Creative Industries, Value Theory, and Michael Heinrich's New Reading of Marx
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Marxist Crisis Theory and the Severity of the Current Economic Crisis
Marxist Crisis Theory and the Severity of the Current Economic Crisis By David M. Kotz Department of Economics Thompson Hall University of Massachusetts Amherst Amherst, MA 01003, U.S.A. December, 2009 Email Address: [email protected] This paper was presented on a panel on "Heterodox Analyses of the Current Economic Crisis" sponsored by the Union for Radical Political Economics at the Allied Social Science Associations annual convention, Atlanta, January 4, 2010. Research Assistance was provided by Ann Werboff. It is a revised version of a paper "The Final Crisis: What Can Cause a System-Threatening Crisis of Capitalism," Science & Society 74(3), July 2010. Marxist Crisis Theory and the Current Crisis, December, 2009 1 The theory of economic crisis has long occupied an important place in Marxist theory. One reason is the belief that a severe economic crisis can play a key role in the supersession of capitalism and the transition to socialism. Some early Marxist writers sought to develop a breakdown theory of economic crisis, in which an absolute barrier is identified to the reproduction of capitalism.1 However, one need not follow such a mechanistic approach to regard economic crisis as central to the problem of transition to socialism. It seems highly plausible that a severe and long-lasting crisis of accumulation would create conditions that are potentially favorable for a transition, although such a crisis is no guarantee of that outcome.2 Marxist analysts generally agree that capitalism produces two qualitatively different kinds of economic crisis. One is the periodic business cycle recession, which is resolved after a relatively short period by the normal mechanisms of a capitalist economy, although since World War II government monetary and fiscal policy have often been employed to speed the end of the recession. -
Use-Value, Exchange Value, and the Demise of Marx's Labor Theory of Value
USE-VALUE, EXCHANGE VALUE, AND THE DEMISE OF MARX'S LABOR THEORY OF VALUE BY STEVE KEEN I. INTRODUCTION Karl Marx was the greatest champion of the labor theory of value. The logical problems of this theory have, however, split scholars of Marx into two factions: those who regard it as an indivisible compo- nent of Marxism, and those who wish to continue the spirit of analysis begun by Marx without the labor theory of value. In the debate be- tween these two camps, the former has attempted to draw support from Marx's concepts of value, while the latter has ignored them, taking instead as their starting point the truism that production gener- ates a surplus. Nevertheless, a careful examination of the development of Marx's logic uncovers the profound irony that, after a chance re- reading of Hegel, Marx made a crucial advance which should have led him to replace the labor theory of value with the theory that commodi- ties in general are the source of surplus. Marx's value analysis is thus consistent, not with those who would defend the labor theory of value, but with those who would transcend it. Marx did not properly apply this analysis to non-labor inputs, while the cornerstone of Capital was his correct application of the same analysis to labor. This unjustified asymmetrical treatment of the labor and non-labor inputs to production is therefore the actual and unsound foundation of Marx's labor theory of value. Once that treatment has been corrected, the labor theory of value collapses. -
Underconsumption Theories
UNDER- CONSUMPTION THEORIES A History and Critical Analysis by M.F. Bleaney 1976 INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS New York Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Bleaney, Michael Francis Underconsumption theories. Bibliography. Includes index. 1. Business cycles. 2. Consumption (Economics) 3. Economics—History. I. Title. HB3721.B55 330.1 76-26935 ISBN 0-7178-0476-3 © M. F. Bleaney Produced by computer-controlled phototypesetting, using OCR input techniques, and printed offset by UNWIN BROTHERS LIMITED The Gresham Press, Old Woking, Surrey PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is intended as a Marxist analysis of underconsump- tion theories. It is at once a history and a critique — for underconsumption theories are by no means dead. Their influence may still be discerned in the economic programmes put forward by political parties and trade unions, and in articles and books on the general tendencies of capitalism. No final conclusion as to the correctness of underconsumption theories is reached, for too little theoretical work of the necessary quality has been carried out to justify such a conclusion. But the weight of the theoretical evidence would seem to be against them. Much of their attractiveness in the end stems from the links which they maintain with the dominant ideology of capitalist society and the restricted extent of the theoretical break required to arrive at an underconsumptionist position. This, in conjunction with certain obviously appealing conclusions which emerge from them, has sufficed to ensure their continuing reproduction in the working-class movement. Not all of the authors discussed here are in fact underconsumptionist — Karl Marx and Rosa Luxemburg, in particular, are not — but all of them have been accused of being so at one time or another. -
Moneyflows and Business Fluctuations
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: A Study of Moneyflows in the United States Volume Author/Editor: Morris A. Copeland Volume Publisher: NBER Volume ISBN: 0-87014-053-1 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/cope52-1 Publication Date: 1952 Chapter Title: Moneyflows and Business Fluctuations Chapter Author: Morris A. Copeland Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c0838 Chapter pages in book: (p. 240 - 289) Chapter 12 MONEYFLOWS AND BUSINESS FLUCTUATIONS The tumbling of prices in the panic is in large part due to the fact that the holders either of money or of deposit credit will not buy with it. Physically the money is there —asquantity, as concrete thing; psychologically, s pur- chasing power, it has vanished. So, also, the deposit credits exist, but they have ceased to exist as demand for products. They are merely hoarded, post- poned purchasing power. As present circulating medium, as present demand for anything, they are not. H. J. Davenport, The Economics of Enterprise (Macmillan, 1913), p. 318. Loan funds must be recognized as intangible and incorporeal facts, a sheer matter of intricacy and complexity in business relations —meshesof obligation —amere scaffolding of promises —afolding back one upon another of successive layers of credit. And because not necessarily represen- tative of an increase of social capital or even of the liquidated total of private capital, it seems necessary to recOgnize the loan fund as a distinct economic category. H. J. Davenport, Value and Distribution (University of Chicago Press, 1908), p. -
Fictitious Capital and the Elusive Quest in Understanding Its Implications: Illusions and Paradoxes*
CADMUS, Volume 2, No.3, October 2014, 55-65 Fictitious Capital and the Elusive Quest in Understanding its Implications: Illusions and Paradoxes* Joanílio Rodolpho Teixeira Fellow, World Academy of Art & Science; Emeritus Professor, University of Brasilia, Brazil Paula Felix Ferreira Post-graduate Student, Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain Abstract This paper deals with the interaction between fictitious capital and the neoliberal model of growth and distribution, inspired by the classical economic tradition. Our renewed interest in this literature has a close connection with the recent international crisis in the capitalist economy. However, this discussion takes as its point of departure the fact that standard eco- nomic theory teaches that financial capital, in this world of increasing globalization, leads to new investment opportunities which improve levels of growth, employment, income distribu- tion, and equilibrium. Accordingly, it is said that such financial resources expand the welfare of people and countries worldwide. Here we examine some illusions and paradoxes of such a paradigm. We show some theoretical and empirical consequences of this vision, which are quite different and have harmful constraints. 1. Introduction There is an extensive controversy concerning traditional models of economic equi- librium and new development paradigms based on an interdisciplinary, broader study of economics. When faced with the harmful effects of misguided directives in an economic and global sense, theorists have the obligation not only to explain their causes, but also to offer a practical solution or alternate thinking. After all, consistent levels of poverty, unemploy- ment and low growth are results which were not expected in orthodox economic models of equilibrium and should be dealt with instead of being thrown aside as a politically restricted issue. -
Harvey's Limits of Capital: Twenty Years After
On the Limits of Limits to Capital Bob Jessop Professor, Department of Sociology Lancaster University Copyright This online paper may be cited or briefly quoted in line with the usual academic conventions. You may also download it for your own personal use. This paper must not be published elsewhere (e.g. mailing lists, bulletin boards etc.) without the author's explicit permission. But please note that • if you copy this paper you must include this copyright note • this paper must not be used for commercial purposes or gain in any way, • you should observe the conventions of academic citation in a version of the following form: Bob Jessop, ‘On the Limits of Limits of Capital’, published by the Department of Sociology, Lancaster University at: http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/soc129rj.htm Harvey's magisterial text is a sustained attempt to develop the basic method, extend the substantive arguments, and overcome some of the theoretical limits of Marx's classic critique of political economy. Yet Limits to Capital has its own limits and these are often rooted in the limits of Capital itself. Let us recall that the latter is an unfinished text. In the 1857 outline of his future magnum opus, Marx stated his intention to write six 'books' (Marx 1973; cf. Harvey 1982: xiv). These would deal in turn with capital, landed property, wage-labour, the state, foreign trade, and the world market and crises. The chosen order of presentation corresponded to his method of analysis, which moved from abstract-simple objects to the reproduction of the totality as a concrete-in-thought. -
Marxism, Sociology and Poulantzas's Theory of the State
Marxism, Sociology and Poulantzas's Theory of the State Simon Clarke 1 Introduction Political developments in the last ten years have led to a very considerable re- newal of interest in Marxist economic and political analysis, and to a concerted attempt to reinvigorate Marxist theory as a revolutionary force. The focus of this movement is the attempt to develop a Marxist critique of Stalinist dogma- tism and of post-Stalinist revisionism. Its material conditions are the end of the long wave of post-war capitalist expansion and the reappearance of capitalist crisis, on the one hand, and the development of working class resistance to the domination of capital independently of the orthodox Communist Parties, on the other. This Marxist renaissance is taking place in conditions which make it ex- tremely vulnerable to absorption into the frame of reference of bourgeois ideol- ogy. Since 1930 Marxist theory has been positively or negatively dominated by the official Marxism of the orthodox Communist Parties (which I shall refer to as `dogmatism'). Those Marxists who were not prepared to subordinate themselves to dogmatism were not able to challenge it either. The period of cold war and the absence of independent working class resistance to capital meant that there was no basis on which such a challenge could be mounted. The independence of such Marxism was maintained by its diversion of attention from political and economic concerns. It was dominated by the attempt to explain the ap- parent solidity of bourgeois domination by reference to specific superstructural features which varied from one country to another, thus constituting various na- tional schools of `Western Marxism', which borrowed heavily from the dominant bourgeois cultural theories in the various countries. -
Modern Monetary Theory: a Marxist Critique
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 7 Issue 1 Article 1 2019 Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique Michael Roberts [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Economics Commons Recommended Citation Roberts, Michael (2019) "Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 7 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.7.1.008316 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol7/iss1/1 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique Abstract Compiled from a series of blog posts which can be found at "The Next Recession." Modern monetary theory (MMT) has become flavor of the time among many leftist economic views in recent years. MMT has some traction in the left as it appears to offer theoretical support for policies of fiscal spending funded yb central bank money and running up budget deficits and public debt without earf of crises – and thus backing policies of government spending on infrastructure projects, job creation and industry in direct contrast to neoliberal mainstream policies of austerity and minimal government intervention. Here I will offer my view on the worth of MMT and its policy implications for the labor movement. First, I’ll try and give broad outline to bring out the similarities and difference with Marx’s monetary theory. -
Chapter Z 4 the New Interpretation and the Value of Money Makoto Itoh
Chapter Z 4 The new interpretation and the value of money Makoto Itoh This chapter examines the significance of the so-called new interpretation of Marx’s theory of transforming values into prices of production in the first section, as well as remaining issues on it in the second section, focusing on its definition of value of money and value of labor-power. As an important shortage of the new interpretation is in the absence of the theory of determining the exchange-value of money, we shall try to fill this gap in the subsequent sections. After assessing Moseley’s analysis of the commodity money in the third section as a corollary, we try to examine the dynamic mechanism through business cycles to determine the exchange-value of money commodity in the fourth section. The fifth section briefly argues what happens to the exchange-value of money in the regime of contemporary non-commodity money. 1 The significance of value of money in the new interpretation A 'new interpretation' on the transformation problem concerning Marx's theory of transforming values into prices of production was presented by Foley (1982, 1986) and Duménile(1983). The new interpretation is based on a particular definition of value of money as the monetary expression of labor time. More concretely, the value of money is conceived as 'the ratio of the net domestic product at current prices to the living productive labor expended in an economy over a period of time' (Foley, 2000:21), and thus it represents the average amount of expended labor time obtainable by a unit of money, say a dollar. -
DID MARX HOLD a LABOR THEORY of VALUE? in the First Volume Of
c 1987 Peter King and Arthur Ripstein DID MARX HOLD A LABOR THEORY OF VALUE? In the first volume of Capital, Marx introduces a labor theory of value. The theory is supposed to form the basis of his “laying bare” the “inner workings” of capitalism. The theory rests on two claims, and at the outset Marx uses it to explain four features of capitalist production. Yet by the end of the final volume of Capital, he abandons both claims and offers al- ternative accounts of all four features of capitalism. We hold that Marx’s introduction of the labor theory of value is not the presentation of an al- ternative economic theory, but serves to introduce his analysis of the class structure of capitalism. We begin by describing the labor theory of value, Marx’s initial arguments in support of it, and the four features of capitalism it is supposed to explain. We then examine why Marx abandons three of the four stated uses of the labor theory of value. We next turn our attention to the central claim of the labor theory of value. We consider, and reject, an apparently devastating criticism of it. Marx rejects the central claim on other grounds; the account that emerges has none of the simplistic assumptions that dominated his early presentation of the labor theory of value. Marx did not hold a labor theory of value after all: no part of his analysis of capitalism depends on it. We conclude by considering the broader implications of this rejection for Marx’s thought as a whole. -
Transformations in Capital Accumulation
Transformations in capital accumulation: From the national production of an universal labourer to the international fragmentation of the productive subjectivity of the working-class Juan Iñigo Carrera Buenos Aires, 2002 CICP CENTRO para la INVESTIGACION como CRITICA PRACTICA [email protected] Transformations in capital accumulation: From the national production of an universal labourer to the international fragmentation of the productive subjectivity of the working-class Juan Iñigo Carrera 1. The starting point The revolutionary action of the working-class needs to organise itself through the awareness of its concrete determinations. Since we are focusing on a process characterised by international integration and fragmentation, it could seem that the most concrete approach is that circumscribed to the economic policies that prevailed in the different national processes of capital accumulation involved.1 Still, this approach ends up by bringing down all historically-specific necessity to the immediate action of those that personify capital. Thus, apologetics of capitalism presents national capitalists and state-bureaucrats as the social subjects whose abstract will rules the historical movement. Opposite to this sterility it could seem that the starting point lies in capitalism’s global unity, once this unity is represented as the movement of accumulation regimes, their rise, ‘failure’ and fall. Still, then, the subject of historical change seems to have vanished, as if this were ‘a process without a subject’.2 Once again, abstraction has displaced the concrete. It could seem, then, that the answer lies on circumscribing the global unity of accumulation to its concrete manifestation: class struggle. Still, considered in itself, class struggle comes down to a series of confrontations in which, now the working-class prevails and advances, now it is defeated and retreats, at the rhythm imposed by the development of working-class consciousness. -
W. Stark, J.M. Keynes and the Mercantilists 30/09/2019
W. Stark, J.M. Keynes and the Mercantilists 30/09/2019 Constantinos Repapis1 Abstract In this paper we investigate Werner Stark’s sociology of knowledge approach in the history of economic thought. This paper explores: 1) The strengths and weaknesses of Stark’s approach to historiography, 2) seeing how this can frame an understanding of mercantilist writings and, 3) develop a link between a pluralist understanding of economics, and the sociology of knowledge approach. The reason for developing this link is to extend the sociology of knowledge approach to encompass a pluralist understanding of economic theorising and, at the same time, clarify the link between context and economic theory. John Maynard Keynes’ practice of building narratives of intellectual traditions as evidenced in The General Theory is used to develop a position between an understanding of history of economic thought as the evolution of abstract and de-contextualized economic theorising and, the view of economic theory as only relevant within the social conditions from which it arose. Keywords: Werner Stark, Mercantilism, sociology of knowledge 1 Correspondence may be addressed to: C. Repapis, Institute of Management Studies, Goldsmiths, University of London. Email: [email protected]. I would like to thank Geoff Harcourt, Sheila Dow, Ragupathy Venkatachalam, Kumaraswamy (Vela) Velupillai, Maxime Desmarais-Tremblay, Harro Maas, two anonymous referees for valuable feedback, and the participants of the 2019 ESHET session in Lille and the THETS session in Goldsmiths, for helpful comments and discussions. Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Daniele Besomi for clarifications on the Harrod-Keynes correspondence. 1 JEL Codes: B11, B31, B40 2 I.