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The Cultural Politics of Water Privatization in an Arab Israeli Town by Glenna L. Anton a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Sati

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The Cultural Politics of Water Privatization in an Arab Israeli Town by Glenna L. Anton a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Sati The Cultural Politics of Water Privatization in an Arab Israeli Town By Glenna L. Anton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jake Kosek, Chair Professor Gillian Hart Professor Nancy Peluso Spring 2018 Copyright © 2018 Glenna L. Anton All Rights Reserved Abstract The Politics of Water Privatization in an Arab-Israeli Town By Glenna L. Anton Doctor of Philosophy in Geography University of California, Berkeley Professor Jake Kosek, Chair From Theodor Herzl’s utopian novel Altneuland, to Seth Siegel’s recent bestseller, Let There be Water, Israeli water development has preoccupied the Israeli and Jewish imagination. Traditional scholarship on water in Israel focuses on high politics and international relations; official policy and its associated techno-logics; or views water problems through a purely economic lens. My dissertation takes a “bottom-up” ethnographic approach to examining water politics. It offers a new framework for thinking about natural resources, and “nature” in Israel by demonstrating the role of struggles over “nature” in linking and shaping two processes that are often assumed to be separate and opposed: nation building on the one hand, and global capitalism on the other. Drawing on five years of ethnographic and historical research in Israel, my dissertation, The politics of water privatization in an Arab-Israeli town, argues that local struggles over access to water in the context of water privatization, reveals the contradictory relationship between nation building with its rigid delineation of territorial boundaries on the one hand, and global capitalist development on the other. I show how connections between processes of water privatization and ongoing discrimination in the realm of planning have come together in distinctive ways in Kafr-al-Bahar, the Israeli-Arab town where I conducted my research. These convergences are forged at the level of ordinary practices. I emphasize, in particular, the way that notions of "nature" are central to these processes and connections. For instance, I focus on alternative local water histories that residents have revived in the context of water cutoffs and indebtedness, and how they provide a framework for understanding, contesting and engaging with water privatization and the notions of nature that inform these policies. Such notions include taken-for-granted assumptions about the nature of Arab political culture, of national service, and of market logic. The alternative water histories that residents have revived, challenge the national narrative about the nature of Kafr-al-Bahar’s relationship to water and to the nation. Such an approach to water politics in Israel advances emerging scholarship on the interconnections of nationalism with globalization in Israel by bringing it into conversation with geographical and anthropological literature on the cultural politics of nature and difference in Israel. Everyday water politics, homely as they may seem, are forcing front and center the issue at the heart of Israel’s current legitimation crisis; namely, the tensions between the values and institutions of liberal egalitarianism and the ongoing realities of dispossession, exclusion, and segregation. 1 Dedicated to Bette Anton and Watfa i The Cultural Politics of Water Privatization in an Arab-Israeli Town Chapter 1. Introduction 1 Chapter 2. The social relation of water debt: practices and tensions 22 Chapter 3. Water and the politics of sumud: Histories of the present conjuncture 54 Chapter 4. Situating sumud in relation to basic water infrastructure: A historical-geographical framework 85 Chapter 5. The water crisis & its place in the 2013 local elections 115 Chapter 6. Conclusion 150 References 154 Bibliography 167 ii Acknowledgements I wrote and conducted research for this dissertation over the course of seven years. I want to acknowledge my family's unconditional love, support, and limitless help throughout this period in more ways than I can name here. I am profoundly thankful to my husband, Amir Buchbinder, my children Django and Ashi, and my mother Bette Anton. I also want to acknowledge my father, Anatole Anton, who cheered me on from the sidelines throughout the entire process and was always willing to read what I wrote and to talk to me about it, no matter what. I am tremendously indebted to the people of Kafr al Bahar for their inclusivesness, warmth, kindness, and profound depth of understanding which they were willing to share with me. I am deeply grateful to the graduate student writing group that provided valuable feedback and helped me organize and structure my inchoate ideas. My dissertation committee that included Jake Kosek, Gillian Hart, and Nancy Peluso, as well as Jean Lave who worked tirelessly with me through multiple drafts and stages of the project was the surely the best committee anyone could have wished for. Their intellectual support and encouragement and their humanity sustained me and helped me persevere even when I wanted to give up. Gillian Hart and Jean Lave's thoughtful, and serious commitment to dialectical and ethnographic practice has thoroughly stimulated and shaped my worldview. Jake Kosek and Nancy Peluso's commitment to the materiality of "nature" and environmental politics has pushed me to reconsider and creatively work with my material in new and important ways that I hope to continue to develop as time goes on. Jake Kosek's commitment to the craft of writing has also given me a deeper understanding of the connection between research, situated practice, and representation. In all of the stages of this undertaking, Allan Pred's influence was evident. iii Chapter 1: Introduction "Nature:" Culture, the Nation, & the Market Pisgah University sits on the summit of Mount Pisgah, overlooking City below. Slightly outside the City itself, and high above it, the tall rectangular structure of the main University building projects the authority and objectivity of science. It was here where I was first informed that the place – Kafr al Bahar - where I planned to conduct my research on Israeli water politics was not a suitable place to learn about the politics of water privatization. Kafr al Bahar is an Arab Israeli town of approximately ~14,000 inhabitants located along Israel's northern Mediterranean Coast. According to the social science scholars I came to know there, the problems that Kafr al Bahar residents faced in relation to water debt, water cutoffs, and in relation to the takeover of their municipal council by an unelected emergency management team, was not indicitive of the reforms underway in the water sector. From their perspective, Kafr al Bahar's history and its location made it "atypical." Most importantly, from their perspective, what distinguished the town from one that would have been a more suitable research site, was that it had not yet introduced a private water corporation. Indeed, during my fieldwork, the widespread view among water professionals and scholars was that the representative and most significant change happening in the water sector, aside from the incorporation of desalination into the national water system that had occurred at the end of the 2000s,1 was a 2004 amendment to the 2001 water law – what might be called a water privatization law. The law obligated all non agricultural communities throughout Israel to introduce regional or local private water corporations to manage water provisioning in towns, villages, and cities throughout Israel in place of local governments that had previoulsy been responsible for local water provisioning. Such corporations were required by law to operate according to the principles of cost-recovery. Kafr al Bahar had been unable to introduce a private water company despite several attempts to join a regional water company in the area. Thus, the municipality's water problems, according to social science scholars and water professionals with whom I became acquainted during the course of my research, could not be measured or assessed in relation to ongoing transformation of the water sector as a whole. Water management in Kafr al Bahar remained in the hands of the municipal government. My first glimpse into this way of analyzing the water crisis and interpreting the new water sector reforms purely through the success or failure of communities in introducing private water corporations, occurred at a meeting with Professor Walid Odeh in the Geography Department at Pisgah University. After a short wait in the hallway of the Geography Department, Professor Odeh called me into his office and directed me to sit across from him in the student seat that was separated from his chair by his large tidy desk. Leaning back into his chair, Professor Odeh inflated his large belly and rubbed it, unconsciously assuming what seemed to be his familiar authoritative manner that he adopted with students, especially those not familiar with Israel. "You have to understand," he began with a self-confident smile, that "Kafr al Bahar is not a typical Arab town. It is not like the towns in the Galilee (Israel's northern frontier) that are clustered together. It is isolated, and there is a lot of fear in the surrounding Jewish communities about joining with Kafr al Bahar in a regional water company because of financing...." "You see," he went on "it all depends on how one defines oneself in terms of national affiliation (e.g. Jewish, Israeli, Palestinian, 1 Bedouin, various Christian Arab communities, Mulsim Arab, Druze, etc.)." What this statement signified to me was that the question of "national affiliation" was also about class. That is, it was also about the ability of the municipality to collect taxes from the community and for residents to pay their taxes. Low tax collection rates, a problem in Arab communities that policymakers constantly complained about and attributed to such communities' inability to attract private water companies, impeded infrastructural improvements in many Arab Israeli communities.
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