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How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
Orange Alba: the Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland Since 1798
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2010 Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798 Ronnie Michael Booker Jr. University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Booker, Ronnie Michael Jr., "Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2010. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/777 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Ronnie Michael Booker Jr. entitled "Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in History. John Bohstedt, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Vejas Liulevicius, Lynn Sacco, Daniel Magilow Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by R. -
The Descendants of John Robblee, Loyalist, and His
The Descendants of John Robblee, Loyalist, and his wife Susannah Baker of Dutchess Co., NY & Nova Scotia Compiled by Cindy Walcott <cwalcott141 at gmail dot com) Fall 2018 The original research on the Canadian Robblees was done by Bob Robblee. I well remember the day that the phone rang in my Vermont home – more than 25 years ago? And it was Bob, a new-found cousin. We had a great conversation, which led to a collaboration over many years. I owe a debt of gratitude to Bob, who generously shared his research with me. I have worked to expand it, including adding newly available sources over the years. But truly, the credit goes to him. The Canadian Robblees are descended from the Loyalist branch of the family. John Robblee and his brother Thomas settled in Nova Scotia when they found themselves no longer welcome in the colonies. The family stayed in the Maritimes for many years, but eventually some branches found their way to the Canadian West, and some back to the US, where their ship-building and sailing expertise were but to good use in the Boston area. Most of the modern-day Robblees are of this family. Some of the family did adopt the spelling Roblee. I would ask that anyone using this report not turn “speculation” into “fact” when using the data for his or her own purposes. I welcome any questions, criticisms, confirmations, rebuttals, etc. My interest is in placing all of the individuals in their own families, locations and historical context. Conventions used: A date with “est” in front of it is, in fact, an estimate. -
“A Peace of Sorts”: a Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn Mcnamara
“A Peace of Sorts”: A Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn McNamara A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy, Australian National University, March 2017 Declaration ii Acknowledgements I would first like to thank Professor Nicholas Brown who agreed to supervise me back in October 2014. Your generosity, insight, patience and hard work have made this thesis what it is. I would also like to thank Dr Ben Mercer, your helpful and perceptive insights not only contributed enormously to my thesis, but helped fund my research by hiring and mentoring me as a tutor. Thank you to Emeritus Professor Elizabeth Malcolm whose knowledge and experience thoroughly enhanced this thesis. I could not have asked for a better panel. I would also like to thank the academic and administrative staff of the ANU’s School of History for their encouragement and support, in Monday afternoon tea, seminars throughout my candidature and especially useful feedback during my Thesis Proposal and Pre-Submission Presentations. I would like to thank the McClay Library at Queen’s University Belfast for allowing me access to their collections and the generous staff of the Linen Hall Library, Belfast City Library and Belfast’s Newspaper Library for all their help. Also thanks to my local libraries, the NLA and the ANU’s Chifley and Menzies libraries. A big thank you to Niamh Baker of the BBC Archives in Belfast for allowing me access to the collection. I would also like to acknowledge Bertie Ahern, Seán Neeson and John Lindsay for their insightful interviews and conversations that added a personal dimension to this thesis. -
Dealing with the Past in Northern Ireland
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 26, Issue 4 2002 Article 9 Dealing With the Past in Northern Ireland Christine Bell∗ ∗ Copyright c 2002 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Dealing With the Past in Northern Ireland Christine Bell Abstract This Article “audits” Northern Ireland’s discrete mechanisms for dealing with the past, with a view to exploring the wider transitional justice debates. An assessment of what has been done so far is vital to considering what the goals of addressing the past might be, what future developments are useful or required, and what kind of mechanisms might successfully be employed in achieving those goals. DEALING WITH THE PAST IN NORTHERN IRELAND Christine Bell* INTRODUCTION The term "transitional justice" has increasingly been used to consider how governments in countries emerging from deeply rooted conflict address the legacy of past human rights viola- tions.' While the term has a pedigree dating back to the Nuremburg Tribunals, three contemporary factors have reinvig- orated interest.2 The first factor is the prevalence of negotiated agreements as the preferred way of resolving internal conflicts. Premised on some degree of compromise between those who were engaged militarily in the conflict, these compromises affect whether and how the past is dealt with. As Huyse notes, the wid- est scope for prosecutions arises in the case of an overthrow or "victory" where virtually no political limits on retributive punish- * Professor Bell is the Chair in Public International Law, Transitional Justice Insti- tute, School of Law, University of Ulster, and a former member of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission. -
Queen V William James Fulton and Muriel Gibson
Neutral Citation no. [2007] NICC 2 Ref: HARC5724 Judgment: approved by the Court for handing down Delivered: 26/1/2007 (subject to editorial corrections) IN THE CROWN COURT AT BELFAST _______ THE QUEEN -v- WILLIAM JAMES FULTON AND MURIEL GIBSON ________ BILL NO. 150/03 ________ HART J [1] William James Fulton and Muriel Gibson are before the Court to be sentenced on the charges of which they have been convicted as set out in my written judgment of 7 December 2006. When I come to sentence each accused in relation to each offence, or group of offences, I will refer as necessary to the paragraphs in that judgment dealing with that offence, or group of offences, as I do not intend to rehearse the details which can be found in full in the appropriate part of the judgment. [2] Before dealing with the offences on which Fulton has been convicted, I must first of all refer to the submissions made by Mr Berry QC on his behalf in relation to Fulton’s conviction on count 1 of the indictment, the murder of Mary Elizabeth O’Neill in June 1999. Mr Berry pointed out that the offence was committed before the Life Sentences (Northern Ireland) Order 2001 (the 2001 Order) came into effect. Article 5 of the 2001 Order now provides that the trial court must fix the minimum term to be served by a prisoner sentenced to life imprisonment before he can be considered for release from prison by the Life Sentence Review Commissioners. Articles 5(1) and (2) are material for the purposes of the present case. -
Belfast Newsletter
LVF called end to campaign 20 years ago – here is how it was born - Belfast Newsletter Jobs Cars Homes Directory Announcements Newsletter News Politics Crime Farming LVF called end to campaign 20 years ago – here is how it was born LVF supporters at the Maze Prison in 1998 By ADAM KULA Email Published: 06:45 Wednesday 08 August 2018 Sign Up To Our Daily Newsletter Sign up Share this article https://www.newsletter.co.uk/news/lvf-called-end-to-campaign-20-years-ago-here-is-how-it-was-born-1-8593299[09/08/2018 16:13:16] LVF called end to campaign 20 years ago – here is how it was born - Belfast Newsletter The demise of the LVF ended the “last armed challenge” to the 1990s peace process from loyalists, according to Aaron Edwards. Dr Edwards is author of the book ‘UVF: Behind the Mask’, and defence lecturer at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst. A loyalist in an LVF t-shirt burns a copy of the Mitchell Agreement at an anti-peace agreement rally in Antrim in 1998 Here he tells the News Letter how the Portadown- based LVF was born, and what marked it out from the other groups. READ ONE MOTHER’S ACCOUNT OF THE HUMAN COST OF ITS CAMPAIGN HERE: ‘I didn’t even know what the initials LVF meant’ In the 1970s, the mid-Ulster UVF began to make a name for itself under “particularly vicious” men like Robin Jackson, Billy Hanna, and Wesley Somerville. Billy Wright claimed to have joined the UVF in the wake of the 1976 Kingsmills massacre, served a jail term for firearm possession, and was freed in the early 1980s. -
'Colluded with Mad Dog' | UK News | the Observer
Troops 'colluded with Mad Dog' | UK News | The Observer Go to: Home UK news World news Politics Business & Media Comment & Leaders Focus 7 Days Sport Review Travel Cash Observer Woman The Observer Magazine Food Music Troops 'colluded with Mad Dog' Adair book claims he got tip-offs on republicans Henry McDonald Sunday February 4, 2007 The Observer Search The Johnny Adair, the exiled loyalist former terrorist, has Observer added to controversy over security force collusion by claiming that British soldiers were a main source of intelligence for his band of murderers. In his autobiography Mad Dog, due out next month, Adair Tools says British troops were regularly in touch with him and Text-only version his 'C Company' - the Ulster Defence Association's main Send it to a friend death squad during his terrifying reign in the early Save story Nineties. The Observer Front page Adair says that on every patrol there would be at least Story index three or four soldiers who were friendly towards him. He claims much of the information he received on Recent articles republicans was passed over when his car was stopped Historic papers reveal life of at army security checkpoints. 'To make sure they [the Edwardian schoolgirls squaddies] didn't get caught out, I was walked to the back of the car to oversee a dummy root about in the Dinner money 'spent on talk' boot. UN alarm as Iraqis face forcible return Article continues This week we want to know all about... vibrating glasses http://observer.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,,2005632,00.html (1 of 4)06/02/2007 -
Conflict Transformation and the Loyalist Paramilitaries of Northern Ireland
“Taking Responsibility”: Conflict Transformation and the Loyalist Paramilitaries of Northern Ireland Britt Sloan April 2011 Senior Honors Thesis International Relations, Tufts University Advisors: Eileen Babbitt, The Fletcher School Kelly Greenhill, Tufts University ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank the leadership of the Ulster Defense Association, the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster Political Research Group, and the Progressive Unionist Party for their generous time and contributions to this work. Their willingness to welcome me into their communities afforded me opportunities to acquire insights that I would otherwise have never been able to gain, and their honesty in explaining a troubled history and a hopeful future was truly enlightening. In addition, thank you to those who offered advice and analysis throughout my travels in Belfast and upon my return home. I would also like to acknowledge my advisors, Professor Eileen Babbitt for her gracious acceptance of an undergraduate advisee and for her unstinting encouragement and Professor Kelly Greenhill for her astute critiques and for making time in her busy schedule. I would like to give a special thank you to Allan Leonard of the Northern Ireland Foundation for his incredible mentorship, Quintin Oliver of Stratagem for sharing with me his endless networks, and Tony Novosel for his constant enthusiasm and guidance. Although they had no obligation to support my research, they have always made themselves available to discuss, debate, and advise. Most importantly, this research would not have been possible without the financial support of Sherman Teichman and the Tufts Institute for Global Leadership and of the Tufts Undergraduate Research Fund. Finally, thank you to all those who are “taking responsibility” for conflict transformation and working to build peaceful societies. -
Fair Trial and Detainees' Rights
United Kingdom IHF FOCUS: freedom of expression and the media; right to privacy; fair trial and detainees’ rights; prison conditions and prisoners’ rights; intolerance, racial discrimination and xenophobia; asylum seekers; rights of the child; Northern Ireland. In 2002 the government stepped up anti-terrorist and anti-crime measures in ways that led to restrictions of individuals’ basic rights, particularly the right to privacy, respect of fair trial standards and detainees’ rights. The government made moves to allow a wider range of authorities to demand access to telephone and internet records without obtaining a judicial or executive warrant and to require that communication service providers keep their customers’ records for longer periods in case the authorities needed to access them. Other measures, which, if introduced, would potentially violate the right to privacy, were the attempts to introduced a “universal entitlement card” and the requirement for air carriers to record personal data of their passengers. The recent anti-terrorism measures and other moves affecting privacy warranted the Electronic Privacy Information Center and Privacy International to state in the fall that Britain had one of the worst records in the developed world for protecting the individual’s privacy.1 In the face of these planned measures to limit the right to privacy, Britain’s senior judge, Lord Chief Justice Woolf, warned the government about its human rights policy. He commended the Human Rights Act, in force since 2000, which gave the courts the possibility of intervening when parliament or government failed to strike the correct balance between the rights of society as a whole and the rights of the individual and to ensure that Britain remains a democracy committed to the rule of law.2 Despite this statement, court rulings reflected the lack of commitment to human rights. -
01-Feb-Mar00
Imsh OemocRA February/March 2000 Connolly Association: campaigning for a united and independent Ireland ISSN 0021-1125 60p Historic court Lighting the The legacy of victory for flame of James Flntan democracy freedom Lalor Page 3 Page 7 Page 12 TIME FOR JUSTICE MURDER INQUIRY Democrat reporter FILES BELIEVED to contain the names of the six-man loyalist death squad alleged to be responsible for the death of the prominent Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane have been sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) in Northern Ireland. This latest development in the Finucane murder case raises hopes that the truth surrounding the solicitor's death, including the exact level of collaboration between loyalist paramilitaries and British security forces, will eventually be revealed. It is understood that the evidence sent to the DPP, revealed in the Independent newspaper, confirms allegations made by two loyalists informers that RUC intelligence officers ignored a series of tip-offs indicating that Pat Finucane was to be the target of a loyalist death squad. According to one source, self- confessed police informer and Ulster Defence Association (UDA) quartermaster William Stobie, police officers were in a position to prevent Finucane's murder. Stobie claims to have warned his handlers that a prominent republican, which they clearly understood to be Finucane, was about to be assassinated — including making two phone calls on the night of the murder. The demand for Justice for those killed on Bloody Sunday, 30 January 1972, remains as loud as ever. This year's march In London, on 22 January, heard Stobie, one of two men already relatives of the victims call for the new Saville Inquiry, which opens Its public hearings in March, to be monitored closely to avoid another whitewash. -
NEWS: Meeting the Loyalist Who Had 'No Problem Killing Catholics'
Irish News: NEWS: Meeting the loyalist who had ‘no problem killing Catholics’ Monday, 01 December 2008 HOME NEWS SPORT BUSINESS LIVING AN TEOLAS SEARCH SUBSCRIBE LOGIN POLITICS | EDUCATION | COLUMNISTS | LETTERS | RSS FEEDS Most PopularMost Emailed BreakingSportBusinessWorldGossip Issue Changer: NEWS > Meeting the loyalist who had ‘no problem killing Catholics’ By Andrea McKernon 24/11/08 Andrea McKernon recalls a chilling meeting with Ihab Shoukri during a loyalist feud in 2002 Ihab Shoukri would kill Catholics without compunction telling me once he had “no problem killing Catholics”. http://www.irishnews.com/articles/540/5860/2008/11/24/603711_364466970522Meetingth.html (1 of 3)01/12/2008 13:39:07 Irish News: NEWS: Meeting the loyalist who had ‘no problem killing Catholics’ His assertion was made during his fledgling days when he emerged as leader of the UDA’s north Belfast ‘brigade’, after his ‘brigadier’ brother Andre was jailed. He took over the reins in 2002 when the faction based in the Westland housing estate was in a struggle for supremacy with Johnny Adair. I met the late ‘brigadier’ in a house in the loyalist estate in the midst of the turmoil. The 1980s development is located between the Cavehill and Cliftonville roads. About 20 of his associates were holed up in the house, including the late Eddie McClean, a veteran Shore Road loyalist. The house was buzzing as the occupants within had just returned from a court hearing regarding Andre Shoukri. They were walking from room to room, none seemed to have any work to go to and they were settled in the house, appearing to feel safe in numbers.