The Palestinian Archipelago and the Construction of Palestinian
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The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy Or Israeli Tool?
THE ORIGINS OF HAMAS: MILITANT LEGACY OR ISRAELI TOOL? JEAN-PIERRE FILIU Since its creation in 1987, Hamas has been at the forefront of armed resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories. While the move- ment itself claims an unbroken militancy in Palestine dating back to 1935, others credit post-1967 maneuvers of Israeli Intelligence for its establishment. This article, in assessing these opposing nar- ratives and offering its own interpretation, delves into the historical foundations of Hamas starting with the establishment in 1946 of the Gaza branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (the mother organization) and ending with its emergence as a distinct entity at the outbreak of the !rst intifada. Particular emphasis is given to the Brotherhood’s pre-1987 record of militancy in the Strip, and on the complicated and intertwining relationship between the Brotherhood and Fatah. HAMAS,1 FOUNDED IN the Gaza Strip in December 1987, has been the sub- ject of numerous studies, articles, and analyses,2 particularly since its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections of January 2006 and its takeover of Gaza in June 2007. Yet despite this, little academic atten- tion has been paid to the historical foundations of the movement, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Gaza branch established in 1946. Meanwhile, two contradictory interpretations of the movement’s origins are in wide circulation. The !rst portrays Hamas as heir to a militant lineage, rigorously inde- pendent of all Arab regimes, including Egypt, and harking back to ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam,3 a Syrian cleric killed in 1935 while !ghting the British in Palestine. -
Refugee Status Appeals Authority New Zealand
REFUGEE STATUS APPEALS AUTHORITY NEW ZEALAND REFUGEE APPEAL NO 76505 AT AUCKLAND Before: B L Burson (Chairperson) S A Aitchison (Member) Counsel for the Appellant: D Mansouri-Rad Appearing for the Department of Labour: No Appearance Date of Hearing: 3 & 4 May 2010 Date of Decision: 14 June 2010 DECISION [1] This is an appeal against the decision of a refugee status officer of the Refugee Status Branch (RSB) of the Department of Labour (DOL) declining refugee status to the appellant, a national of Iraq. INTRODUCTION [2] The appellant claims to have a well-founded fear of being persecuted in Iraq on account of his former Ba’ath Party membership in the rank of Naseer Mutakadim, and due to his father’s position as Branch Member of the al-Amed Organisation for the Ba’ath Party in City A. He fears persecution at the hands of members of the Mahdi Army – a Shi’a militia group in Iraq, the police who collaborate with them, and the Iraqi Government that is infiltrated by militias. [3] The principal issues to be determined in this appeal are the well- foundedness of the appellant’s fears and whether he can genuinely access meaningful domestic protection. 2 THE APPELLANT’S CASE [4] What follows is a summary of the appellant’s evidence in support of his claim. It will be assessed later in this decision. Background [5] The appellant is a single man in his early-30s. He was born in Suburb A in City A. He is one of three children, the youngest of two boys. -
The Construction of the Female Identity In
European Journal of English Language and Literature Studies Vol.7, No.6, pp.26-36, December 2019 Published by ECRTD- UK Print ISSN: 2055-0138(Print), Online ISSN: 2055-0146(Online) THE CONSTRUCTION OF WOMEN IN REPRESENTATIONS OF PALESTINE IN GHASSAN KANAFANI’S UMM SAAD Nuha Ahmad Baaqeel Assistant professor,Department of Languages and Translation,College of Arts and Humanities,Taibah University,Saudi Arabia) ABSTRACT: This essay will argue that the multiplicity of identities is the main feature in the construction of representations of women in Palestine. Moreover; this essay will explore a range of different identities and positions that Palestinian women take on. In order to demonstrate this aim, the paper will contrast and compare the representations of Palestinian women both before and after the Intifada as represented by the male writer Ghassan Kanafani and the female writer Suad Amiry. And will analyse the multiplicity of female identities in the works of Kanafani and Amiry. Two specific texts by Kanafani and Amiry were chosen in order to give a more profound analysis – Umm Saad which represents a Palestinian woman before the Intifada‘ with ’a nationalism that draws as a political movement which challenges the colonial state’’ and Sharon and My Mother-in-Law: Ramallah Diaries that symbolises the Palestinian woman after the Intifada with different kind of nationalism that draws on‘’ a cultural construct which enables the colonial to posit their differences and autonomy’’. The choice of these texts is explained by the fact that they provide the most vivid representations of both the colonial and anti-colonial mentalities of Palestinian women. -
Fedayeen Action and Arab Strategy
ADELPHI PAPER NO. 53 Y. Karkabi is a retired senior officer of the Israel Defence Forces who now teaches at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem. He has been directly concerned with the Arab-Israel conflict, in the capacity of Chief of Military Intelligence from 1955 to 1959; this is now his field ofacademic research. In 1968 he was a Senior Research Associate at the Institute for Strategic Studies for four months. This paper was completed in the autumn of 1968. CONTENTS Additional copies of this paper may be ordered from the Institute at the cost of 5s (75c) each, post free. r. Introduction page I 2. Preparing for War 2 3. Fatah's Doctrine 6 4. Debate and Action 17 5. Fedayeenafter the Six-day War 25 6. Guerrilla Warfare and the Nc\v Arab Strategy 3' 7. Living with the Conflict 33 Notes 38 Preferences .. 42 . Note: The numbers in the text refer to the notes to be found on p. 38 and following. They are grouped within chapters. All references to The Institute for Strategic Studies is a non-governmental research centre Arab sources are to be found under references on p. 43, again concerned with the study ofthe problems of war, conjlict and arms control grouped within chapters. on an international basis. The purpose ofthe Adclphi Paper scries is togive hospitality to a wide range of analytical work; the papers which form the series are not intended to express the views or the policyof the Institute itself which is not the advocate of any nationalposition or anyparticular school of thought. -
Palestinian Traumatic Memory in Three Works by Elias Khoury
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2019 "Dhakirat al-alam": Palestinian traumatic memory in three works by Elias Khoury Nourhan Tewfik Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Tewfik, N. (2019)."Dhakirat al-alam": Palestinian traumatic memory in three works by Elias Khoury [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/829 MLA Citation Tewfik, Nourhan. "Dhakirat al-alam": Palestinian traumatic memory in three works by Elias Khoury. 2019. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/829 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 The American University in Cairo School of Humanities and Social Sciences “Dhakirat al-alam:” Palestinian Traumatic Memory in Three Works by Elias Khoury A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts By Nourhan Tewfik Under the Supervision of Professor Samia Mehrez May 2019 2 To my mother, For valuing my rushed dreams, And nurturing them with her generous love. To my father, For gifting me my first book, And inspiring me with his ceaseless sense of wonder. To Samia Mehrez, For teaching, telling and reading literature with such grace, And triggering my love for the written word in the process. -
The American University in Cairo Press
Catalog_Spring2012_COVER_FINAL_Fall2012 1/6/13 9:36 AM Page 1 The American University in Cairo Press The American University in Cairo Press is the largest English-language publisher in the Middle East. Founded in 1960, the Press plays a vital role in the cultural and academic dialog between the Arab world and the West. From Arabic fiction in translation through Egyptology to scholarly and general works on all aspects of modern Egypt and its neighbors, including the recent Arab uprisings, the publications of the AUC Press remain a canon of fresh and relevant publishing from the region. The American University The American University in Cairo Press in Cairo Cairo • New York Visit us at www.aucpress.com Press New Books Spring 2013 Catalog_Spring2013_Working4_Fall2012 12/23/12 7:22 AM Page 1 Letter from the Director Whatever Happened to the Egyptian Revolution? —a question on many people’s minds as the country seems more divided than ever, and one that economist and social critic Galal Amin addresses in his book of that name (page 6). Another commentator with strong opinions on the recent fate of Egypt, Adel Iskandar, gives his take in a collection of acerbic essays on Egypt in Flux (page 2). And looking at Copts at the Crossroads (page 12), political scientist Mariz Tadros brings us up to date on the dilemmas facing the coun- try’s Christian community in a changing Egypt. The change in social relations over generations is the subject of sociolo- gist Mona Abaza’s contemplative look back at her own family’s history and their relation with the land and the people who worked it, in The Cotton Plantation Remembered (page 4), beautifully illustrated with her haunting photographs of the cotton fields and the old family house. -
The State of the Arts in the Middle East
Viewpoints Special Edition The State of the Arts in the Middle East The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mei.edu Cover photos are credited, where necessary, in the body of the collection. 2 The Middle East Institute Viewpoints: The State of the Arts in the Middle East • www.mei.edu Viewpoints Special Edition The State of the Arts in the Middle East The Middle East Institute Viewpoints: The State of the Arts in the Middle East • www.mei.edu 3 Also in this series.. -
In All the Major Political Developments in Twentieth-Century Iran, From
THE WORKING CLASS AND THE ISLAMIC STATE IN IRAN H A I D E H M O G H I S S I A ND S A E E D R A H N E M A n all the major political developments in twentieth-century Iran, from the Iconstitutional revolution of 1906–11 and the nationalization of the oil industry in early 1950s to the political upheavals of early 1960s and the 1979 revolution, workers were major participants and demonstrated a high level of militancy. However, governments of diverse persuasions, from the Pahlavis’ modernizing dictatorial monarchy to the liberal nationalists, and the Islamists’ pre-modern theocracy, have ignored workers’ legitimate demands and suppressed their dissent. Many factors account for this failure, not least of them being the qualitative and quantitative weaknesses of the working class—a result of the specific nature of capitalist development and industrialization in Iran. Because of its own internal weaknesses, the workers’ movement has depended historically on left social democratic and communist movements both organi- zationally and intellectually. In fact, socialist and communist ideas about the workers’ right to form unions and emancipate themselves preceded the emer- gence of the working class itself. Yet dependence on external leadership made Iranian workers susceptible to the theoretical and political wavering and internal conflicts of the country’s left intelligentsia. As well, the continuous suppression of the left by successive dictatorial regimes inevitably also affected the militancy and organizational efficacy of the working-class movement. In this context, it is reasonable to argue that the progress of the working-class movement has been and continues to be directly linked to the movement for democracy and social change. -
Israel's Policies Toward Asylum-Seekers
Israel’s Policies toward Asylum-Seekers: 2002-2014 © 2015 IAI by Galia Sabar and Elizabeth Tsurkov ISSN 2280-4341 | ISBN 978-88-98650-44-6 ABSTRACT This article analyses Israel’s policies toward Sudanese and Eritrean asylum-seekers from 2002 to 2014, a period during which 60,000 entered the country on account of its lax border with Egypt. After introducing Israel’s unique immigration regime the article focuses on Israel’s asylum system, emphasizing the low recognition rates and its chaotic “patch work,” “on the move” character. The second part examines the ways Israel has made it difficult for asylum- seekers to live within its borders after entering, focusing on their limited access to social and other public services, and, since 2012, the adoption of a policy of prolonged detention without trial and active encouragement of those detained to leave Israel “willingly” to Uganda and Rwanda. Finally, we use interview data to analyse asylum-seekers’ daily realities and explore their understanding of and struggle against Israel’s immigration and asylum policies. Israel | Migration | Refugees | Human rights keywords IAI WORKING PAPERS 15 | 20 - MAY 2015 15 | 20 - MAY IAI WORKING PAPERS Israel’s Policies toward Asylum-Seekers: 2002-2014 Israel’s Policies toward Asylum-Seekers: 2002-2014 by Galia Sabar and Elizabeth Tsurkov* © 2015 IAI Introduction This article analyses Israel’s policies towards asylum-seekers from 2002 to 2014, a period during which the number of asylum-seekers in Israel increased dramatically from a mere handful at the beginning of the century to over 60,000 in 2012. The vast majority of asylum-seekers are from Sudan and Eritrea, who have crossed one or more intermediate states en route to Israel. -
The Propaganda War in Nasser's Egypt, 1952–1967
DEFINING THE ENEMY AS ISRAEL, ZIONIST, NEO-NAZI, OR JEWISH: THE PROPAGANDA WAR IN NASSER’S EGYPT, 1952–1967 Michael Sharnoff President Gamal Abdel Nasser‘s repudiation that Egypt‘s conflict with Israel should be viewed in the context of Egypt‘s aversion to Zionism — not the Jewish people — requires a greater examination of the declarations and actions under Nasser‘s Egypt. To gain a more cogent understanding of Nasser‘s perception of Israel and Jews, it is necessary first to define anti-Zionism and antisemitism. Zionism is a political and nationalist movement which claims that Jews have the right to self-determination. Most Jews consider the manifestation of Zionism as the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 — the rebirth of their nation after nearly 2,000 years in exile. Anti- Zionists claim they do not have specific grievances against the Jewish people per se, but rather they do not believe that Jews constitute a distinct nation requiring a homeland in Israel. Many anti-Zionists espouse radical views such as calling for the liquidation of the state of Israel and the expulsion of the Jews living there. The European Union Agency for Human Rights defines antisemitism as a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of anti-Semitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, towards Jewish community institutions and religious facilities. This includes calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing of Jews; dehumanizing Jews; holding Jews collectively responsible for real or imagined events; denying or trivializing the Holocaust; and accusing Jews of dual loyalties or being more sympathetic to Israel than their own nations. -
My Voice Is My Weapon: Music, Nationalism, and the Poetics Of
MY VOICE IS MY WEAPON MY VOICE IS MY WEAPON Music, Nationalism, and the Poetics of Palestinian Resistance David A. McDonald Duke University Press ✹ Durham and London ✹ 2013 © 2013 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Cover by Heather Hensley. Interior by Courtney Leigh Baker Typeset in Minion Pro by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data McDonald, David A., 1976– My voice is my weapon : music, nationalism, and the poetics of Palestinian resistance / David A. McDonald. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8223-5468-0 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn 978-0-8223-5479-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Palestinian Arabs—Music—History and criticism. 2. Music—Political aspects—Israel. 3. Music—Political aspects—Gaza Strip. 4. Music—Political aspects—West Bank. i. Title. ml3754.5.m33 2013 780.89′9274—dc23 2013012813 For Seamus Patrick McDonald Illustrations viii Note on Transliterations xi Note on Accessing Performance Videos xiii Acknowledgments xvii introduction ✹ 1 chapter 1. Nationalism, Belonging, and the Performativity of Resistance ✹ 17 chapter 2. Poets, Singers, and Songs ✹ 34 Voices in the Resistance Movement (1917–1967) chapter 3. Al- Naksa and the Emergence of Political Song (1967–1987) ✹ 78 chapter 4. The First Intifada and the Generation of Stones (1987–2000) ✹ 116 chapter 5. Revivals and New Arrivals ✹ 144 The al- Aqsa Intifada (2000–2010) CONTENTS chapter 6. “My Songs Can Reach the Whole Nation” ✹ 163 Baladna and Protest Song in Jordan chapter 7. Imprisonment and Exile ✹ 199 Negotiating Power and Resistance in Palestinian Protest Song chapter 8. -
Intelligence Report FEE5
DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Report ESAU L: THE FEDAYEEN (Annex to ESAU XLVIII: Fedayeen-- “Men of Sacrifice’y 1 NO 5 FEE5 . WARNING It is to be seen only by perso indoctrinated and authorized to receive// information within the Government to which#hsmitted; its security mwbe maintained in ac- cordance with1 1 \ I I egardless of the advantage d by the Director of Cen .. I A NOTE ON SOURCES This paper relies primarily on clandestine reporting, particularly for the internal structure and operations of the various fedayeen organizations. I The repostlng 1s quite guoa on poiiticdi as-wf the subject such as the maneuverings of the fedayeen groups, their internal disputes, and their ideological and tactical views. However, our information is more scanty on such important matters as the number of i armed men in each group, the sources and mechanics of funding, and details of the sources and methods of delivery of arms shipments to the fedayeen. I H TABLE OF CONTENTS Page FATAH AND THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION (PLO) Fatah -- Background to February 1969, (I 1: 1 PLO -- Background to February 1969 c. 8 Fatah Takeover of PLO -- February 1969, ~ LI ,11 Fatah Attempts to Control the Palestine Liberation Army (PLA) ~ , 15 Fatah Retains Its Identity, .20 Fatah Tactics and Operations, .24 Fatah Funding s 0 0 3 0 0 ' (I c 0 0 G 0 D 0 0 .26 THE A3IAB NATIONALIST MOVEMENT (ANMI AND ITS FEDAYEEN WINGS ANMo 0 f 0 0 c 0 0 0 c. 0 0 0 0 J li 0 9.0 c c .30 Background on the ANM's Fedayeen Wings, .32 Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP 1 0 C U C 3 0 0 0 G u 0 u (I c c 35 Organization c 0 0 0 0 c 0 0 0 c c 0 3 c 38 Funding, 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 c 0 0 0 0 0 c p 0 42 Popular Democratic Front for Liberatlon of Palestine (PDFLP) Strategy ., .44 Organization ,, .45 Funding, .48 PFLP General Command, , .51 1- I 1- (Contents Con t) .