to Wessex. Conspiracy against Æthelwulf Interpolation of King Offa and Eadburh (of Mercia) 860: Æthelwulf +, >Æthelbald, > Æthelberht 860: Æthelwulf +, >Æthelbald, >Æthelberht 866: Æthelred king 866: Æthelred king Viking fleet arrives Great Heathen Army arrives Interpolation of Alfred’s childhood 867: Political instability in Northumbria 867-69: Viking Activity 868: Alfred marries a Mercian woman 868: Burgred (Mercia) sends for Æthelred and Burgred sends for Æthelred’s and Alfred’s assistance against the Vikings. Alfred’s assistance against the Vikings. 869-70: Viking Activity 870: King Edmund (East Anglia) vs. Vikings 870: King Edmund vs. Vikings 871: Viking Army to Wessex 871: Æthelred and Alfred at Reading Æ(E)thelred and Alfred at Reading Æthelred and Alfred at Ashdown Æthelred and Alfred at Ashdown Æthelred and Alfred at Basing Æthelred and Alfred at Basing Æthelred and Alfred at Meretun Æthelred + Æthelred + Alfred king Alfred king Battle at Wilton and 8 more battles Battle at Wilton and 9 more battles Peace with Vikings > Vikings leave Saxons 872: Viking army in London, peace with 872- 874: Viking Activity Mercia London and peace with Mercia 873: Vikings move to Northumbria, peace with 873: Vikings move to Northumbria, peace with Mercia Mercia 875: More Viking Activity 875: More Viking Activity Alfred in naval battle Alfred and his naval force vs. Vikings 876: Vikings break treaty with Alfred 876: Alfred makes peace with Vikings and receives hostages. 877: Alfred pursues Vikings at Exeter, peace and the taking of hostages follow. 878: Viking army to Chippenham 878: Alfred opposes Viking army Alfred and his men in the Somerset Alfred journeys through woods Marshes More Viking attacks Alfred builds a fortress at Athelney Alfred makes stronghold at Athelney People of Somerset, Wiltshire, Hampshire People of Somerset, Wiltshire, Hampshire rejoice to see join Alfred Alfred Battle at Edington Alfred travels to Iley, then Battle at Edington Guthrum, Viking leader, is baptised Guthrum baptised 879-80: Viking Activity 879-84: Viking Activity, also on Continent 880-83: Viking Activity on Continent 882: Alfred launches a naval attack 882: Alfred involved in naval battle 883: Alfred receives wood of the Cross from Pope Alfred sends alms to Rome, India, St Thomas and St Bartholomew Victory in London 885: Viking army split up to France and Britain 885:

55 Battle at Rochester Battle at Rochester Alfred goes to East-Anglia with a naval Alfred sends naval force to East-Anglia force Continental Activity Continental Activity Pope Marinus + Pope Marinus + Viking Army breaks peace Danish Army violates peace Interpolation of Alfred’s accomplishments 886: Vikings on the Continent 886: Alfred restores London to Mercia Alfred occupied London 887: Continental Activity 887: Continental Activity Alfred has alms taken to Rome Alfred has alms taken to Rome Alfred reads and translates with Asser Interpolation of more words of praise: Alfred has monasteries constructed Alfred imports scholars Report of crime at monastery Monastery at Shaftesbury > nuns Alfred divides the revenue of taxation Alfred finds way to tell time Alfred sits at judicial hearings 888: Alfred has alms taken to Rome Alfred’s sister + 889: Alfred sends letters to Rome 890: Alfred has alms taken to Rome Guthrum + 891: Continental Activity 3 Scots come to Wessex 892: Viking Activity 893: Alfred receives oaths and hostages of Northumbrians and East Angles Battle at Farnham Alfred to Exeter Battle at Buttington Battle at Wirral 894: More Viking activity 895: Alfred ensured the Vikings’ delivery of corn 896: Alfred builds longships Alfred hangs Vikings 900: Alfred + after 28.5 yrs

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William of Malmesbury Henry of Huntingdon

WM’s own goals and personal information HH’s introduction to Danish wars

Alfred is sent to Rome – Æthelwulf marries Judith Alfred is sent to Rome. 853 Interpolation of Continental Kings and Dream Vision

Conspiracy against Æthelwulf Interpolation of Judith and Eadburha Æthelwulf brings back daughter of Æthelwulf’s will, charter and genealogy Æthelwulf + 858, > Æthelbald, > Æthelberht Æthelwulf + 858, > Æthelbald, > Æthelberht Arrival of Danes Æthelred king 865 Æthelred king 867 Large pagan army (Hinguar and Ubba) 9 hostile conflicts in one year

Burgred sends for Æthelred and Alfred 868

King Edmund vs. Vikings 870 Viking army to Wessex 871 Reading (Bagsecg and Healfdene) Battle at Ashdown 867-70 Ashdown St Edmund Basing Meretun Æthelred + Æthelred + Alfred king 872 Alfred king 871 WM’s personal goals

9 years battle with Vikings 872: Viking army in London, peace with Mercia

Viking activity

Burgred + Alfred in naval battle 875 Alfred peace with Vikings and receives hostages 876 Rollo to Normandy

Alfred pursues Vikings to Exeter Alfred opposes Viking leaders Alfred Retreats to island Danes attack > Alfred into hiding 878 St Cuthbert People of Somerset, Wiltshire, Hampshire rejoice to Alfred infiltrates Viking army see Alfred Alfred’s people victorious > A. strengthened

Guthrum is baptised.

57 WM mentions future events

Guthrum is baptised. >879 Viking activity, also Continent

Alfred sends alms to Rome. 883 Battle at Rochester Alfred sends naval force to East Anglia

Continental Activity Pope Marinus +

Vikings on the Continent Vikings on the Continent 885, 886 Alfred restores London Alfred restores London 886

Alfred marries a Mercian woman – Mercian support Vikings return to Wessex Alfred’s children Alfred’s health Alfred’s retired life: Law, religion - Interpolation of Johannes Scottus - childhood, arts Income, telling time

Guthrum + 890 Great Army returns to England 891

Vikings make and break peace

Viking army to Chester Vikings spread 894 Alfred builds fortifications 895 More army business, including the building of longships 891-896 Alfred +, grave relocated Alfred + 899 (HH contributes verse to Alfred)

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Robert of Gloucester Robert Mannyng Thomas Castelford

Alfred, one of the sons of King Æthelwulf

Æthelwulf > Æthelbald,>Æthelberht Æthelwulf + > Æthelbald, > Æthelwulf, -bald, red, - Æthelberht berht

Æthelred king 867 Æthelred king

Alfred gets Surrey Danes attack867 Hinguar and Hubba Æthelred and Alfred vs. Danes (Ashdown?) 9 yrs War Æthelred organises procession in York St Edmund St Edmund (Hinguar and Hubba) Æthelred and Alfred flee from York Alfred king 857 Æthelred and Alfred at Reading from Danes. Alfred drives Danes from the Æthelred and Alfred at Ashdown Victory with God’s help country Attack of Scottish king kills Alfred on pilgrimage to Rome Æthelred. > anointed by pope Leo Æthelred + Alfred imports scholars 855 Alfred king 872 Telling time, law, division of Chaos in Scotland Alfred goes to Rome, > Alfred: income, Alfred fights unrest in Wessex erection of churches attributed to Plagues on the Continent Æthelred. 871 first Alfred King

King of England

9 Years long, battles with Danes Wars with the Danes (22 won in Hinguar, Hubba and year 1) St Edmund

Alfred vs. Inguar and Hub

Rollo arrives and is converted by Alfred gets assistance from Alfred. Rollo then conquers men St Cuthbert Normandy. all over England. More Viking attacks St Cuthbert Gunter arrives. People of Somerset, Wiltshire and St Cuthbert Hampshire join Alfred Battle at Edington Hinguar and Hubba are slain.

59 Gurmund is baptised Gunter and his men are converted by Alfred. Interpolation of Havelok

Danes return from Continent Danish Earl Alfden arrives with St Edmund’s murderer. Alfred’s law in war-time Alfred wins 56 battles. Alfred’s childhood

Danes spread

Alfred erects abbeys studies

Alfred +, after 28.5 yrs Alfred + after 29.5 yrs Alfred + after 30 yrs

60

The Anonymous Chronicle The Brut John Trevisa

Alfred’s (short) genealogy Alfred introduced as first King to make Chronicles of England

Æthelwulf travels to Rome, brings alms and returns with Judith.

Interpolation of King Osbright

Æthelwulf + Æthelred king

Viking Activity St Edmund Introduction to King Alfred: child- Æthelred and Alfred vs. the Danes hood, education, institutions, law, Æthelred and Alfred at Reading vs translations, religion, illness, Hinguar and Hubba family Alfred imports scholars and organi- ses learning Æthelred + Æthelred + He shares his income and divides Alfred king (for upcoming 24 yrs) Alfred king (of Southsex?) The 24 hours of his days. Alfred in London> peace established Vikings go to Wilton, London and Lindsey. Peace with Mercia

Danes break the peace. Danes break peace Continental Affairs Battle with Danes Alfred vs. Danes Alfred and Colwolfus, last king of Alfred gets assistance in battles Mercia from English barons. More Continental Affairs: Rollo and Charles the Bald Battle at Chippenham> Alfred into hiding St Cuthbert Alfred infiltrates into Danish army Guthrum is baptised Alfred converts Viking leader.

More Continental Affairs

Important people of Alfred’s time Alfred receives alms from Pope.

61

Alfred’s navy overcome

Alfred restores London Alfred sends alms to Rome and Alfred was a busy man. Vikings return from Continent. India. Alfred’s daughter joins nunnery.

Alfred finds way to tell time. Alfred divides his income.

More continental activity Danes spread

3 ‘Scots’ to Wessex

Important people

Danes spread > struggle

Popes

Continental affairs

Alfred + Alfred + Alfred + (summary of 30 yrs)

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