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COMMUNICATIONS Facuité Des Lettres Et Sciences Humaines Université De Sherbrooke DÉPARTEMENT DES LETTRES ET COMMUNICATIONS Facuité des lettres et sciences humaines Université de Sherbrooke DISCOURS DE PRESSE ET CRISE POLITIQUE: L'ACTUALITÉIRLANDAISE DANS QUATRE QUOTIDIENS CkVADIENS (5 &VER AU 10 MARS 1998) ETENNE VERSTRAELEN Bachelier ès arts (communication) de 1 'Université de Montréal pour obtenir - 1 L- .; > Sherbrooke National Library Bibliothèque nationale B+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Sneet 395, rw Wellington OnawaON KlAONQ OaawaON K1AW canada canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel1 reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microficheinlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retauis ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels rnay be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Composition du Jury Discours de presse et crise politique: l'actualité irlandaise dans quatre quotidiens canadiens (5 février au 10 mars 1998) Ce mémoire a été évalué par un jury composé des personnes suivantes Marquis, André, Directeur de recherche Pons, Christian-Marie, autre membre du jury UTener,Normand, autre membre du jury Département des lettres et communications Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines Résumé Ce mémoire est une analyse du discours journalistique qu'on retrouve dans les pages internationales de quatre grands quotidiens de l'est du Canada : La Presse, Le Devoir. The Gazerre et 73e Globe arrd Mail. Nous avons concentré notre analyse sur la couverture du processus de paix angio-irlandais, entre le 5 février et le 10 mars 1998. Une synthèse des principaux événements qui ont fait la manchette en Irlande a d'abord été effectuée sur le terrain. Ensuite, les articles relatifs à l'actualité irlandaise, publiés dans les quatre journaux a l'étude durant l'intervalle de notre recherche, ont été soumis à une grille d'analyse qui visait a en extraire les acteurs et les thèmes les plus souvent mentionnés. Enfin, les résultats obtenus ont été comparés, d'un quotidien à l'autre, ont démontré que tes journaux anglophones offient au lecteur une plus grande variété de thèmes et d'acteurs que les journaux fiancophones, dans la couverture de l'actualité irlandaise du 5 février 1998 au 10 mars 1998. De plus, les quotidiens de notre corpus ne se penchent que très peu sur les questions de fond de la politique étrangère et mettent l'accent sur le terrorisme. Enfin, les agences de presse rédigent presque la totalité des articles qui sont offerts au lecteur. Table de Matières Page Introduction ................................................... 6 La crise irlandaise ............................................ 19 Analyse des quotidiens francophones..................... -34 Anaiyse des quotidiens anglophones....................... 59 Comparaison des quatre quotidiens ....................... -84 Conclusion .................................................... 99 Annexes .................................................. 104 Bibliographie thématique. ..................... .. ............ 130 Introduction Les agences de presse, en cette fin de vingtième siècle, sont de moins en moins nombreuses. Seules les plus prospères sunivent. Eues sont parfois alimentées financièrement par de riches multinationales (dans le cas de Reuten, par exemple), parfois UitluencCes par les gouvernements qui y voient un puissant outil de relations publiques (dans le cas de l'Agence France-Presse) ou psrfois même contrôlées de a à z par des régimes politiques autoritaires qui manient à leur guise l'information dans le but de rester en fonction. Ces et~îreprisesde I'in$oonn~onauraient-eues le pouvoir de distinguer le mal du bien en nous proposant un récit des faits uniforme et incontestable? Les agences de presse pourraient-elles modeler l'image d'un acteur ou d'un groupe d'acteurs politiques pour ensuite la diffuser, sous forme de dépêche, a un large lectorat qui s'étend, dans certains cas, aux quatre coins de la planète? Nous nous limiterons pour l'instant à supposer que la diminution du nombre d'agences de presse mondiales réduit le nombre de points de vue d'un même événement. Ce problème s'accentue lorsque l'on constate que la précarité financière des quotidiens diffuseurs d'actualité internationale les contraint à ne puiser qu'a un nombre restreint de sources, a ne s'abonner qu'à quelques agences de presse. Encore une fois, faute de moyens financiers, on utilise largement l'information offerte par les agences de presse, plutôt que d'assumer les fiais d'une équipe de journalistes spécialisés dans l'analyse de l'actualité internationale. Présentation du sujet Durant la grande famine du 19' siecie, la population irlandaise subit une décroissance radicale causée par les décès et l'émigration massive vers, notamment, les États-unis et le Canada. Dans l'est de notre pays, les villes de Montréal et de Toronto sont les métropoks qui comptent aujourd'hui les cornmunautes irlandaises les plus importantes. Nous supposons donc que les 7 quotidiens anglophones de ces deux villes ne peuvent omettre de couvrir I'actueiie crise irlandaise sans risquer de perdre une partie de leur lectorat. De plus, la question politique irlandaise s'apparente à celle du Québec, dans la mesure où il s'agit, dans les deux cas, d'une volonté populaire d'obtenir la souveraineté politique sur l'ensemble d'un territoire qui fut conquis et colonisé par l'empire britannique. L'histoire du Québec est cependant beaucoup plus jeune et bien peu d'actes violents ont marqué les dernières décennies. L'histoire des combats en Mande remonte au 9' siècle, avec l'arrivée des Danois qui ne furent complètement repoussés qu'en 1014, lors de la bataille de Clontafi En 1170, les Normands débarquèrent à Wedord pour ensuite s'emparer de Dublin. Les Anglais les supportèrent et envoyèrent des colons de façon massive en Irlande. Au fil des années, les Irlandais durent constamment se battre pour sauvegarder le pouvoir sur l'ensemble de leur île, ce qu'ils ne purent faire indéfiniment, contraints en 1800 à signer l'Acte d'Union, créant le Royaume-Uni de Grande- Bretagne et d'Irlande. Les Irlandais réussirent néanmoins a refouler les Anglais dans la province de IYLlster,conservant le reste de I'îie, territoire en grande partie rural. Le rêve des Irlandais demeure l'union de l'île en une seule Irlande. Depuis 1800, les soulèvements se sont multiplies. La querelle ne se limite pas à une question politique. Le problème est beaucoup plus profond et prend ses racines dans I'excornmunication dYElisabethpar le pape Pie V, en 1570, ce qui eut pour effet de donner naissance à la branche protestante du christianisme. Depuis, les oppositions entre protestants et catholiques sont lourdes à supporter. Fort d'un certain pouvoir sociopolitique, le clergé irlandais a toujours soutenu les luttes irlandaises vers la reconquête de l'Irlande du Nord. Les autorités religieuses sont souvent, encore aujourd'hui, consultées dans la prise de décisions politiques. En septembre 1997, le gouvernement de Tony Blair a décidé de procéder a une restructuration du pouvoir politique au Royaume-Uni. Après deux référendums consécutifs (à une semaine d'intervalle), l'Écosse et le Pays de Galles se sont dotes d'un parlement provincial décentralisant une petite partie du pouvoir (le parlement du Pays de Galles est limité à un rôle consultatif). Dans la même foulée, Blair voulut décentraliser certains pouvoirs vers l'Irlande du Nord. La période du 5 février 1998 au 10 mars 1998 (intervalle choisi pour l'étude) correspond à l'étape de négociations du processus de paix où chacun des partis concernés (une quinzaine en tout, dont les principaux étaient: l'Ulster Unionist Party @NP), le Social Democratic and Labor Party (SDLP) et le Sinn Fein) tente de faire valoir ses intérêts dans l'élaboration d'institutions nord-sud qui favoriseraient un climat de rapprochement entre cathobques et protestants. Les tensions sont alors considérables et la discussion semble dévier constamment de son objectif premier. Considérant ces faits, nous croyons que l'intérêt pour la crise politique irlandaise est important à Toronto et a Montréal. Notre mémoire ne prétend pas être une réponse aux interrogations portant sur la qualité de la couverture de I'actualité internationale, au sens large, dans tous les quotidiens. La recherche se concentrera plutôt sur la couverture de l'actualité irlandaise. entre le 5 février et le 10 mars 1998, dans quatre quotidiens de Montréal et de Toronto: 7he Gazette (13 articles), nte Globe and Mail (13 articles), Le Devoir (7 articles) et La Presse ( 14 articles). Nous avons choisi cet événement politique et les quotidiens mentionnés ci-dessus afin de bénéficier d'un corpus riche qui comporte des articles difiùsés a intervalle régulier. Quant au choix de concentrer l'étude sur les textes écrits entre le 5 février et le 10 mars 1998, il s'explique, outre par l'agenda politique de Blair, par la réaiisation d'une synthèse des principaux médias irlandais, effectuée sur le terrain, durant cette période de 34 jours, par l'auteur de ce mémoire. Articulation de la probMmatique Lorsqu'une crise politique est susceptible de piquer la curiosité d'un lectorat étendu sur plusieurs pays, iI devient intéressant de comparer les multiples types de couvertures médiatiques offertes au public. Les crises ne sont pas toujours comprises ou perçues de la même façon partout. Plusieurs facteurs, telles les croyances religieuses et les adhésions politiques, peuvent influencer le processus de décodage d'une scène politique. Nous croyons que ces spécificités régionales ont avantage à résister a L'implantation d'une culture mondiale aux valeurs pré-usinées.
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