The Afghanistan Threat
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Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback. -
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45818 SUMMARY R45818 Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Afghanistan has been a significant U.S. foreign policy concern since 2001, when the United States, in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, led a military Clayton Thomas campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban government that harbored and supported it. Analyst in Middle Eastern In the intervening 18 years, the United States has suffered approximately 2,400 military Affairs fatalities in Afghanistan, with the cost of military operations reaching nearly $750 billion. Congress has appropriated approximately $133 billion for reconstruction. In that time, an elected Afghan government has replaced the Taliban, and most measures of human development have improved, although Afghanistan’s future prospects remain mixed in light of the country’s ongoing violent conflict and political contention. Topics covered in this report include: Security dynamics. U.S. and Afghan forces, along with international partners, combat a Taliban insurgency that is, by many measures, in a stronger military position now than at any point since 2001. Many observers assess that a full-scale U.S. withdrawal would lead to the collapse of the Afghan government and perhaps even the reestablishment of Taliban control over most of the country. Taliban insurgents operate alongside, and in periodic competition with, an array of other armed groups, including regional affiliates of Al Qaeda (a longtime Taliban ally) and the Islamic State (a Taliban foe and increasing focus of U.S. policy). U.S. -
A Day-To-Day Chronicle of Afghanistan's Guerrilla and Civil
A Day-to-Day Chronicle of Afghanistan's Guerrilla © and Civil War, June 2003 – Present Memories of Vietnam? A Chinook helicopter extracts troops of the 10th Vietnam epiphany. U.S. troops on patrol in the Afghan countryside, April 2003 Mountain Division in Nov. 2003 in Kunar province (photo by Sgt. Greg Heath, [photo in World News Network 5/2/03]. For more on parallels with Vietnam, see 4th Public Affairs Dept., Nov. 2003). Ian Mather, "Soldiers Fear 'Afghan Vietnam'," The Scotsman [May 4, 2003] A new file was begun after May 31, 2003 for two reasons: (1). during May, Secretary Rumsfeld announced the end of major U.S. combat operations in Afghanistan; and (2) in June, Mullah Omar announced a new 10-man leadership council of the Taliban and urged an increased guerrilla warfare. The new data set better captures the extent of this civil and guerrilla conflict. "...we're at a point where we clearly have moved from major combat activity to a period of stability and stabilization and reconstruction activities...." Spoken by Secretary Rumsfeld in Kabul on May 1, 2003 True or False? On August 22, 2002, the U.S. 82nd Airborne carried out another helicopter assault in Paktia province as part of a week-long campaign, 'Operation Mountain Sweep.' 1 Copyright © 2004 Marc W. Herold Estimated Number of Afghan Civilian "Impact Deaths1” Period Low Count High Count Oct. 2001 - May 2003 * 3,073 3,597 June 2003 – June 2004 412 437 CIVILIAN CASUALTIES TOTAL 3,485 4,034 * Source: “The Daily Casualty Count of Afghan Civilians Killed by U.S. -
DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD by Brian Glyn Williams
VOLUME VI, ISSUE 8 APRIL 17, 2008 IN THIS ISSUE: DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD By Brian Glyn Williams....................................................................................1 SINO-PAKISTANI DEFENSE RELATIONS AND THE WAR ON TERRORISM By Tariq Mahmud Ashraf................................................................................4 CAPABILITIES AND RESTRAINTS IN TURKEY’S COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICY By Gareth Jenkins...........................................................................................7 AL-QAEDA’S PALESTINIAN INROADS Abdul Rashid Dostum By Fadhil Ali....................................................................................................10 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. Dostum: Afghanistan’s Embattled Warlord The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- By Brian Glyn Williams makers and other specialists yet be accessible to the general While the resurgence of the Taliban is the focus of interest in the Pashtun south public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the of Afghanistan, the year started with a different story in the north that many are authors and do not necessarily depicting as one of the greatest challenges to the Karzai government. Namely the reflect those of The Jamestown surreal confrontation between General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the larger-than- Foundation. life Uzbek jang salar (warlord)—who was once described as “one of the best equipped and armed warlords ever”—and one of his former aides [1]. In a move that many critics of the situation in Afghanistan saw as epitomizing Unauthorized reproduction or the Karzai government’s cravenness in dealing with brutal warlords, the Afghan redistribution of this or any government backed away from arresting Dostum after he beat up and kidnapped Jamestown publication is strictly a former election manager and spokesman in Kabul on February 3 (IHT, February prohibited by law. -
From Insurgency to Militancy to Terrorism. by Balraj Puri* in 1989, A
BALRAJ PURI Kashmir's Journey: From insurgency to militancy to terrorism. by Balraj Puri* * Director of the Institute of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs – Karan Nagar – Jammu – India In 1989, a massive Muslim insurgency erupted in Kashmir. A number of internal and external factors were responsible for it. Among them, was the "Rajiv-Farooq" accord towards the end of 1986, by virtue of which Farooq Abdullah, dismissed from power two years earlier, was brought back to power as interim chief minister (1987) after a deal with the Congress party. By vacating his role as the principal pro-India opposition leader, Farooq left the Muslim United Front, the first party based on a religious identity, as the only outlet for popular discontent. As the assembly election of 1987 had been rigged to facilitate his return to power, the people felt that there was no democratic outlet left to vent their discontent. Externally, the break up of the Soviet block where one satellite country after the other in East Europe got independence following protest demonstrations, was also a source of inspiration for the people of Kashmir who at last believed that "azadi" (azadi in Urdu or Farsi means personal liberty. Its first political connotation among the people has become, without a doubt, representative democracy) was round the corner if they followed the East Europe example. Furthermore, not far away, as the Soviet forces had pulled out from Afghanistan, harassed and vanquished by the Taliban who had the support of USA and of Pakistan, armed and trained Mujahids involved in that struggle became available and were diverted to Kashmir to support the local insurgency. -
Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document. -
<I>History of Armed Struggles in Kashmir</I> by Rao Farman
HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 38 Number 1 Article 26 June 2018 Review of History of Armed Struggles in Kashmir by Rao Farman Ali Inshah Malik Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Malik, Inshah. 2018. Review of History of Armed Struggles in Kashmir by Rao Farman Ali. HIMALAYA 38(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol38/iss1/26 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. This Review is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reviews tremendously due to lack of access Dogra rule of Kashmir in the early to information and censorship. A 1850s, we get acquainted with Kashmiri-authored book on the Kashmiri political actors through contentious issue of armed struggles anecdotes and descriptions of events is a welcome step in reigniting the that demonstrate the Kashmiri passion for scholarship among a new people’s historical willingness to generation of Kashmiris. It is further fight for their rights and assert notable that the book is published their need for political autonomy. by JayKay Books, which is one of The biggest contribution that Ali the oldest indigenous publishing makes here is that he links the houses in Kashmir. Kashmiri consciousness to the idea of political and labor rights, which The book is divided into six chapters. -
Amanullah Khan (M), Aged 77, Chairman of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF)
PUBLIC AI Index: ASA 33/005/2006 16 February 2006 UA 38/06 Medical concern/ possible prisoner of conscience PAKISTAN Amanullah Khan (m), aged 77, Chairman of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) Amanullah Khan, aged 77, Chairman of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) political party, is reportedly ill in detention with complications related to high blood pressure (hypertension). He is not receiving adequate medical care. He may be a prisoner of conscience, detained for the peaceful exercise of his right to freedom of association and freedom of expression. Amanullah Khan was detained with other protesters on 2 February, during a peaceful demonstration in the city of Rawalpindi against the construction of the Basha Dam in the Gilgit region of the Northern Areas. He is being held at Adyala Prison in Rawalpindi, alongside convicted prisoners. Amnesty International has received information that he is being held under preventive detention legislation (the Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance) that allows the authorities to detain people for up to three months without charge. He has not been permitted to receive visitors. Since his detention, his health has deteriorated, and he is thought to need specialist medical care outside the prison. His health may deteriorate further if he does not receive treatment for his condition. BACKGROUND INFORMATION The JKLF are resisting the construction of the Basha Dam as they believe that the government is denying them their constitutional rights by ignoring their concerns over its construction. Local leaders claim that the dam would displace 30,000 people and flood thousands of acres of land. -
Afghan Presidential Election: Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers
Afghan Presidential Election: Open Source Center As of March Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers15, 2009 Presidential Election Scheduled for 20 August Article 61 of Afghanistan's Constitution1 states that the presidential election should be held "thirty to sixty days prior to the expiration of the current president's term," which ends on 22 May. However, Afghanistan's Independent Powerbrokers Election Commission on 4 March announced that it would push back the date of the election to 20 August in order A number of prominent Afghan figures appear to be powerbrokers in Afghanistan's political scene. to address funding, security, and weather challenges to organizing a nationwide free and fair election (iec.org.af). Many of these men acquired their influence as Jihadi leaders with authority and arms, which they Afghan media have highlighted potential candidates and powerbrokers who may be influential in the election. parlayed into backing from religious, ethnic, regional, or party coalitions that continue to support them. They could prove influential in this year's elections by supporting and mobilizing their political, religious, tribal, regional, and ethnolinguistic constituencies to support preferred Potential Candidates for 2009 candidates. Abdullah Abdullah, Afghanistan's minister of foreign affairs from 2001 to 2006, is running as the candidate for the National Front. In a 2 February interview with Jawedan.com, he supported the presence of international forces to improve the security situation in the country. Regarding the Taliban, he said that the door for negotiation should be "kept open to anyone willing to lay down their arms and join the peace process, except for Mullah Omar and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar," whom he claimed were "pushing Afghanistan to war and destruction." Once a special adviser and chief Abdul Hadi Arghandiwal is the current chairman of the Islamic Party of Afghanistan, formed in 2008 by . -
Special Report No
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 444 | MARCH 2019 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org How Peace Was Made: An Inside Account of Talks between the Afghan Government and Hezb-e Islami By Qaseem Ludin Contents Background ...................................3 Talks Begin ................................... 5 Internal Consensus and Divisions .................................7 Components of the Peace Deal ....................................8 Sealing the Deal ......................... 12 Implementation of the Agreement ............................ 13 Lessons for Negotiations with the Taliban ........................... 14 Gulbuddin Hekmatyar addresses supporters in Jalalabad, Afghanistan, in March 2018. (Photo by Ghulamullah Habibi/EPA-EFE/ Shutterstock) Summary • For more than four decades, Afghan- • Peacemaking is a difficult process, the challenges and divisions that istan has been in a state of war and but often the most difficult part is had to be overcome in order to violent conflict that has destroyed how to start peace talks. Thus, the make the September 2016 peace much of the country’s physical and experience of negotiating peace agreement possible. social infrastructure and prevent- between the Afghan government • After the peace accord with ed the formation of a state stable and the Hezb-e Islami insurgent Hezb-e Islami, Afghans have an- enough to establish law and order. group offers unique insights on other historic chance to bring an • Although several internal and exter- peacemaking in the modern era. end to years of conflict with the nal factors contributed to the conflict • This report, based on the author’s Taliban. The Afghan government’s and its current political and security experience working as a negoti- negotiations with Hezb-e Islami environment, a key factor has been ator during talks between the Af- provide important lessons that can weak Afghan leadership, exacerbat- ghan government and Hezb-e Isla- be applied to future peace negoti- ed by political frictions among elites. -
Great Game to 9/11
Air Force Engaging the World Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland COVER Aerial view of a village in Farah Province, Afghanistan. Photo (2009) by MSst. Tracy L. DeMarco, USAF. Department of Defense. Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland Washington, D.C. 2014 ENGAGING THE WORLD The ENGAGING THE WORLD series focuses on U.S. involvement around the globe, primarily in the post-Cold War period. It includes peacekeeping and humanitarian missions as well as Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom—all missions in which the U.S. Air Force has been integrally involved. It will also document developments within the Air Force and the Department of Defense. GREAT GAME TO 9/11 GREAT GAME TO 9/11 was initially begun as an introduction for a larger work on U.S./coalition involvement in Afghanistan. It provides essential information for an understanding of how this isolated country has, over centuries, become a battleground for world powers. Although an overview, this study draws on primary- source material to present a detailed examination of U.S.-Afghan relations prior to Operation Enduring Freedom. Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Air Force, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government. Cleared for public release. Contents INTRODUCTION The Razor’s Edge 1 ONE Origins of the Afghan State, the Great Game, and Afghan Nationalism 5 TWO Stasis and Modernization 15 THREE Early Relations with the United States 27 FOUR Afghanistan’s Soviet Shift and the U.S. -
Paktika Province
UNHCR BACKGROUND REPORT PAKTIKA PROVINCE Prepared by the Data Collection for Afghan Repatriation Project 1 September 1989 PREFACE '!he follc,,.,ing report is one in a series of 14 provincial profiles prepared for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees by the Data collec tion for Afghan Repatriation Project. '!he object of these reports is to provide detailed information on the conditions affecting the repatriation of Afghan refugees in each province so that UNHCRand its inplementing partners may be better able to plan and target progranunes of relief and rehabilitation assistance. Each of the provinces featured in this series is estimated to have at least 35 percent of its pre-1978 population living as refugees. Together, these 14 provinces -- Baghlan, Farah, Ghazni, Helmand, Herat, Kandahar, Kunar, I.aghman, Logar, Nangarhar, Nimroz, Paktia, Paktika and Zarul -- account for ninety percent of the Afghan refugee population settled in Iran and Pakistan. The Data collection for Afghan Repatriation Project (OCAR)was funded by UNHCRto develop a databr3se of information on Afghanistan that would serve as a resource for repatriation planning. Project staff based iJl Peshawar and Quetta have corrlucted interviews and surveys in refugee calTlpS through out NWFP,Baluchistan and Punjab provinces in Pakistan to compile data on refugee origins, ethnic and tribal affiliation and likely routes of refugee return to Afghanistan. In addition, the project field staff undertake frequent missions into Afghanistan to gather specific inform ation on road conditions, the availability of storage facilities, trans portation and fuel, the level of destruction of housing, irrigation systems and farmland, the location of landmines and the political and military situation at the district (woleswali)arrl sub-district (alagadari) levels in those provinces of priority concern to UNHCR.