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Indo-Iranian Loanwords in the Uralic Languages 8.4.2018 Sampsa

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Indo-Iranian Loanwords in the Uralic Languages 8.4.2018 Sampsa Indo-Iranian loanwords in the Uralic languages dictionary of the Iranian verb; Cowgill & Mayrhofer 1986: Indogermanische Grammatik I. Schmitt (ed.) 1989: Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum; Windfuhr 8.4.2018 (ed.) 2009: The Iranian languages; EWAia; KEWA Sampsa Holopainen Notable hindrance: there is no proper etymological dictionary of Iranian! [email protected] PU vowel system (initial syllables) i ü u Introduction e e̮ o ä a General information about Indo-Iranian A well-defined branch of the IE family of languages. Consists of three sub- branches: Indo-Iranian, Iranian and Nuristani (the status of the last one controversial). Proto-Indo-Iranian (PII) was spoken in Caspian steppes until ca. *e̮ is a central vowel, reconstructed as high *i̮ by Janhunen (1981) and 2000 BCE (the historical spread of Indo-Iranian is due to later migrations). Sammallahti (1988). Merger with the reflexes of PU *a in several branches, the Proto-Mansi reflex *e̮ and the substitution of Indo-Iranian *a are the main Contacts between Indo-Iranian and Uralic started at the PU/PFU period; earliest arguments for the reconstruction of this vowel as *e̮ rather than *i̮ (see Häkkinen loans reflect retained PIE vocalism (before the merger of *a, *e, *o, *m̥ , *n̥ > *a, 2009). *ā, *ē, *ō > *ā). Proto-Indo-Iranian was also in contact with other, unknown languages, which is shown by a number of words with no IE etymology (Lubotsky 2001). PII vowel system Earliest written sources on Indo-Iranian are the Indo-Aryan words and names in i, ī u, ū the Mitanni (Hurrian) documents from the late 2nd millenium BCE. a, ā Indo-Aryan languages: Old-Indo-Aryan (Vedic, Classical and Epic Sanskrit); Middle-Indo-Aryan (Prakrits, Pali); Modern Indo-Aryan (Hindi-Urdu, Gujarati, Bengali etc.) Already the Indian grammarians noted the differences in the articulation of Sanskrit short a (? ə) and long ā. (Lubotsky 2017.) Iranian languages: Old Iranian (Avestan, Old Persian [+ Median]); Middle Iranian (West: Middle Persian, Parthian; East: Sogdian, Khotanese and Tumshuq Saka, PII consonants Chwarezmian [+ Scythian, Sarmatian, Alanian]); Modern Iranian (West: New h Persian, Tat, Gavruni etc.; East: Ossetic, Pashto, the Pamir languages etc.) p b b w m “Andronovo Aryan”? (Helimski 1997; Zhivlov 2013) t d dh r (l?) n s Important sources on Indo-Iranian: Burrow 1955: The Sanskrit language; Cheung 2002: Historical development of Ossetic vocalism; Cheung 2009: Etymological h Methodological note: can the substitutions work with such as strict regularity as ć ʒ́ ʒ́ sound-laws (cf. Heidermanns 2001)? č ǯ ǯh y š Pre-IIr/dialectal IE loans with retained IE *e (examples) h k g g PU ← Pre-IIr *kekrä (> SaN geavri) *kekro- (> OI cakra-) H *kečrä ‘spindle’ (> Fi kehrä) *ketstro- (> OI cātra-m) *mekši ‘bee’ (> Md mekš) *makš- (> OI mákṣ-) *meti ‘honey’ (> Hu méz) *medhu- (> OI mádhu-) *pejmä ‘milk’ (> Est piim) *peyHmn̥ - (> Av paēman-) The idea of Gamkrelidze & Ivanov (1984) that the e-loans reflect later Ossetic- Merger of the three IE laryngeals? Kümmel 2018: two laryngeals distinguished in type æ vocalism is impossible, as the e-loans include various other archaisms, such PII. as retained *k- before front-vowels; also the wide distribution of some of these loans such as *meti points to early borrowing. “Laryngeal hiatus” shows the survival of laryngeals until PIA, PI and maybe later * Pre-IIr loans with retained IE *o? Sound substitutions and stratigraphy: vowels PU Pre-II Mainstream view in Uralic linguistics: Indo-Iranian *a, *ā is reflected by Uralic *a, *o and *e̮ in the loanwords. All substitutions are supported by a number of *ońća ‘part’ (> Fi osa) *Hánćo- (> OI áṁśa-) convincing examples, but there is little agreement regarding the reasons for these *orpa ‘orphan’ *Hórbho-; or from some other different substitutions. In addition, in loanwords into Ugric and Permic *ä often branch? appears, which has sometimes been seen as typical for later Iranian loanwords. (Compare Sanskrit names and words in Greek sources, where the Sanskrit vowel a is reflected by α, ε and ο, and loans into Tamil where Sanskrit a is substituted by e Substitution rules postulated in earlier research after palatals [Oberlies 2017: 449]). *o ← *a before r(C) and n (Minissi 1970; Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1984; Heikkilä Another old problem: Uralicist distinguish between proper II loans with different 2014). substitutions of *a vs. “Pre-II” loans with retained PIE vocalism: there is a large number of convincing cases of early *e-loans, no consensus on Indo-Iranian loans *o in absolute Anlaut (Lušnikova 1990; Helimski 1991) and before *rC. showing retained *o. Many Uralicists such as Joki (1973) and Rédei (1986) do not take a clear stance on Ambiguous loans in West-Uralic (attested only in languages which merge *a whether *o loans are early or what is the reason of the possible substitution *o ← and *e̮ in -a-stems) *a. *aćnas (> Fi ahnas) ‘voracious, greedy’ *(H)áćna- (OI ásná-) Koivulehto (1999a): two different layers *o loans from Proto-Indo-Aryan, *a loans from Iranian (not supported anymore by Koivulehto 2009); the possibility of *aćma (> Fi ahma) ‘voracious; wolverine’ *(H)áćman- (OI áśman- ‘eater’) *e̮ loans is later commented shortly by Koivulehto (2009: 88, footnote 10). *ajwa (> Fi aivan ‘just, so’) ? *aywá- (> OI evá-) Häkkinen (2009): accented PII *á substituted by Uralic *a, unaccented *a by *jama ‘twin’ (SaN juopmi) *yamá- (OI yamá- ‘twin’) Uralic *e̮ . No explanation for the o-loans. The accent-rule makes sense phonetically but is based on very few examples only (*śe̮ ta ‘hundred’, *sara *mača (> Fi mato ‘worm’) PI *matsá- (Pashto māšai) ‘lake’ and *asVra ‘lord’). *maksa- (> Fi maksaa) ‘to pay’ PI *mandza- (Av mąza.raii) *ä loans in Ugric and Permic: later Iranian development (compare Ossetic *a > æ; *martas (> Fi marras ‘dead, bound to die’) *mártas (OI márta- ‘human’) Korenchy 1972) or a feature of an unattested branch of Indo-Iranian (“Andronovo Aryan”; Helimski 1997; Zhivlov 2013). *pakas (> Md paz ‘god; luck’) *bhága- (Av baga- ‘God’) *paksu (> Fi paksu ‘thick’) PI *badzu- (Av bәzuuant-) Non-initial syllables? *para ‘good’ (> SaN buorre) *párHa- (or ← *pr̥ Ha-?) PU stem-types: -a/ä, -i (ә?); the simple vowel-system of non-initial syllables ? *paśi ~ *pośa ‘penis’ (> SaN buohča ‘penis’) *pásas- (OI > pásas-) makes the study of sound substitutiosn difficult. *sampas ’pillar’ (> Fi sammas) *stambhHá- (> OI stambhá-) Most loans seem to be *a-stems. *tajwas ‘sky’ (> Fi taivas) *daywá- (> OI devá- ‘god’) *-as-stems: no examples in the earliest loans? Important: what was the donor from in Indo-Iranian – nominative or something else? The stem-forms (*mádhu-, *daywá-) are just “skeletons”? Loans with *o ← *a Loans with *a ← *a *a ← *a in front of *r *kana- ‘to dig’ (Mns χūn-) *kHanH (khánati) *orpa ‘orphan’ (> Fi orpo) *(H)árbha- *kara- ‘to dig’ (Md kara-) *karH (Sodg. kyr ‘to plant’) *woraći ‘pig’ *warāʒ̒ á- *ćara- ‘to shit’ (> Hu szar; a new etymology) *sćarHya- (Av sairiia- ‘Mist’) *sasara (> Md sazor) ‘sister’ *swásar- *a ← *a after word-initial *p- or *w- *počaw ‘reindeer’ PI *patsu- ‘cattle’ *pora ~ *pari ‘old’ (> SaN boaris) *párHa- (> OI paraḥ ‘ferner’) ? *oćtra > (Hu ostor, Mns āćtәr ‘whip’) *aćtrā̍ (OI aṣtrā̍ ) *wojna- ‘to see’ (> SaN oaidni-) *wajn- (OI vénati) ? *śata ~ *śe̮ ta ‘hundred’ *ćatá- *woraći ‘pig’ (> Fi oras) *warāʒ̒ há- (OI varāhá- ‘boar’) Counter-examples: later loans? Substitutions of *r̥ , *r̥ H *arwa (Fi arvo ‘price’; Hu ár id.) I *arγa- (Sogd. arγ) Difficult to distinguish from later reflexes with epenthetic vowels *kota ‘hut, chum’ *kata- (> Av kata- ‘house’) *kertä (> Ud gurti PII *gr̥ dha-/ PI gr̥ da- PFi *očra ? (> Fi ohra ‘barley’) PI *atsra- (~ *mertä (> Mo miŕd’e, Ud murt) PII/PI *mr̥ ta- (OI mr̥ tá- dead’) *soma ‘some’ or *sami (> SaN soamis) *samá- *toras (> *doaris ‘through’) PII/PI *tr̥ Has (Av tarō) *wajna- (> Md vano-, vanә- ‘to see’) *wajn- (OI vénati ‘sees’) *warna ~ *we̮ rna (> Ko wurun ‘wool) PII/PI *Hwr̥ Hna- (Av varәna-) *wärkä (> Ma werγe ‘kidney’) PII/PI *wr̥ tka- (OI vr̥ kkau-) Substitutions of long ā (? aH) Sound substitutions and stratigraphy: consonants *orja ‘slave’ (> Fi orja) *(H)ā́ rya- Indo-Iranian reflexes of IE palatal stops: *je̮ ni (> Md jan ‘line, path’) *yā̒ na- (OI yā̒ na-) PIE *ḱ > PII *ć *kata- ‘graze’ (> SaN guohtu-) *kHād- (OI khāditá- ‘eaten’ ) PIE *ǵ, *ǵw > PII *ʒ́́́́ *ora ‘awl’ (> Fi ora) *(H)ā̒ ra- (OI ā̒ ra-) *port(t)a ‘vessel’ (> SaN boarti) *pā́ tra-(OI pā́ tra- PIE *ǵh, *ǵhw> PII *ʒ́́h > PI *ts, *dz > Avestan s, z Early parallel loans (irregular vowel-correpondences point to different PU *ć (ś?) ← PII *ć, *ʒ́́, *ʒ́́h substitutions)? U *č, *š, *ks? ← PI *ts, *dz ? *aštira (> Fi ahtera ‘barren earth’) *akšaitra- (OI akṣetra-) (Koivulehto: “palatal criterion”) ? *asara ~ *asVra ‘lord’ *(H)ásura- (Av ahura-) PIE *k, *g before front-vowels > *č, *ǯ U IIr k retained in the earliest loans: *warsa ‘foal’ Alan. (> Oss wyrs, urs ‘foal’) *kečrä *ketstro- ‘spindle’ Later Iranian loans in Permic Indo-Iranian laryngeals not reflected in Uralic loans? Many relatively late (Alanian/Ossetic) loans; some loans confined to Permic must be old *gada- ‘steal’ (> Ko gu-) PI *gada- (Av gaδa- ‘thief’) Proto-Indo-Iranian loans (*ś/ć ← PII *ć) Ko buri̮ ś ‘horse’s mane’ PI *barša- (cf. Oss. barc < *br̥ šti- 1 *śata ~ *śe̮ ta ‘hundred *ćatá- (Av satәm) ) ? *waćara (Md viźir ‘hammer’) *vájra- (> OI vájra) ̒ h *woraći ‘pig’ (> Fi oras) *warāʒ á- Iranian loans in Ob-Ugric Many of the loans Alanian type; Helimski assumes that some are from “Andronovo Aryan”. Some Iranian loans confined to Khanty or Mansi must be rather early (acquired before the change *ś > *s, *s > *θ). Proto-Iranian and Old Iranian loans (West-Uralic, Permic, Ugric?) Kh *wǟr(ǝ)s ‘horse’s mane’ *warća- (> Av varǝsa- ’hair’) *maksa- (> Fi maksaa) ‘to pay’ PI *mandza- (Av mąza.raii) PKh *ȴaγǝr *zγar- (Oss.
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