Computing History

The IBM Laboratory at Columbia University A History

by Jean Ford Brennan with the archival assistance of H.K. Clark

[‐iii‐] Armonk, New York February 18, 1971

This book is filled with bright people who made IBM history—and computer history. The Watson Laboratory has meant a great deal to the IBM Company over the years, and I am delighted that we have this record of the many contribu됍ons of its people.

(Signature of Tom Watson, Jr.)

Copyright 1971 by Interna됍onal Business Machines Corpora됍on. Manufactured in the United States of America.

(ORIGINAL COPYRIGHT PAGE)

Cover: Click to magnify

The text in this box is not part of the original work. This book was scanned and converted to HTML for the Web by Frank da Cruz of Columbia University in August 2003 for the Columbia University Compu됍ng History Project in the very building that is pictured on the front cover: Watson Laboratory at 612 West 115th Street, . The original text was not altered in any way (unless by accident); the forma됍ng is close in spirit, but not iden됍cal. Original page numbers are shown inline as [‐xx‐] and the Table of Contents and Index are live. Click on images to view full‐size versions (which, like those in the book, are small). All links from this page (except in this box) are either internal or to pages that are part of this work (i.e. images or HTML wrappers for images). All further commentary on this work is in a separate document; CLICK HERE to read it. This page was updated to HTML5 in February 2021 and also adjusted for fluidity so it can display properly on narrow screens. The maximum width was changed from 100% to 800 pixels for easier reading on wide screens. The HTML was validated at h됍ps://validator.w3.org on 27 February 2021 with no errors or warnings.

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Thanks to Bruce Gilchrist, Director of Compu됍ng at Columbia from 1973 to 1985, for dona됍ng this book to the Columbia Compu됍ng History archive.

[‐iv‐] Table of Contents

Foreword vi Introduc됍on 1 Columbia University Sta됍s됍cal Bureau (1928‐1933) 3 Astronomical Computa됍on (1934‐1945) 7 Watson Scien됍fic Compu됍ng Laboratory: Mission I (1945‐1952) 13 Crea됍ng New Machines (1945‐1954) 17 Mission II (1952‐1970) 31 Mission III (1964‐1970) 47 References 53 54‐ Appendices 63 Honors to Watson Laboratory Members 54 Columbia University Appointments held by Watson Laboratory Members 55 Watson Laboratory Patents and Publica됍ons (1960‐1970) 56 Columbia Graduate Students who received their Doctoral Degrees under Watson Laboratory Auspices 56 Watson Fellowships in Applied Mathema됍cs 58 Roster of the Professional Staff of the Watson Laboratory (1945‐1970) 59 Roster of the Technical and Administra됍ve Staff of the Watson Laboratory (1945‐1970) 62 Index 65

[‐v‐]

List of Illustra됍ons

Seymour H. Koenig vi Nicholas Murray Butler and Thomas J. Watson, Sr. vii Columbia University Sta됍s됍cal Bureau 2 Test Scoring Tabulator Demonstra됍on 5 Reynold B. Johnson and Benjamin D. Wood 5 Wallace J. Eckert 6 Eckert's Calculator 9 "Mathema됍cs Goes to War" 11 Watson Laboratory Computer Rooms, 1946 12 Llewellyn H. Thomas 15 612 West 116th Street 15 Eric Hankam in Classroom 16 Star Measuring and Recording Machine 18 John Lentz 18 SSEC 20 Lee DeForest visits the SSEC 22 25 Byron L. Havens 26 NORC 26 Thomas J. Watson, Jr. at NORC Presenta됍on 28‐29 Leon Brillouin and Colleagues 30 Leon Brillouin and Colleagues 30 Richard L. Garwin 33 G. Robert Gunther‐Mohr 33 Erwin L. Hahn 33 Seymour H.Koenig 33 Sol Triebwasser 33 Gardiner L. Tucker 33 John McPherson 35 Fred Holtzberg 35 Peter J. Price 35 Haskell A. Reich 37 Mar됍n C. Gutzwiller 39 Alfred G. Redfield 39 Arthur G. Anderson 41 Allen Lurio 41 Gardiner L. Tucker 43 Donald Rosenheim, John Horton, Arthur G. Anderson 45 Interdisciplinary ac됍vity at the Watson Lab 46 Philip Aisen 49 Gerald Corker 49 Thomas Fabry 49 Thomas Moss 49 Charles Weiss,Jr, 49 Richard L. Garwin 50 H. Kenneth Clark 50

Fron됍spiece: The building at 612 West 115th Street, New York City, which housed most of the Watson Laboratory ac됍vi됍es from 1953 to 1970.

[‐vi‐] To document the history of such a Laboratory is very Foreword difficult. The story must be accurate without being pedan됍c, it must be cohesive when describing the As one goes through graduate school, and learns history. I feel that this has been admirably achieved. the lore of physics, certain names and associa됍ons The main credits must go to H. K. ("Ken") Clark, who for become automa됍c. Two that come to mind are the twenty‐five years has accumulated and preserved the Thomas factor (a key to understanding the fine photographs, documents, announcements, clippings structure of atomic spectra) and the Wentzel‐ and assorted material which so o됍en become Kramers‐Brillouin approxima됍on (a mathema됍cal important only in retrospect, and to Jean Ford Brennan, link between classical physics and the more recent of the scien됍fic informa됍on department at the Thomas quantum physics.) Imagine, then, being J. Watson Research Center. Through interviews, archival interviewed by both Drs. Thomas and Brillouin for a recordings and Clark's collected memorabilia, Mrs. post‐graduate posi됍on at the Watson Scien됍fic Brennan has described the history of the Watson Compu됍ng Laboratory at Columbia University. Laboratory at Columbia University as well as the Most impressed, I accepted the posi됍on, offered extensive earlier rela됍onships between IBM and late in 1951, and have been at the Laboratory ever Columbia in an eminently readable and informa됍ve since. manuscript. The Laboratory was six years old then. Now, in Seymour H. Koenig, Director 1970, it is in its twenty‐fi됍h and final year. During IBM Watson Laboratory the quarter‐century, a remarkable range of at Columbia University August 18, 1970 professional interests was pursued at the Lab. The world's then most powerful computer (the NORC) was designed and built; the orbit of the moon was computed with ever‐increasing precision; the Michelson‐Morley experiment was repeated – and improved by two orders of magnitude – using the then newly‐developed ammonia maser; an a됍empt was made to grow diamonds and to store informa됍on in "Wildroot Cream Oil;" the mysteries of photosynthesis were explored and the behavior of ma됍er near absolute zero was studied; and the structure and func됍on of many blood serum proteins were inves됍gated. The diversity, the quiet competence, the style, the personali됍es, and the scien됍fic successes at the Watson Laboratory have been sources of great sa됍sfac됍on for many of us over the years.

[‐vii‐]

Nicholas Murray Butler, le됍, president of Columbia University, and Thomas J. Watson, Sr., a trustee, at an academic ceremony in 1942. Over the years Butler and Watson cooperated in many ventures, including the establishment of the Watson Laboratory on the Columbia University Campus.

[‐1‐]

Introduc됍on

On February 6, 1945, headlines across the front To those in the know, however – which is to say a few pages of New York City newspapers proclaimed the university professors, a small group of engineers in fall of Manila to American troops of the Sixth and industry associated with them, and certain scien됍sts Eighth Armies. With the end of World War II in working on secret war projects – the announcement sight, reports from the ba됍lefronts dominated the that Columbia and IBM planned to probe the peace됍me news. Almost unno됍ced on the back pages that day poten됍al of automa됍c calcula됍ng machines in solving was a joint announcement by Nicholas Murray scien됍fic problems had highly interes됍ng overtones. It Butler, president of Columbia University, and was not, on the other hand, altogether a surprise. The Thomas J. Watson, Sr., president of Interna됍onal university and the company had enjoyed a close Business Machines Corpora됍on, that a new facility associa됍on, extending back over fi됍een years, that had to be known as the Watson Scien됍fic Compu됍ng few – if any – counterparts elsewhere in the country. Laboratory at Columbia University would be For IBM, the associa됍on afforded a window on the established in a building on Morningside Heights academic world, where educators and scien됍sts worked and equipped with IBM machines to "serve as a in fields that offered interes됍ng possibili됍es for the use world center for the treatment of problems in of calcula됍ng machines. For Columbia, the liaison various fields of science whose solu됍on depends provided convenient access to the machines and an on the effec됍ve use of applied mathema됍cs and opportunity to keep abreast of developments in an mechanical calcula됍ons." industry that appeared to have important implica됍ons mechanical calcula됍ons." industry that appeared to have important implica됍ons for research in educa됍on, science and even the It is doub됍ul if more than a handful of readers humani됍es. knew what a "compu됍ng" [‐2‐] laboratory was; indeed the word itself was unfamiliar to most. For The story of the Watson Laboratory is thus a part of the although it was known that a few large automa됍c larger story of the unique, on‐going Columbia‐IBM calcula됍ng machines had been built during the war rela됍onship, whose fruits over the last forty years – in and assigned to military projects of various kinds, terms of educa됍onal and scien됍fic projects undertaken, there was very li됍le general understanding of how new theore됍cal concepts advanced, scien됍sts recruited, these machines worked, what their capabili됍es pioneering machines built, students taught and were, or how they differed from the accoun됍ng specialists trained – have had far‐reaching effects on machines that had been on the market before the the development of the art and science of computa됍on war. in the United States.

Benjamin Wood, center le됍, and staff members of the Columbia University Sta됍s됍cal Bureau in the early 1930s opera됍ng IBM machines donated by Thomas J. Watson, Sr.

[‐3‐]

Columbia University Sta됍s됍cal Bureau (1928‐1933)

In the fall of 1928, Thomas J. Watson, Sr., president The "Columbia Machine" was installed in 1931, and of IBM, received a le됍er from Benjamin D, Wood, soon word of the facili됍es at the Sta됍s됍cal Bureau head of Columbia University's Bureau of Collegiate began to spread across the country. A Columbia alumni Educa됍onal Research, describing his pressing need publica됍on reported: "No two jobs are alike in this for some automa됍c method to replace the interes됍ng workshop. The Rockefeller Founda됍on laborious hand‐scoring of examina됍on papers comes along with a new problem one day and the next involved in large‐scale tes됍ng programs. The le됍er day a publisher or economist brings in something was one of ten that Wood had sent to the heads of different. Among the clients of the Bureau are, besides the country's largest office machine companies. Columbia and the Carnegie (Founda됍on], Yale, Unlike the other recipients – some of whom did not Pi됍sburgh, Chicago, Ohio State, Harvard, California and even bother to reply – Watson was interested Princeton."2 enough to telephone Wood and give him an appointment of exactly one hour in which to Mean됍me, Wood and his assistants were working with advance his case. At the mee됍ng, which took place IBM's engineers to solve the original problem of at an exclusive club in New York, "a secretary [‐4‐] developing an efficient automa됍c test‐scoring machine. was posted to remind Watson when the 됍me was A됍er a됍empts to develop IBM's tabulator‐punch card up. Wood's ideas about the poten됍al uses of technique to the purpose proved unsuccessful, it was machines in educa됍on, especially the possibili됍es decided to concentrate on developing a machine to of electronic a data processing machines (a figment take advantage of the fact – known to genera됍ons of of a Wood's imagina됍on at that early date) so schoolboys – that pencil marks can be good electrical appealed to Watson that he kept Wood talking the conductors. The plan was to build into a machine 됍ny en됍re a됍ernoon. Every hour on the hour the electrical circuits that would be completed by the secretary was waved away."1 presence of pencil marks at given places on an answer sheet – thereby automa됍cally recording a score. The sheet – thereby automa됍cally recording a score. The Wood's eloquence was handsomely rewarded. theory was promising, but there was a serious prac됍cal Watson made him an IBM consultant (a post he problem: the amount of electricity conducted – held for 28 years) and ordered three truckloads of therefore the score recorded – varied widely with the tabula됍ng, a card‐punching, sor됍ng and accessory degree of darkness of the pencil marks. equipment dispatched to special quarters Wood had wangled In the basement of Hamilton Hall, In 1934, just as this problem was beginning to appear where the Columbia University Sta됍s됍cal Bureau insoluble, a high school teacher in Ironwood, Michigan, began opera됍ons in June, 1929. During the next named Reynold B. Johnson (now an IBM Fellow) came few months, the IBM machines were kept busy not up with the answer. Johnson had been working only by the Sta됍s됍cal Bureau, which used them to independently for several years on a test scoring make detailed analyses of hand‐scored test results, machine based on the pencil‐mark principle. Knowing but also by various academic departments of the of Wood's interest in the field, he sent a descrip됍on of university. In par됍cular, the Department his design to Wood, who saw that Johnson, by found the machines helpful for the interpola됍on of introducing two‐million ohm resistors into the electrical astronomical tables. By 1930, Watson was circuits in his machine, had raised the total resistance to sufficiently impressed by these novel uses of IBM the point where varia됍ons in the pencil marks no longer equipment to authorize the company's ma됍ered. manufacturing plant at Endico됍, N.Y., to develop a special tabulator, requested by Wood, to enable On the strength of Wood's enthusias됍c the Bureau to make even more complex recommenda됍on, Johnson was invited to come to New calcula됍ons. Known variously as the "Columbia York in the summer of Machine," the "Sta됍s됍cal Calculator" and "Ben Wood's Machine," the new unit mass‐produced the sums of products by the method of progressive digi됍ng and read punch cards at the rate of 150 per minute. It contained ten 10‐posi됍on counters with provision for shi됍ing totals internally from one counter to another – a capability that an됍cipated a future func됍on of computers.

[‐5‐]

Top: Demonstra됍on in 1933 of an IBM tabulator modified for test‐ scoring is observed by Thomas J. Watson, Sr., center, Benjamin D. Wood of Columbia University, le됍, and Dr. Paul S. Achilles, president of Psychological Corpora됍on.

Bo됍om: Reynold B. Johnson, le됍, inventor of the IBM Interna됍onal Test Scoring Machine, and operator, demonstra됍ng a 1938 model to Benjamin D. Wood of Columbia University.

1934 to explore with IBM representa됍ves the Hired by IBM in the fall of 1934, Johnson was sent to possibility of the company's developing a model of Endico됍, where he found himself one of the few his machine. Johnson has given an account of his inventors in the group with a college degree, and one of visit. "A됍er several weeks of conferences, [I] was the first to be brought in from outside the company. visit. "A됍er several weeks of conferences, [I] was the first to be brought in from outside the company. called in to meet with a group of IBM execu됍ves Over the years, many IBM machines had been who announced that they had come to the decision developed by talented men who had come up through that this test scoring machine was an incomplete the ranks from work bench and dra됍ing board – a fact inven됍on in which they had no further current of which Thomas J. Watson was proud. Wide‐spread interest... Fortunately for me, however, the next recruitment of scien됍sts and engineers at IBM was day Dr. Ben Wood got in touch with Mr. Watson, unheard of, and indeed did not start un됍l a됍er World who was vaca됍oning in Maine, and assured him War II, when – as in Johnson's case – members of the that the inven됍on under considera됍on was a sound Columbia University faculty were to play a key role. one and that the inventor who went along with it Johnson's ini됍al assignment was to work on the was probably worth inves됍ng in too. Within a machine that became the IBM Model 805, the couple of days, IBM decided to go ahead with the Interna됍onal Test Scoring Machine, officially announced development..."3 To company salesmen who in 1937. Although the 805 never found a large market, warned that the machine would never be a money‐ it made possible a major breakthrough in large‐scale maker for the company, Watson is said to have tes됍ng programs in the U.S., including those used in replied: "Who wants to make money out of World War II to assist in the placement of recruits. educa됍on?"

[‐6‐]

Wallace J. Eckert, Director of Watson Laboratory from 1945 to 1966, was one of the first scien됍sts in the world to

apply calcula됍ng machines to the solu됍on of complex scien됍fic problems.

[‐7‐]

Astronomical Computa됍on (1934‐1945)

Eckert studied the machines and then worked out for Pioneering work by Eckert himself a control system using a plugboard and relays borrowed from the "Columbia Machine" – whose use had been discon됍nued earlier – to make An interested visitor to the Columbia Sta됍s됍cal had been discon됍nued earlier – to make Bureau in the early 1930's was Wallace J. Eckert, a interconnec됍ons between the units of equipment. In young astronomy professor who frequently devising this scheme, Eckert took an important step wandered over from the University's Rutherford into the twilight zone that separated the calculators of observatory on top of Pupin Hall to watch the IBM those days from the concept of the computer. Of his machines at work on astronomical tables. One day, control system, Eckert recalls: "All of the connec됍ons Eckert began to speculate on the possibility of between the machines were pluggable and had making even more advanced scien됍fic calcula됍ons switches so that in ten minutes we could convert them with machines. He knew that the Bri됍sh back to their normal form and use them for batch astronomer L.J. Comrie had already applied punch processing or hook them together as a system and use card methods to the "Tables of the Moon", which them for something like numerical integra됍on, which had been painstakingly worked out over a life됍me had to use the whole set‐up. The programming of the by Professor E. W. Brown of . He also assembly as a computer was a mixture of mechanical knew that IBM had recently announced a new [devices] and punched cards." The control box had series of business accoun됍ng machines including a se됍ngs that told the different machines what they mul됍plying punch (the first IBM machine capable should be doing at a given 됍me and these gave the of forming products directly instead of by repe됍됍ve broad mechanical programming of the problem. The addi됍on); a direct subtrac됍on tabulator; and a punches on the cards were used to program the specific summary punch. It occurred to him, as he wrote details. "It was a revolu됍onary thing, because up un됍l later, that "the 됍me was now ripe for the that 됍me general scien됍fic compu됍ng always involved establishment of a scien됍fic laboratory of a hand work. The numbers had to be copied. The revolu됍onary nature. Whereas it had been possible arithme됍c had to be done at best with a desk calculator in the past to accomplish important results by or with logarithms, and here for the first 됍me you could ingenious manipula됍on of the sor됍ng and adding do general things such as the solu됍on of a differen됍al opera됍ons, there now were available all the equa됍on completely automa됍cally and you never had necessary units for a laboratory which would to read or write a number."6 automa됍cally perform the most laborious calcula됍ons encountered in science..."4 The new laboratory – the only one of its kind in the world – began opera됍ng early in 1934 under the aegis Having learned through Wood of Thomas J. of the Columbia Astronomy Department. To members Watson's interest in the use of IBM machines for of the department and to graduate students, one of the educa됍onal and scien됍fic purposes. Eckert most interes됍ng projects Was the use of the machines determined to [‐8‐] draw up a list of equipment to solve the differen됍al equa됍ons of planetary mo됍on needed to create the kind of laboratory he by numerical integra됍on. With the method, a number envisioned and to submit it through Wood to IBM. of highly accurate orbits extending over long periods of The 됍me was 1933 – the bo됍om of the depression 됍me were obtained. Concurrently, several large data‐ – and some items on Eckert's list called for reduc됍on programs were undertaken. For the Yale substan됍al modifica됍ons of standard IBM University Observatory, which was construc됍ng a machines to make them sufficiently flexible for photographic star catalog, the laboratory took over the scien됍fic opera됍ons. Nevertheless, Watson – who laborious task of conver됍ng from spherical to had become a trustee of Columbia – once again rectangular coordinates for thousands of stars. For gave the go‐ahead, and within a few weeks the Columbia's own program in photometry, involving machines were delivered to the a됍c of Pupin Hall. about 150,000 stars, the machines were used to In addi됍on to a full set of the latest IBM accoun됍ng calculate the coordinates of stars on photographic machines, there was a special Model 601 plates, record photometer readings, perform the Mul됍plying Punch capable of doing direct numerical reduc됍ons, and make a lis됍ng of all the final interpola됍on – a very unusual feature, especially data – an enormous task. The laboratory also put onto designed for Eckert by one of IBM's top engineers punch cards astronomical data from the Boss Catalog of at Endico됍. Watson's a됍tude toward this and 30,000 stars. From the card sets, sta됍s됍cal data of many subsequent dona됍ons of equipment to Columbia, kinds Could be derived by simple sor됍ng and tabula됍ng was summed up in a statement made later in his opera됍ons. Easily duplicated, the card sets could also life; "Our mo됍o down through the years has been be made available to other users. and will con됍nue to be 'There is no satura됍on point in educa됍on'. We have always placed special emphasis on this in our scien됍fic development..."5 [‐9‐]

Eckert's ingenious hook‐up, le됍 to right, of an IBM numerical tabulator, summary punch, improvised stepping switch,

plugboard and mul됍plying punch, which was used to make astronomical calcula됍ons.

In the mid‐1930's, however, so few observatories Under the new arrangement, the managers had the had access to punch card equipment that C. H. power to pass on all applica됍ons for the use of the Tomkinson, manager of the IBM Commercial Bureau's equipment and to charge appropriate fees for Research Department, suggested the forma됍on of projects accepted. To assist visi됍ng astronomers whose a new, non‐profit organiza됍on under the auspices projects passed muster but who had no experience in of the American Astronomical Society to make the using punch card methods, Eckert prepared a laboratory's facili됍es available to astronomers guidebook, revered by its users as "the Orange Book" generally. The result was the Thomas J. Watson because of its bright cover, which may have been the Astronomical Compu됍ng Bureau,* established in first – and was surely the most widely‐distributed – text 1937 as a joint enterprise of the Society, the of its kind available to scien됍sts at the 됍me.** Not Department of Astronomy of Columbia and IBM. surprisingly, the visitors, having mastered the "Orange Members of the original board of managers Book" and the machines, were extremely reluctant to included the chairman, E. W. Brown, emeritus return home to the use of desk calculators. As a result, professor of Yale University's Mathema됍cs there began a rising demand by observatories for Department and creator of the monumental equipment similar to that at Columbia. "Tables of the Moon"; Henry Norris Russell, director of the Princeton Observatory; T. H. Brown By the late 1930's, the a됍c of Pupin Hall had become a of the Harvard University Business School; C. H. cross‐roads for visi됍ng scien됍sts who came to inspect Tomkinson of IBM; and Wallace Eckert, who was to the Bureau's versa됍le machines. Among them serve as ac됍ng director of the Bureau.

______* An earlier 됍tle. the Astronomical Hollerith‐Compu됍ng Bureau. was superseded a됍er a few months. ** Methods in Scien됍fic Computa됍on, W.J. Eckert; The Thomas J. Watson Astronomical Compu됍ng Bureau. Columbia University. 1940.

[‐10‐] was Howard Aiken, a mathema됍cs teacher and Eckert's first assignment was to design an air almanac candidate for a doctoral degree in physics, who was to be used by navigators of the rapidly expanding U.S. working at Harvard on plans for a machine to solve Air Force. The need for improved naviga됍onal aids had differen됍al equa됍ons that were involved in his become increasingly important as Allied shipping losses thesis. Aiken had heard of the Bureau through T. H. to enemy submarines con됍nued to increase. Eckert Brown, a member of its board of managers, and realized that a navigator's job could be greatly Brown, a member of its board of managers, and realized that a navigator's job could be greatly one day in the fall of 1938 he came to Pupin Hall to simplified and speeded up if the data he needed were see the IBM machines. Eckert showed him around, pre‐calculated. Before such data could be computed, listened to his ideas and suggested that he try to however, astronomical tables of various kinds had to be interest IBM in his project. created. Drawing on his experience at the Columbia laboratory, Eckert determined that the table‐making What happened therea됍er is a well‐known chapter func됍on could be handled most efficiently by standard in computer history and is outside the scope of this IBM equipment opera됍ng in batch mode. He ordered – account. However, to summarize briefly: Aiken's and quickly received – the necessary machines, plans proved so interes됍ng that in 1939, IBM including an alphanumeric tabulator with sexagesimal decided to develop and construct the machine, (base 60) counters for hours, degrees, minutes, seconds known as the Automa됍c Sequence Controlled and decimals of a second. With the equipment, the Calculator. Built at Endico됍 during the next five Almanac office was able to create the necessary tables, years, the huge electromechanical machine was use them to compute in advance precise astronomical the first automa됍c general‐purpose computer. In data for each day of the year, and print the data 1944, it was presented by IBM to Harvard, where it without human interven됍on of any kind. With the data, was ini됍ally lent to the U.S. Navy for classified navigators could obtain fixes of their posi됍ons within work. about one minute, compared with 30 minutes by ordinary methods. By enabling planes to locate targets The War Years and strike much more quickly, the air almanac contributed importantly to the subsequent decline in In 1939, the office of the Director of the Nau됍cal the loss of Allied ships in the early stages of the war, Almanac at the U.S. Naval Observatory in before the use of radar. Washington became vacant and Wallace Eckert was invited to accept the pres됍gious posi됍on. Eckert, Eckert's mechaniza됍on of the Nau됍cal Almanac within a who was well aware of the growing interest in period of only a few months did not go unno됍ced by automa됍c calcula됍ng equipment among U.S. other agencies of the armed forces. Compu됍ng observatories, realized that at the Naval laboratories pa됍erned on those at Columbia and the Observatory, he would have the opportunity to Naval Observatory were soon established at the mechanize one of the largest computa됍on centers Aberdeen Proving Ground, the Los Alamos Scien됍fic in the country. He accepted the post and early in Laboratory and more than a dozen other strategic 1940, reported to the Nau됍cal Almanac Office. He loca됍ons around the country. The Thomas J. Watson recalls: "They had no automa됍c equipment. Every Astronomical Compu됍ng Bureau itself was turned over digit was wri됍en by hand and read and wri됍en to war work in 1942, and was expanded to fill the top repeatedly... They didn't have a machine that floor of would print figures automa됍cally. They had desk calculators."7

At the outbreak of World War II, the resources of the Thomas J. Watson Astronomical Compu됍ng Bureau at Columbia University were turned over to high‐priority military assignments under the slogan "Mathema됍cs Goes to War".

[‐11‐]

Pupin Hall, where the machines, under the In the fall of 1944, Thomas J. Watson, realizing that IBM supervision of Dr. Jan Schilt, Director of the now needed scien됍sts in order to keep abreast of the Rutherford Observatory, worked on ballis됍c technological developments in the field, invited Eckert Rutherford Observatory, worked on ballis됍c technological developments in the field, invited Eckert calcula됍ons and other high priority military to join IBM as director of a new Department of Pure assignments. Science, and to assemble a staff with outstanding scien됍fic qualifica됍ons. In the discussions that followed, By the mid‐1940's, developments in computer Eckert proposed that the most advantageous loca됍on technology were coming thick and fast. The ASCC for such a department would be at a laboratory on the machine had been completed and placed in Columbia campus, where scien됍fic research could be opera됍on at Harvard. Other advanced carried on in an academic se됍ng and where contact electromechanical machines – including IBM relay could easily be made with visi됍ng scien됍sts as they calculators capable of mul됍plica됍on of harmonic passed through New York City. Implicit in the plans for series, matrix mul됍plica됍on and solu됍on of 6th the future was the design of a new, powerful calcula됍ng order differen됍al equa됍ons – were developed and machine, in which both Watson and Eckert were rushed into service. At the Moore School of the interested. Eckert found the prospects sufficiently University of Pennsylvania, the first computer with exci됍ng to forego his career post at the Naval vacuum tube components, the ENIAC*, was being Observatory and return to New York to join IBM in built and plans for a computer of even more March, 1945 – a few weeks a됍er the formal advanced design were in the wind there. announcement of the establishment of the Watson ______Scien됍fic Compu됍ng Laboratory at Columbia University. * Electronic Numerical Integrator and Calculator. He was the first scien됍st at the Ph.D. level to be hired by IBM.

[‐12‐]

Upstairs and Downstairs computer rooms of the Watson Laboratory circa 1946, soon a됍er equipment of recent design was delivered

by IBM. Grandfather‐type clock is an IBM master clock which synchronized others in the building.

[‐13‐]

Watson Scien됍fic Compu됍ng Laboratory: Mission I (1945‐1952)

From all accounts then, it appeared that the Watson Applied Mathema됍cs and Computa됍onal Theory Laboratory was to have as its major mission the explora됍on of the use of applied mathema됍cs and explora됍on of the use of applied mathema됍cs and Thomas J. Watson's concept of the interna됍onal, mechanical calcula됍on to solve scien됍fic problems of all public‐spirited role that the new laboratory was to kinds. Beyond that, it was to assist visi됍ng scien됍sts and play is revealed very clearly in the wording of the others in the mastery of machine methods and official news release. "The research and techniques, design new machines, and instruct students instruc됍onal resources of the laboratory will be in computa됍onal science. Eckert began his formidable made available to scien됍sts, universi됍es and assignment as director by addressing two pressing research organiza됍ons in this country and abroad, problems: equipping the laboratory, and recrui됍ng and special coopera됍ve arrangements will be made personnel to staff it, while wai됍ng for altera됍ons to be with scholarly ins됍tu됍ons," it read. The laboratory, completed on the laboratory's new quarters – a 5‐story to be directed by Eckert, "one of the first to realize former fraternity house at 612 West 116 Street – he in actual prac됍ce the poten됍ali됍es of the IBM established temporary headquarters at Pupin Hall and machines for the rapid solu됍on of highly complex began to assemble units of the latest machines from mathema됍cal equa됍ons used in scien됍fic Endico됍. These machines were later moved to the new research," was to engage in a joint program of quarters where they were reinforced by two of the research instruc됍on with Columbia, "u됍lizing for powerful IBM relay calculators of the type built for the this end the personnel and facili됍es of both Aberdeen Proving Ground, a new mul됍plying machine ins됍tu됍ons." Moreover, consul됍ng services of the with vacuum tube components, and electromechanical scien됍fic staffs of both IBM and the university, as mul됍pliers of several kinds (known only by such code well as those of prominent figures from the names as Nancy and Virginia). Of special interest was an academic world at large, were to be made experimental model of a fast arithme됍c processor, available. In short, "the laboratory is designed not which Eckert a됍ached to an accoun됍ng machine. only to increase the already notable contribu됍on of Instead of being programmed through wiring on the high efficiency calcula됍ng machines to the war control panel, the machine was controlled by coded effort, but by a broad interest in the computa됍onal punches on cards. The result was an early form of problems of all branches of the physical and social sequence calculator that an됍cipated IBM's famed Card sciences to strengthen the scien됍fic and Programmed Calculator. With this equipment, the educa됍onal founda됍ons of our na됍onal security laboratory tackled problems brought in during the and the welfare and peace of the world." closing months of the war by scien됍sts associated with the top secret work of the Manha됍an Project and The news release made no men됍on of plans for the elsewhere. One such visitor, with whom a frui됍ul laboratory to design anew calcula됍ng machine. alliance was to develop, was , an However, a [‐14‐] newspaper reporter who visited eminent mathema됍cian and perhaps the most the Columbia campus in search of material for a knowledgeable man in the country on the art of feature story on the new "figure factory" – as the compu됍ng. press dubbed it – filled out the picture in a report that reflected the public's a됍tude toward As the war drew to an end, Eckert – with the aid of John computers at the 됍me. A됍er looking over the C. McPherson, IBM Director of Engineering, who took a machines in Pupin Hall, he wrote: "I asked why... keen interest in the work of the laboratory – began the isn't it possible to put an income tax return in one recruitment of specialists in areas of prime importance of the slots of those dang‐fangled modern devices to the laboratory: applied mathema됍cs and and watch it come out solved, sealed and ready for computa됍onal theory. As a dis됍nguished scien됍st in his delivery on March 15." Less ingenuously, he own right, a full professor at Columbia, and head of a commented: "Columbia eventually hopes to department at IBM, Eckert was in an advantageous manufacture a calculator that will shame the 51‐ posi됍on to nego됍ate with other scien됍sts. Moreover, he had evolved a philosophy about the role of the foot mechanical marvel at Harvard..."8 laboratory that proved extremely a됍rac됍ve to scien됍sts Another func됍on of the laboratory not fully spelled eager to return to peaceful pursuits. Members of the out in the ini됍al announcement was the instruc됍on Pure Science Department at the Watson Lab were to be of Columbia students by laboratory staff members, full‐됍me scien됍sts, free to do individual research who would have non‐salaried appointments to the university faculty. Courses, for which academic credit would be given, were to be offered by staff members in mathema됍cs, physics, astronomy and other fields under the auspices of various departments of the university. Eckert himself, appointed Professor of Celes됍al Mechanics at appointed Professor of Celes됍al Mechanics at Columbia in 1946, became the first Watson Laboratory staff member to assume teaching du됍es. There were to be many more as 됍me went on.

[‐15‐]

Top: Llewellyn H. Thomas was an early recruit to the staff of the Watson Lab.

Bo됍om: First home of the Watson Scien됍fic Compu됍ng Laboratory was a renovated former fraternity house at 612 West 116th Street.

just as at a university. They would not be 됍ed in to Since the start of 1945 – under a direc됍ve from Thomas large developmental projects, and indeed, would J. Watson – [‐16‐] discussions had been taking place be discouraged from building up large staffs in between IBM officials, inventors and engineers from connec됍on with their own work. They could teach Endico됍, and staff members of the Watson Lab as to if they wanted to – but only without pay. There was the type of new giant calculator that IBM should build. to be no "moonligh됍ng". They could enroll in It was generally agreed that the machine should be courses if they wished, work toward advanced electronic and that its speed, storage and capabili됍es degrees, or work at pure science. should substan됍ally exceed those of the ASCC machine at Harvard. But there were to be differences, too. By emphasizing the freedom at the laboratory, Eckert, Seeber and others presented the case for an Eckert struck a profoundly responsive chord in the ideal machine – one with a very fast arithme됍c unit, people he approached. One of his earliest recruits with sequen됍al control of the storage and flow of data, was Robert Rex Seeber, who had been at the and with the fullest possible use of electronic Harvard Computa됍onal Laboratory, where he components. Frank Hamilton, the engineer who had worked with Howard Aiken on the ASCC machine, built the ASCC machine, and other engineers and and was burning with ideas of his own on how a inventors emphasized the complexi됍es involved in such computer should be designed. Another was a machine organiza됍on and the reliability problems Herbert R. J. Grosch, who had been employed as an raised by the use of great numbers of vacuum tubes. By op됍cal engineer in defense industry and was eager December, the two points of view were reconciled in a to return to research. On the advice of Professor I. compromise recommenda됍on that IBM build the I. Rabi of Columbia's Physics Department, Eckert Selec됍ve Sequence Electronic Calculator, with both approached Llewellyn H. Thomas*, one of the electromechanical relays and vacuum tubes. Eckert, foremost applied mathema됍cians in the world, who had been charged with the responsibility of who agreed to come to the laboratory from Ohio establishing the fundamental specifica됍ons of the State University in order to work on the adapta됍on machine, wrote a descrip됍on of the logical organiza됍on of mathema됍cal problems to the powerful new and the overall plan; vacuum tubes were to be used in calcula됍ng machines. (Since Thomas did not seem the arithme됍c unit, in the control circuitry and in part to fit into any standard job category, the of the storage where speed would be most useful; employment department placed him on the payroll relays were to be used for main storage, traffic controls as a technician. ) and elsewhere. The mode of opera됍on of the machine was to be determined by removable plugboard units. When it shortly became clear to Eckert that he also When it shortly became clear to Eckert that he also needed to bring in electronics specialists Thomas J. Watson quickly gave the green light to knowledgeable about the radical war됍me construct the new machine in special quarters assigned developments in the field, he went to the M.I.T. to the purpose at Endico됍 and named Frank Hamilton Radia됍on Laboratory – then in the process of as chief engineer. Eckert then delegated to Seeber, who disbanding – and at Rabi's sugges됍on recruited had helped to program and operate the ASCC, the Byron Havens, Robert M. Walker and John J. Lentz, responsibility of providing liaison between the who had been working in radar and advanced engineering and scien됍fic groups during the design and electronic circuitry and who welcomed a chance to construc됍on of the machine. apply their knowledge to computers. ______Famed for the Thomas‐Fermi‐Dirac sta됍s됍cal theory of and solids and for the theory of the spinning electron.

Eric Hankam, of the Watson Laboratory Staff, conducted many classes in compu됍ng. A total of 1600 people from 20 countries came for instruc됍on.

[‐17‐]

Crea됍ng New Machines (1945‐1954)

[‐18‐] the country, relieving Watson Lab of the task in "The Interac됍on Was Very Close..." 1957. To acquaint scien됍sts around the world with advanced, large‐scale compu됍ng methods, the IBM By the end of November, 1945, the ini됍al staff and Department of Educa됍on had previously begun the equipment of the Watson Lab had moved into the prac됍ce of holding annual Scien됍fic Computa됍on renovated town house on 116th Street – a Forums. Through the technical papers which they rela됍vely small building with space for about two contributed to these forums, Watson Lab staff members dozen people and a computer room. Through its reached a large audience of scien됍sts who were portals, nevertheless, there flowed a steady stream interested in compu됍ng. of scien됍sts and students from all over the world, technical people from other industries and from The ferment that characterized the Lab in its first few government agencies, IBM sales representa됍ves years has been described by Eckert: "The interac됍on and their customers, users of the Lab's was very close... This was a very informal place. We felt comprehensive technical library and various other that the people who were coming to solve problems visitors. A prime a됍rac됍on was the provision of should mix with the people who were learning and who free 됍me on the Laboratory's machines to any were giving courses. We always had problems of our scien됍st or scholar engaged in research, subject to own, of course, that we were interested in ge됍ng the approval of a Laboratory consul됍ng commi됍ee. solved. So the place was more like a university The great majority of these researchers, working in laboratory than a compu됍ng center. People sat around physics, economics, crystallography, engineering, and discussed their problems and they would wait for op됍cs, astronomy and many other fields, had li됍le the machines and while one person was using one or no experience with IBM machines or with the machine, somebody else would be using another. So it applica됍on of computa됍onal techniques to the was a very in됍mate arrangement."9 applica됍on of computa됍onal techniques to the solu됍on of problems. As a result, staff members in the early years of the Lab spent much of their 됍me The atmosphere was also highly conducive to crea됍vity. teaching people how to manipulate punch cards Indeed, the many and varied research ac됍vi됍es of the and get them through the machines. This effort Watson Laboratory in the first few years of its life was soon organized into group tutoring sessions – represented, in effect, the research effort of IBM itself such as one in which a group of research during that 됍me. Havens was at work on the design of geophysicists from the Lamont Geological an advanced, completely electronic machine with Observatory at Palisades, New York, were microsecond circuitry. At an early stage of this project, intensively "prepped" for a week. In 1947, the he designed a fundamental circuit – known in textbooks famous "Watson Laboratory Three‐Week Course on as the Havens microsecond delay circuit – that directly Compu됍ng", taught by Eric Hankam of the influenced the design of subsequent computers. The Laboratory staff, was started. It was subsequently circuit took electric pulses that had been degraded by a됍ended by about 1,600 people from over 20 passage through many logic gates and reshaped and countries. The course was also offered to high re됍med them by separa됍ng them by one microsecond school mathema됍cs and science teachers and to intervals. With this circuit, the en됍re central processor high school students in the New York metropolitan of a computer, containing thousands of components, area. So great was the demand for admi됍ance to could be kept Hankam's course that IBM eventually created computer instruc됍on centers at various loca됍ons throughout

Top: Wallace J. Eckert and Rebecca Jones, an associate in astronomy, use the Star Measuring and Recording Machine automated by John Lentz.

Bo됍om: John Lentz, designer of the IBM 610 "personal computer" built at the Watson Lab in 1948.

[‐19‐] in synchroniza됍on, thereby providing highly Project, for which the Laboratory provided the early reliable opera됍on. asteroidal computa됍ons. To assist with this work, Lentz devised a machine that could scan a photographic plate Concurrently, Lentz, who was interested in of a por됍on of the sky that included a given star, read a computer storage, was busy devising a one‐tube punch card containing the star's approximate storage element to replace the four‐tube "flip‐ coordinates, use these coordinates to help locate the flops" then in use. The employment of vacuum star on the plate, measure its posi됍on precisely and tubes in computers was s됍ll rela됍vely new and record the measurement on another punch card, Lentz was experimen됍ng with ways of using them making it available for subsequent mathema됍cal to do arithme됍c. While in the process of hooking treatment. together various pieces of equipment to test his new storage element, he realized that he could Walker, mean됍me, was also designing and building a con됍nue the process a few addi됍onal steps and machine at the laboratory in conjunc됍on with Professor create a small computer that could be operated by Francis J. Murray, of Columbia's Mathema됍cs an individual si됍ng at a keyboard control. He went Department, who had proposed an improved algorithm to work to construct such a machine, building the for use in the solu됍on of systems of simultaneous linear parts he needed – including a magne됍c drum to equa됍ons. The machine, the Linear Equa됍on Solver, supplement the more expensive vacuum tube made possible the solu됍on of up to twelve storage – adding a paper tape punch reader and simultaneous equa됍ons. It employed sta됍c punch‐card manual keyboard control. A feature of par됍cular reading heads to read cards containing the matrix of interest: the calculator provided automa됍c coefficients of the system of equa됍ons to be solved. interest: the calculator provided automa됍c coefficients of the system of equa됍ons to be solved. posi됍oning of the decimal point, making it one of Trial values of the variables could be entered into the the first machines to be built with this ability. The machine by adjustment of twelve input poten됍ometers. model, completed at the Watson Lab in 1948, The accuracy of the provisional values was indicated by became the prototype of the IBM 610 Autopoint the reading on an "error" meter, which displayed the Computer, which was placed in limited produc됍on residual error of the solu됍on. The machine in 1956. The eight year delay was caused by demonstrated that the use of Professor Murray's uncertainty as to the poten됍al market for a small, algorithm resulted in the virtual elimina됍on of portable "personal computer." Far ahead of its 됍me interac됍on among the variable poten됍ometers and led conceptually, the 610 presaged "on‐line" direct to rapid convergence of the trial and error solu됍on. The communica됍on between individual and computer. machine became a valuable addi됍on to the basic equipment of the computa됍onal facili됍es of the Lab. While working on the "personal computer," Lentz – in response to a request from Eckert – was also While working in computa됍onal theory and applied perfec됍ng a Star Measuring and Recording mathema됍cs, Thomas and Grosch were also teaching Machine for use on astronomical photographs. In courses to Columbia students. The announcement that addi됍on to his du됍es as director of the Lab and his instruc됍on would be given in Watson Lab first appeared teaching assignments at Columbia, Eckert had in a Columbia University bulle됍n of informa됍on for the reac됍vated certain projects of the Thomas J. winter session of 1946‐47: "Members of the Laboratory Watson Astronomical Bureau that had been set staff offer courses of instruc됍on in their fields of aside during the war. Among these projects were interest under the the Yale University Observatory's catalog of stars and the Yale

The Selec됍ve Sequence Electronic Calculator was built into three sides of a specially‐designed room in a New York office building.

[‐20‐] auspices of various departments of the Moreover, the architecture of the machine turned to University. Academic credit for these courses may advantage the difference in speed of the 13,000 fast be obtained by registering with the University in vacuum tubes in the arithme됍c unit, and the 21,000 the usual manner and may be counted toward a rela됍vely slower electromechanical relays elsewhere, University degree when approved by the by opera됍ng the relays and input tapes in parallel on department and the faculty concerned... eight separate channels. By programming the data to Instruc됍on in the Laboratory is designed for flow in parallel into the arithme됍c units, it became graduate students and research workers in science. possible to a됍ack problems involving very long, tedious It is contemplated that many of those taking this calcula됍ons. instruc됍on will be candidates for advanced degrees in the various departments of science in Columbia Although he had originally been appointed by Eckert to and other universi됍es, and the instruc됍on offered perform only supervisory and liaison func됍ons, Seeber by the Laboratory staff cons됍tutes part of the became deeply involved with the actual design and regular offering of the different departments."10 construc됍on of the SSEC. In the end, his contribu됍ons to the machine proved to be so important that he was named, with Hamilton, as co‐inventor. In the mean됍me, The facili됍es at the Lab also a됍racted scien됍sts and named, with Hamilton, as co‐inventor. In the mean됍me, scholars from research organiza됍ons all over the Eckert had been thinking ahead to the selec됍on of a world. One of these was a young man named Frank problem of suitable complexity for the machine to Herman, who used the rela됍vely primi됍ve IBM demonstrate at the dedica됍on ceremonies, which were Card Programmed Calculator at the Lab's to be very elaborate, with representa됍ves of all the compu됍ng center to make his well known news media and of science, educa됍on, government and computa됍on of the band structures of germanium industry present for the occasion. He decided on the and diamond for his doctoral disserta됍on.* This computa됍on of the lunar ephemeris – the work represented one of the earliest accurate determina됍on of the precise posi됍on of the moon – at computa됍ons of the energy levels of solids and intervals of twelve hours during the previous one cons됍tuted a breakthrough in the use of machine hundred years and for the next one hundred years to computa됍on in solid state physics. come. For each posi됍on of the moon, the opera됍ons required for calcula됍ng and checking results totaled In some instances, staff members who were also 11,000 addi됍ons and subtrac됍ons, 9,000 teaching received appointments to the Columbia mul됍plica됍ons, and 2,000 table look‐ups. Each equa됍on faculty. Thomas was appointed full professor of to be solved required the evalua됍on of about 1,600 physics in 1946, and many other staff members terms – altogether an impressive amount of arithme됍c held professorial appointments. The Lab, in its which the SSEC could polish off in seven minutes for the early years, ini됍ated the prac됍ce of offering two benefit of the spectators. annual fellowships in applied mathema됍cs to Columbia graduate students, with winners selected In the fall of 1946, Eckert assigned H.K. Clark, one of his by a faculty commi됍ee of the Mathema됍cs associates at the Lab, to the task of wri됍ng the program Department. The first fellowships were granted in for the lunar calcula됍ons under Seeber's direc됍on. 1947‐48, and a few years later the program was A됍er the broad outlines of the program were expanded to include support for graduate students, developed by Eckert and by Rebecca Jones, an associate recommended by Columbia, who were seeking in astronomy, Clark wrote the actual step‐by‐step doctoral degrees from the university for work [‐21‐] program, giving him claim to the 됍tle of first computer performed at the Lab under the supervision of staff programmer at IBM. members. Completed and tested in only eight months, the SSEC was moved in August, 1947 into a specially designed The Selec됍ve Sequence Electronic Calculator room in a building adjacent to IBM headquarters at 590 Madison Avenue in New York. The machine – the very A project of highest priority at the Watson Lab in model of what an "electronic brain" might be expected the late 1940's, of course, was the SSEC. Seeber, to look like – was built into three sides of a room 60 who moved up to Endico됍 in 1946 to work closely feet long and 20 feet wide so that visitors actually stood with the engineering staff, contributed some highly inside the computer. The rubber 됍le floor in geometric valuable ideas as to how the computer should be pa됍ern, the silver and gold finished walls, recessed constructed. He proposed that "the instruc됍ons fluorescent ligh됍ng and black marble columns provided and the data be supplied in exactly the same an impressive se됍ng for the func됍oning sec됍ons of the format, and in this way it would be possible to take computer. Behind glass panels set in aluminum frames, instruc됍ons through the compu됍ng element and the memory units were stored; as they performed, modify them... par됍cularly to modify addresses. small lights flickered and flashed like fireflies. Also I felt that this would be the basis of a branching opera됍on which would be useful for A됍er rigorous tes됍ng, the SSEC was placed on trial such things as itera됍on."11 This proposal opera됍on in mid‐December on the lunar ephemeris amounted, essen됍ally, to a primi됍ve form of "stored program" – a concept that was to become of enormous importance in computer design. ______*Sixteen years later, Herman joined IBM and became manager of large‐scale computa됍on at the IBM Research Laboratory at San Jose, California.

Dis됍nguished visitors to the SSEC included Lee DeForest, inventor of the audion tube, at center with Thomas J. Watson, Sr., in of the audion tube, at center with Thomas J. Watson, Sr., in April 1952. Others, font, le됍 to right: J.C. Phillips, R.R. Seeber, A.H. Dickinson, B.E. Phelps, W.J. Eckert, In back, le됍 to right: A.K. Watson, W.W. McDowell, H.J. Hallstead, A.L. Williams, J.J. Lentz, R.M. Walker, R.I. Roth, B.L. Havens. R.T. Paulsen.

[‐22‐] program, which had been completed shortly not fail to wonder editorially why the new "robot brain" before. At this point, Seeber and his group began to should not be given the job of figuring out income tax experience some of the troubles that sorely tried returns. Lunar coordinates obtained by the SSEC in the all operators of early computers. With alarming demonstra됍on problem were useful to Eckert as frequency, relays malfunc됍oned and vacuum tubes checkpoints for his subsequent "Improved Lunar either failed or grew too weak to func됍on. At the Ephemeris", produced in 1949, which gave the start of the day, the machine suffered from posi됍ons of the moon for the en됍re period 1952‐1971. "morning sickness" and would not operate reliably. This became the standard ephemeris used the world (This condi됍on was eventually traced to the fact over by astronomers. Fi됍een years later, "The that the vacuum tube cathodes developed a Ephemeris" and subsequent results which appeared coa됍ng overnight that interfered with their under the 됍tles "The Transforma됍ons of the Lunar opera됍on un됍l they had been exercised.) Coordinates and Parameters," and "The Solu됍on of the Main Problem of the Lunar Theory by the Method of The day of the dedica됍on, January 27, 1948, was Airy" were to cons됍tute the basis for the orbital described by Seeber as follows: "There was to be a calcula됍ons of the NASA moon programs: Surveyor, luncheon on the second floor of the building... and Lunar Orbiter and Apollo. all the prominent guests were to a됍end this luncheon. The machine had been working fairly Soon a됍er the dedica됍on of the SSEC, the company well the day before, but that morning it began to decided that the machine should be given a task more develop a difficulty again, and on running the closely related to current developments – such as problem it would go to a certain point and then fail atomic physics, then much in the news – and a problem and stop. In order to restart, it was necessary to prepared by Thomas on the sta됍s됍cal distribu됍on of hand‐posi됍on the tapes and start them over electrons was chosen. The calcula됍ons, done by again... By lunch됍me we s됍ll had the difficulty with itera됍on, used con됍nually revised sets of boundary us. Frank Hamilton and I had to go to the condi됍ons which Thomas worked out on a desk luncheon... the people downstairs... were trying to calculator. To indicate when computa됍ons with one set find some means of correc됍ng the problem but of boundary condi됍ons were complete and another set finally... the assembled guests were coming down needed, the SSEC programmers wired into the program the stairway. So they felt, well, this is life... there the instruc됍on "See Thomas." This procedure, which was nothing more they could do about it. They kept Thomas 됍ed to the desk calculator, was started [the tapes] over again and the computer superseded when the programmers obtained from him ran all a됍ernoon."12 his method of obtaining boundary condi됍ons and wrote a program sequence for the machine to do the same In the dedica됍on ceremonies that followed – thing. during which the SSEC performed flawlessly, grinding out several dozen good posi됍ons of the During the next four years, the SSEC worked on over moon – Thomas J. Watson told 200 guests: "It is thirty scien됍fic problems submi됍ed by industry, with a mixed feeling of humility and confidence in government agencies, and universi됍es. For some of this the future... that I dedicate the IBM Selec됍ve work a fee was charged; in other Sequence Electronic Calculator to the use of science throughout the world." The event – unlike the ini됍al announcement of the establishment of the laboratory – was given [‐23‐] extensive coverage by the news media including a couple of newspapers that did John Backus, leader of the group which developed ,

was an early SSEC programmer.

[‐24‐] instances, the return to IBM was in terms of the company's headquarters office – and to work on experience in adap됍ng complex problems to programming for the Model 701. Later, Backus and computer methods. The largest of these problems Herrick transferred to the IBM Applied Science – perhaps the largest ever a됍empted anywhere up Department, headed by Cuthbert Hurd, and to that 됍me – was "Hippo," a classified project for subsequently went on to create the computer the Los Alamos Laboratory of the Atomic Energy programming language known as FORTRAN (Formula Commission. Another, brought in by John von Transla됍on).* Neumann, involved equa됍ons needed to calculate viscous flow between two parallel planes. A Perhaps the most important effect of the SSEC was on problem sponsored by Eckert, and done in IBM management. Thomas J. Watson and other collabora됍on with Brouwer of the Yale University execu됍ves tended to view the powerful machine in Observatory and Clemence of the United States somewhat the same manner as they had the Test Naval Observatory, required the computa됍on of Scoring Machine and the "Columbia Machine" – that is, precise orbits for the five outer planets at intervals as a boon to science and educa됍on. of forty days from the year 1653 to the year 2060. To help with the programming of such problems, a Other members of management, including Thomas J. larger staff was clearly needed and Seeber brought Watson, Jr., foresaw that industry, too, would soon be in a number of mathema됍cians and other demanding electronic machines more advanced than specialists during the next few years, including John even the SSEC. The younger Watson has described the Backus, William McClelland, Donald Quarles, situa됍on at the 됍me. "A됍er the start of the Korean Elizabeth Stewart, Joachim Jeenel, Harlan Herrick, crisis, greatly increased defense ac됍vity in the aircra됍, Ruth Mayer Cornish, Frank Beckman, Hollis the atomic energy and the muni됍ons manufacturing Kinslow, Phyllis Brown, Aetna Womble Dowst, fields increased the demands for machines capable of Sherwood Skillman, Edward Codd and Janice Daly. engineering computa됍ons of the highest order. IBM was anxious to contribute in any way it could to the Despite its capabili됍es, the SSEC – built in the defense effort. Our electronic research had expanded transi됍on period between electromechanical and greatly a됍er the war, and by 1950 our people felt they electronic machines, and suffering from reliability had components which, if put together, could make the problems – soon fell vic됍m to obsolescence, and in very large capacity tool that industry wanted. We July 1952 it was dismantled. The machine developed a paper plan and decided perhaps we could nevertheless had a significant impact on all who get interested people to indicate to us that they wanted had been involved with its career. Hamilton and such a machine. Our engineers made a trip to the West other engineers who built the machine carried over Coast and came back with tenta됍ve orders for 18."13 their exper됍se to subsequent work on the IBM 650 Since this was a far larger number than even the most computer, announced in 1953, which became one op됍mis됍c predic됍ons, IBM made the decision to enter of the company's most popular machines. The the computer business. In the early 1950's, programming group sca됍ered to other areas of the developmental work began at Poughkeepsie on the 701 company, where their experience proved very Defense Calculator – the first produc됍on‐line valuable. Jeenel joined Havens's project in ______advanced computer design. Backus, Herrick, * For his role in this work, Backus was named an IBM Fellow Beckman, Quarles and Ruth Cornish joined John in 1963. [‐25‐] Sheldon, who came from the Watson Lab to operate a new Scien됍fic Compu됍ng Center – located at located at

[‐26‐]

Top: Byron L. Havens, designer of the NORC.

Bo됍om: The Naval Ordnance Research Calculator built at Watson Lab was the most powerful computer in the world for nearly a decade. Faith Lillibridge is at the console.

computer specifically designed for scien됍fic The NORC's compu됍ng speed of 15,000 complete calcula됍ons – pa됍erned on a machine designed at opera됍ons a second†, which exceeded its design the Ins됍tute for Advanced Study by John von specifica됍ons, was made possible by an arithme됍c unit Neumann, Herman Golds됍ne* and Arthur Burks. with addi됍on 됍me of 15 microseconds and Directed jointly by J. A. Haddad and Nathaniel mul됍plica됍on 됍me of 31 microseconds. The mul됍plier Rochester, the 701 engineering program included was of special interest and is described by Eckert in a use of the Havens microsecond delay circuit in key book about the NORC. "There is a special product units and certain other technical developments generator in the machine so constructed that, when a ini됍ated by Havens and his group at Watson mul됍plicand flows into it, the nine mul됍ples (from one Laboratory. Late in 1952, the first 701 off the to nine) of the mul됍plicand flow out of the other end... produc됍on line at Poughkeepsie was installed in In hand mul됍plica됍on we wait un됍l all the mul됍ples are the show‐case offices vacated by the SSEC next to completed before adding up the digits in the columns. IBM headquarters. It was less than a quarter the The machine does not wait, but starts the addi됍on size of the SSEC and twenty‐five 됍mes as powerful. immediately. This is accomplished with the aid of ______adding boxes so arranged that the sum starts flowing * Now an IBM Fellow out immediately. This sum, which is the required product, flows into the registers un됍l the complete The Naval Ordnance Research Calculator product has been formed."‡

The NORC's reliability was no less impressive than its By 1950, Havens's plans for an advanced electronic The NORC's reliability was no less impressive than its computer had developed to the point where physical prowess. Exclusive of planned down됍me for construc됍on of a machine had become feasible. His maintenance, the machine ran 92% of the system 됍me "design objec됍ves," in his own words, "were simple available and operated an average of 700 hours a and straigh됍orward... to build the most powerful month. Unlike most computers, which perform and effec됍ve calculator which the state of the art calcula됍ons in binary nota됍on – conver됍ng decimal input into binary before the calcula됍ons are made, then would permit."14 A customer for such a machine back into decimal a됍erward – the NORC employed was found in the U.S. Navy's Bureau of Ordnance, decimal nota됍on and opera됍on in order to make which had been experiencing a growing need for a programming easier. Each word of both data and calculator to solve problems for which exis됍ng instruc됍on was composed of 16 decimal digits plus a machines were too slow. McPherson – now an IBM check digit, making it possible to detect errors in word vice president – brought representa됍ves of the transmission, reading, recording and storing. This Bureau to the Watson Lab to review Havens's work, checking system was also used to run diagnos됍c test and when they expressed interest, a commi됍ee rou됍nes to prevent trouble in advance. Arithme됍cal consis됍ng of representa됍ves of the Navy, Havens, calcula됍ons were checked by a process known as McPherson and Eckert was formed to explore the "cas됍ng out nines." Furthermore, the NORC was put Navy's requirements in greater detail. Before the together in removable basic sec됍ons – tape drives, end of the year, the decision was made for IBM to cathode ray tube packages, mul됍plier unit, etc. – with build the NORC (Naval Ordnance Research stand‐by parts for each sec됍on. When one part Calculator on a non‐profit basis and with close malfunc됍oned or began to give marginal results, it consulta됍on with the Bureau of Ordnance. Von could be unplugged and replaced by a good unit. The Neumann was asked to serve as consultant on the faulty unit would then be plugged into a special project. Late in 1953, assembly of the machine was dynamic tes됍ng machine to diagnose the trouble so begun on the fi됍h floor of the Watson Lab. that it could be repaired. This maintenance system was [‐27‐] The NORC was not only the most powerful something brand new in computers and was regarded computer in the world – a dis됍nc됍on it held for by some engineers as unnecessary and costly. The Navy, nearly a decade – but it had certain features that however, which had pressed hard for maximum were unique. Its 200,000 electronic components reliability throughout the en됍re construc됍on period, (vacuum tubes, resistors, crystal rec됍fiers, was thoroughly pleased with it. capacitors, inductors and pulse transformers) The circumstances surrounding the NORC project were operated at one microsecond intervals – a speed almost as unusual as the machine. Perhaps no achieved by the extensive use throughout of the computer was ever built with so much a됍en됍on to the Havens delay circuit, which made possible its convenience of the user in terms of ease of opera됍on, complex logical organiza됍on. Storage in the NORC simplicity of programming and, above all, reliability. was of two kinds. Random‐access storage of 3,600 Many people worked with Havens to achieve these words was provided by 264 Williams‐type cathode‐ results. W.J. Deerhake, assistant manager of the project ray tubes 됍med to store, recover or refresh a word and responsible for the NORC's storage, devised special in 8 microseconds.* Main memory was provided by ______eight magne됍c tape units, with four channels on † Each opera됍on involved several steps: obtaining numbers each tape, that brought data into the machine at from input or storage. performing the calcula됍on, placing the 70,000 decimal digits per second – more than five decimal point, checking results, and returning to storage. 됍mes faster than the fastest tape drives at the ‡ Faster Faster, W. J. Eckert and Rebecca Jones, Interna됍onal 됍me. These tapes had been built to Havens's Business Machines Corpora됍on, 1955, pp.31‐32. specifica됍ons by Ralph Palmer** and an engineering group in Poughkeepsie. ______*Later the Navy replaced the cathode ray tubes with magne됍c core storage. ** Who later became an IBM Vice President and Fellow.

In a 1954 ceremony, Thomas J. Watson, Jr., presents a pluggable unit symbolizing the NORC to Captain C.K. Bergin of the unit symbolizing the NORC to Captain C.K. Bergin of the U.S. Navy. Others, le됍 to right, are Thomas J. Watson, Sr., Rear Admiral E.A. Solomons, Mrs. Watson, Sr., W.J. Eckert, and Rear Admiral C.G. Warfield.

[‐28‐] deflec됍ng circuitry to overcome a difficulty [‐29‐] ceremonies, IBM President Thomas J. Watson, Jr., arising from repeated reference to certain loca됍ons presented one of the machine's pluggable units, of data on the tube faces. Such a difficulty would symbolizing the calculator, to a representa됍ve of the ordinarily have had to be handled by complicated Navy Bureau of Ordnance. The demonstra됍on problem programming rou됍nes. K.E. Schreiner, who was the calcula됍on of pi, computed to over 3,000 designed the machine's logic and controls, and C.R. places. Guest speaker for the occasion was John von Borders, who implemented the circuitry, were able Neumann, who concluded his address: "In planning to use the Havens delay circuits extensively to new compu됍ng machines, in fact, in planning anything achieve synchroniza됍on of the complex new, in trying to enlarge the number of parameters organiza됍on of the machine. Robert Schubert, with which one can work, it is customary and very responsible for the mechanical design, worked to proper to consider what the demand is, what the price simplify the number of different types of packages is, whether it will be more profitable to do it in a bold involved. Joachim Jeenel, who had helped to write way or in a cau됍ous way, and so on. This type of programs for the SSEC, was assigned by Eckert to considera됍on is certainly necessary. Things would very head the programming organiza됍on for the NORC quickly go to pieces if these rules were not observed in and to work closely with the designers of the 99 cases out of 100. It is very important, however, that machine in order to represent the interests of there should be one case in a hundred where it is done future programmers. differently... that is, to do some됍mes what the U.S. Navy did in this case, and what IBM did in this case: to The NORC was a "custom‐built" machine in a very write specifica됍ons simply calling for the most real sense. A staff of nearly 60 people was required advanced machine which is possible in the present to assemble it from parts manufactured by IBM state of the art. I hope that this will be done again soon and by various small subcontractors in the New and that it will never be forgo됍en." York area, including one in Paterson, N.J. who employed housewives, part 됍me, to do hand Although the NORC was a cost‐no‐object, one‐of‐a‐kind wiring. To accommodate all this ac됍vity, the NORC machine, and outside the mainstream of computer group took extra space in a building at 2929 development, its influence on other computers was felt Broadway, near the Laboratory. Jeenel describes for many years. While it was under construc됍on, the se됍ng: "It was a floor or so above some engineers building the 701 not only made use of the restaurant... and there was a group of maybe eight microsecond delay circuit but also benefi됍ed from or twelve engineers just working away in this kind Deerhake's work in overcoming difficul됍es encountered of office space, if you will." The sub‐assemblies in electrosta됍c storage – which the 701 also used. were then moved to the fi됍h floor of the Watson However, the NORC's greatest contribu됍on lay in the Lab. "At the end of two years or so, all of a sudden invaluable experience it provided scien됍sts and you have this great big wonderful machine. It was engineers in computer design, construc됍on and physically big, for one thing, and it was always a programming. Delivered to the Naval Proving Ground at mystery to me how a thing like this could be Dahlgren, Virginia, in the summer of 1955, the NORC created in these strange environments."15 enjoyed a long, produc됍ve life un됍l it was re됍red from service in 1968. The NORC was completed late in 1954 and officially delivered to the Navy in the presence of 200 scien됍fic, business and military leaders at the Watson Lab on December 2, 1954. During the

[‐30‐] Leon Brillouin, center, in an informal discussion with Watson Lab colleagues in the early 1950s. Le됍 to right, Wallace J. Eckert, Byron L Havens and LLewellyn H. Thomas.

[‐31‐] Columbia Physics Department, set about to recruit promising Ph.D.'s who could literally be turned loose, Mission II (1952‐1970) without senior direc됍on, to examine various areas of the newly evolving discipline of solid state physics and Solid State Physics and Advanced Electronics to decide which ones – if any – they wished to explore. Since most of these areas represented foreign territory The development of the transistor was announced to students of physics at the 됍me, Eckert looked for in the summer 1948, and the reverbera됍ons were Ph.D.'s who had already demonstrated outstanding felt around the world of electronics. Before the end ability and who appeared to possess the imagina됍on, of the year, the Poughkeepsie Laboratory of IBM enterprise and judgement to make the most of the had launched a study of the basic principles of prac됍cally unlimited freedom he intended to grant transistor ac됍on to determine the feasibility of them. In adop됍ng this approach, Eckert was ac됍ng in using the new devices as computer components. accordance with the well‐documented observa됍on that By the early 1950's, it had become clear that a major advances are o됍en achieved, not by working broad basic research effort in solid state physics directly on immediate problems, but by almost within IBM was required if the company was to unexpected developments in apparently unrelated keep pace with the fast moving developments in areas. In his search for talented young scien됍sts, Eckert the field. During the next few years, this effort had the counsel of the widely known physicist and accelerated along several different fronts. At the mathema됍cian Leon Brillouin, who had recently come Poughkeepsie Laboratory, under the management to the Lab from Poughkeepsie, where he had been of Ralph Palmer, a staff of 50 scien됍sts and skilled director of engineering educa됍on, to carry on pure technical personnel was recruited to undertake research and serve as recrui됍ng consultant. Before join‐ research not only in transistors but also in IBM in 1949, Brillouin had been Gordon McKay semiconductors, ferroelectrics, magne됍sm, Professor of Applied Mathema됍cs at Harvard magne됍c devices and other broad areas of interest University. A brilliant theorist with the ability to apply to the company. In 1954, these ac됍vi됍es were theory to prac됍cal engineering problem, Brillouin had brought together in a new research facility in made important contribu됍ons, not only to solid state Poughkeepsie and soon a됍er, a separate research physics and informa됍on theory, but also to the organiza됍on was set up within the company's engineering of radio antennas, electric wave Research and Engineering Department there. At transmission in cables, and the mo됍on of electron San Jose, an engineering laboratory which had beams in magnetrons and travelling‐wave tubes. been established in 1952 under Reynold Johnson to Famous for his development of the theory of "Brillouin develop the [‐32‐] RAMAC (random access method zones," he was also one of the first to apply Shannon's of accoun됍ng and control) computer, expanded its informa됍on theory to physics – work which he mission to include research in magne됍c recording, con됍nued at Watson Lab. organic chemistry and electron beam physics. A The first two recruits, who arrived at the Lab fresh from new research laboratory, set up in Zurich, earning their doctorates at Columbia in the spring of Switzerland in 1955, undertook basic scien됍fic 1952, were Seymour Koenig and Sol Triebwasser. Koenig studies in such fields as magne됍c thin films, fluid had done his thesis work with Professor Kusch as part flow characteris됍cs and superconduc됍vity. of a series of experiments that was to be the basis for Kusch's 1955 Nobel Prize. Similarly, Triebwasser had Meanwhile, at Watson Lab in 1952, Eckert had Kusch's 1955 Nobel Prize. Similarly, Triebwasser had requested and obtained approval from both done his thesis work with Professor Willis Lamb in Columbia and the company to expand the facili됍es connec됍on with certain experiments that led to Lamb's and personnel of Watson Laboratory and, in Nobel Prize the same year. Two other new Columbia coopera됍on with the Columbia physics Ph.D.'s, Gardiner L. Tucker, a student of Professor Rabi, Department, to establish a solid state physics and G.R. Gunther‐Mohr, a student of Professor Charles program, including opportuni됍es for graduate H. Townes, joined soon a됍er. By the end of 1952, students at the University to do their thesis work at Richard L. Garwin, a former pupil of Professor Enrico the Lab. Since this new mission was to be added to Fermi, had come to the Lab from the University of the Lab's on‐going program in advanced calcula됍ng Chicago where he had been an assistant professor of machines, addi됍onal space was clearly needed. A nuclear physics, and Erwin L. Hahn had come from a second, larger building – a former women's physics instructorship at with an residence club at 612 West 115 St. – was bought by established reputa됍on IBM, renovated, equipped with physics laboratories, and donated to the University. Mean됍me, Eckert, with the help of Professors Kusch and Rabi of the

[‐33‐]

First recruits for Watson Lab Mission II, top to bo됍om: Richard I. Garwin, G. Robert Gunther‐Mohr,

Erwin L. Hahn, Seymour H. Koenig, Sol Triebwasser, Gardiner L. Tucker.

in nuclear magne됍c resonance. To this group Eckert of Eckert in the house on 115th St. Nonconformity was soon added other scien됍sts whose special training taken for granted, personal idiosyncracies accepted and was needed to supplement the work of the original prac됍cal jokes tolerated. (One staff member shortened nucleus. Fred Holtzberg, a new Ph.D. from the the cords of some of the telephones to a length of six Polytechnic Ins됍tute of Brooklyn with training in inches, then watched interestedly as his colleagues crystallography, was invited to join. Holtzberg tried to li됍 the receivers.) Dress was informal, with subsequently brought in Arnold Reisman, a physical beards and sport shirts passing unno됍ced – although a chemist, who later received his doctoral degree barefoot graduate student was briefly admonished. from the Ins됍tute. In the summer of 1953, Peter Bridge and chess games enlivened the lunch hour, and Price, a theore됍cal physicist with a doctorate from tennis games on Columbia's nearby courts were easily the University of Cambridge, came to the Lab from arranged. Members played concert violin, wrote the Ins됍tute for Advanced Study at Princeton. limericks, collected African and Indian art, and one Previously, he had spent a year as a "post‐doc" at played the bagpipes in a Broadway musical. Time clocks Duke University, where he worked with Professor remained unpunched. Efforts to introduce their use by Fritz London. the senior staff were firmly rebuffed. One, member who worked nights and slept days was seldom seen at all; Much of Eckert's success in a됍rac됍ng this talented those wishing to communicate with him le됍 notes on group was due to his so됍‐sell approach. As one of his desk. them described it: "He communicated the idea that we would be more or less expected to work in Bureaucra됍c processes were mercifully few. To obtain a areas that IBM would appreciate, but that we were piece of equipment, a staff member simply picked up to use our own judgement as to what these the phone and arranged to have it purchased – a fact to use our own judgement as to what these the phone and arranged to have it purchased – a fact specifically should be."16 Another recalls, with recalled with nostalgia by virtually every alumnus of the reference to Eckert's invita됍on: "The idea seemed Watson Lab. Organiza됍onal procedures that were to be absolutely extraordinary – there was no other closely observed elsewhere in the company – employee place I knew of where a Ph.D. could come straight orienta됍on sessions, detailed progress reports, formal out of his thesis program and find out just how rela됍onships between employee and manager – proved curiously inapplicable in the climate of the Watson Lab. capable he really was."17 Most staff members reported directly to Eckert, who By the summer of 1953, the Lab quarters on 116th reported occasionally to McPherson at corporate St. – already crowded with senior staff members headquarters. The rela됍onship with Columbia was working in electronics – were filled to overflowing, similarly free of constraints. There was a Commi됍ee on and addi됍onal space was found for the newcomers Coopera됍on between the University and the Lab, but it in an unused corner of the sixth floor of Pupin Hall, rarely met. Eckert explains: "Our agreements with the where it was so hot that shirtless physicists were a university were exceedingly informal. The best way to common sight. At one point, a single office was describe it is that we were invited to the campus to shared by Tucker, Triebwasser, Koenig and Gunther‐ operate a laboratory with the understanding that if we Mohr. Without adequate laboratory facili됍es to didn't like being here or they didn't like us to be here work in, the recruits applied themselves to reading the situa됍on could be terminated... we never had and planning. By the 됍me the move was made to detailed agreements about who would provide what or the building on 115th St. in September 1953, most who was to do what."18 of the group had staked out [‐34‐] the areas of research that they intended to explore. Eckert The sense of freedom engendered by the atmosphere remained purposely aloof from these decisions; at the Watson Lab created a euphoria among staff each man had been given a chance to prove members that was to last, in most cases, for their en됍re himself and the rest was up to him. periods of service there. Years a됍er, they wis됍ully recall "the many good 됍mes and many scien됍fically Before tracing the subsequent careers and s됍mula됍ng 됍mes during those years;" "the contribu됍ons of the group, it is illumina됍ng to unconven됍onal atmosphere and the wonderful consider the fact – a됍ested to by Lab alumni – that people;" "the easy on‐campus way of life... I even used many of the individuals involved would not have to audit anthropology classes;" "it seemed to us the joined the company except as members of the best of all possible worlds." Watson Laboratory. The reason is to be found in the way of life which prevailed there, and which The Work in Solid State Physics thus merits special a됍en됍on. The ac됍vi됍es of the Watson Laboratory in solid state A Way of Life physics and advanced electronics in the 1950's and 1960's covered a broad research spectrum and greatly In somewhat the fashion of a large, diverse enhanced IBM's stature in the scien됍fic community. household presided over by a detached but Some of this re‐ search was carried out by scien됍sts of protec됍ve parent, the scien됍sts, office workers, engineers, technicians, service personnel, inventors and graduate students of the Watson Lab coexisted, in reasonable harmony, under the direc됍on

[‐35‐]

Top: John C. McPherson, soon a됍er becoming IBM Director of Engineering.

Bo됍om: Two early addi됍ons to Mission II: Fred Holtzberg, top, and Peter J. Price. different disciplines, or by scien됍sts and engineers, microscopic and thermodynamic proper됍es of [‐36‐] working closely together. However, for the most ferroelectric crystals. He made extensive use of Lentz's part, the reputa됍on of the Lab was built on the "personal computer" to calculate the internal fields and individual reputa됍ons of staff members who Lorenz factors in perovskite structures and relate them dis됍nguished themselves in various areas of to the thermodynamic free energy. Much of his work electronics and solid state physics. Of the original was ini됍ated in barium 됍tanate and subsequently group who chose to work in solid state physics at extended to solid solu됍ons of the potassium‐niobate‐ the Watson Lab in the early 1950's – in the order of tantalate system. For the la됍er work, he collaborated their joining the staff – Koenig concentrated on a with Holtzberg and Reisman in a comprehensive study broad program of semiconductor research. From of the chemistry and crystal growth of this system. 1953 to 1960, he studied the mechanisms of the low temperature breakdown of germanium. Tucker elected to work in semiconductor research. At Between 1958 and 1963, he also inves됍gated the the sugges됍on of Price, they looked for and found an general mechanisms of conduc됍on in electric breakdown in semiconductors at liquid helium semiconductors, including degenerate temperatures. Shortly a됍er joining the Lab, Tucker le됍 semiconductors – primarily by hydrosta됍c pressure to become manager of semiconductor research at the and uniaxial stress. By about 1958, Koenig became Poughkeepsie Laboratory. interested in semimetals, par됍cularly bismuth. With the help of several students, he clarified the Gunther‐Mohr, who had also chosen to work in band structure of bismuth, explored the shape of semiconductors, collaborated with Koenig in the ini됍al the Fermi surface in detail, and made an intensive phase of systema됍c, comprehensive studies of the low study of the electrical transport mechanisms.* temperature breakdown of germanium. In addi됍on, he specialized in the atomic proper됍es of the crystal In 1959, Koenig and scien됍sts at the Los Alamos la됍ce, and ini됍ated a precision experiment to measure Scien됍fic Laboratory in New Mexico ini됍ated a the self‐diffusion of germanium using radioac됍ve program in inelas됍c neutron sca됍ering to tracers. In 1957, he succeeded Tucker as manager of determine the phonon spectra of various materials. semiconductor research at Poughkeepsie. His diffusion The ini됍al studies – only recently completed – were studies were then carried on by an associate, Hans on bismuth. They were later extended to Widmer, who used them as the basis for a Ph.D. thesis germanium and aluminum and led to a paper on submi됍ed to the Swiss Federal Ins됍tute of Technology. sodium which was the first to show, unequivocally, Widmer con됍nued his work with Arthur S. Nowick, who the oscilla됍on in the sign of the ‐ion interac됍on came to the Lab in 1957 from an associate commonly known as the "Friedel wiggles." In 1964, professorship in metallurgy at Yale University. this work was extended to the study of the structure of liquids, par됍cularly liquid argon. The Garwin's scien됍fic interests covered so many areas of experience gained from these experiments was physics, to which he made so many contribu됍ons, that transferred to analogous ones (now in progress) in he has been characterized by associates as "a na됍onal which radia됍on is subs됍tuted for neutron resource." His ini됍al research in liquid helium was radia됍on and protein solu됍ons for argon. followed by inves됍ga됍ons of superconduc됍vity. He Triebwasser became interested in the rela됍onship made an early analysis of the poten됍al of the cryotron, between the which had recently been developed at Massachuse됍s ______Ins됍tute of Technology, *Aware of the growing interest in semimetals. Koenig and Price in 1964 organized a conference at Columbia on the physics of semimetals. sponsored by the Watson Lab and the American Physical Society. The proceedings of the conference were reprinted in the July 1963 issue of the IBM Journal of Research and Development.

[‐37‐] Haskell A. Reich

and laid the founda됍ons for "Project Lightning," an back in phase resul됍ng in an echo. The technique was IBM Research program (par됍ally sponsored by the believed to have poten됍al value for informa됍on storage Government) to develop superconduc됍ng purposes. Hahn concentrated on extending these elements for computers. He studied the technology techniques to both nuclear quadrupole resonance and of cooling computers by the use of refrigerants and double nuclear magne됍c resonance in solids. In 1955, helped to build the first con됍nuous helium‐3 Hahn accepted an appointment as professor of physics refrigera됍on system. He also contributed at the University of California at Berkeley. importantly to the work in magne됍c memory and solid‐state acous됍c delay‐lines, and designed Soon a됍er, Alfred G. Redfield joined the Lab from a various devices for research in nuclear and low‐ research fellowship at Harvard University, where he had temperature physics. Subsequent experiments with been carrying on fundamental research in the thermal conduc됍on and diffusion, and spin technique of nuclear magne됍c resonance in solids. He relaxa됍on effects in both liquid and solid helium con됍nued his work at the Lab, concentra됍ng on the were carried out by Haskell A. Reich, who became proper됍es of both normal and superconduc됍ng metals an associate of Garwin upon receiving his Ph.D. at very low temperatures. Recently, he succeeded in from Columbia in 1955. As 됍me went on, he was using these techniques to determine the form of the also to make important contribu됍ons to the cause vortex state of Group II superconductors. of laboratory automa됍on and terminal‐oriented compu됍ng. Holtzberg and Reisman undertook an intensive inves됍ga됍on of the chemistry of the reac됍ons of alkali‐ Garwin's best known scien됍fic work was in the metal carbonates with pentoxides of the Group VB physics of elementary par됍cles. An event of elements, and pursued a broad study of the behavior of par됍cular note in the history of the Watson model compounds and the predic됍on of compound Laboratory was the set of experiments on muon behavior. As part of these studies, crystals of decay conducted in January 1957 by Garwin, in compounds were prepared and their ferroelectric and conjunc됍on with Professor Leon Lederman of the other proper됍es were inves됍gated. In conjunc됍on with Columbia Physics Department, in which the Triebwasser, Holtzberg and Reisman also studied the University's cyclotron was used to demonstrate the chemistry and crystal growth of potassium niobate and non‐conserva됍on of parity in weak interac됍ons. tantalate. These experiments confirmed the theore됍cal work of Professors C.N. Yang and T.D. Lee, establishing Price's original interests had been in superfluidity and the basis of their Nobel Prize in 1957. In 1960, sta됍s됍cal physics. On arriving at the Lab, he decided to Garwin extended the techniques and experience specialize also in semiconductor physics. A됍er ini됍a됍ng gained from the Columbia experiments to another the inves됍ga됍on of "hot electron" phenomena, he series of experiments conducted at the Geneva, developed a kine됍c theory of low temperature Switzerland, headquarters of the European breakdown in semiconductors which was verified by the Organiza됍on for Nuclear Research (CERN). In these experiments of Koenig. Price con됍nued for some years experiments, the anomalous magne됍c moment of his work in superfluidity before concentra됍ng on solid the mu meson was precisely measured; the result state physics exclusively. His work on hot electrons showed that the mu meson might be regarded evolved into a broad program of work in the basic simply as a heavy electron. theory of electron transport phenomena, and its linear and non‐linear applica됍ons. He also contributed to the theory of nonlinear op됍cal proper됍es of solids, strain While pursuing his scien됍fic work, [‐38‐] Garwin theory of nonlinear op됍cal proper됍es of solids, strain was also achieving na됍onal stature as a consultant effects, fluctua됍ons and electron tunneling in junc됍ons. to U.S. Government departments and agencies on such ma됍ers as the design of nuclear weapons, Over the years, the staff of the Lab was augmented by military technology and defense strategy, arms the arrival of other scien됍sts in various areas of control and disarmament, and civilian problems of specializa됍on. Yasuo Sato, a geophysicist from the many kinds including housing, air traffic control and University of Tokyo, arrived in 1960 to undertake the supersonic transport plane. A member of the studies of the propaga됍on of seismic disturbances in President's Science Advisory Commi됍ee from 1962 the earth's surface and numerical analysis of the to 1966, he was reappointed in 1969. seismograms of earthquakes. Mar됍n Karplus, an associate professor of physical chemistry at the Hahn's work at the Lab centered on the University of Illinois, also joined in 1960 to work on the inves됍ga됍on of a phenomenon he had discovered applica됍on of computer calcula됍on to theore됍cal called "Spin Echoes." This is a technique for chemistry. He and his associates developed a program studying nuclear magne됍c resonance by using a to calculate cross sec됍ons for exchange reac됍ons, a transient – rather than steady‐state – mode of sta됍s됍cal averaging program, and a method of opera됍on. Pulses of high frequency radio waves are integra됍ng Hamilton's equa됍ons. In addi됍on, used to probe the nuclei of small samples of material in order to measure the magne됍sm created by the spinning of nuclei around their axes. A pulse causes the nuclear spins to start precessing in phase. When the spins soon get out of phase, another applied pulse brings about a phase reversal of precession. At a measurable 됍me later, the spins get

[‐39‐]

Top: Mar됍n C. Gutzwiller.

Bo됍om: Alfred G. Redfield.

they worked out a way to make atomic calcula됍ons remained at Watson Lab, where he pursued by the configura됍on‐interac됍on technique in which independent research in atomic beam . He the atomic wavefunc됍on is wri됍en as an expansion built apparatus to inves됍gate atomic proper됍es – of "configura됍ons," each of which is an principally fine and hyperfinestructure, nuclear an됍symmetrized set of products of one‐electron moments, gyromagne됍c ra됍os and op됍cal transi됍on orbitals occupied by the different electrons. In life됍mes in Group 11 elements. 1966, Karplus went to Harvard as professor of chemistry. Time and frequency standards had been a con됍nuing interest at Watson Lab from its incep됍on. The orbit of William J. Nicholson, a recent Ph.D. from the the moon calculated by Eckert was useful to University of Washington, came to the Lab in 1960 astronomers as a giant clock, and the cesium atomic and specialized ini됍ally in the applica됍on of the beam was being tested at the Bureau of Standards and Mossbauer effect to problems in ferromagne됍sm. elsewhere as a standard of frequency. In line with these Two years later, James L. Levine joined the staff and interests, Havens turned his a됍en됍on to the gas maser, Two years later, James L. Levine joined the staff and interests, Havens turned his a됍en됍on to the gas maser, carried on experiments in superconduc됍vity. By newly developed at Columbia University by by his studying tunneling in junc됍ons, he measured the former Caltech classmate Professor Charles H. Townes, life됍me of excita됍ons in superconductors. because of the possibility of using it as a frequency standard. In 1958, Havens and an associate, John In 1963, M. C. Gutzwiller, a theore됍cal physicist, Cedarholm, worked with Townes at the Lab to perform transferred from IBM's Zürich laboratory. His a sophis됍cated version of the classical Michelson‐ interest then was the theory of ferromagne됍sm, Morley experiment of 1887. By comparing two par됍cularly the effect of correla됍on on the ammonia masers, built and operated at Watson Lab, ferromagne됍sm of transi됍on metals. He also the experimenters reconfirmed the basic conten됍on of inves됍gated the quasipar됍cle spectrum in narrow Einstein's Special Theory of Rela됍vity that the speed of bands, and electron states around a disloca됍on in a light is independent of the velocity of its observers. The crystal la됍ce. More recently, a growing interest in measurement was made to an accuracy of one part in the rela됍onship between classical and quantum 1012 – one of the most precise ever performed up to mechanics has led him to develop new methods of that 됍me.* using classical mechanics to approximate the Schrödinger equa됍on. The protean influence of Thomas con됍nued to be felt – as it had from the Lab's first beginnings – on programs While much of the work in solid state physics at of many kinds, promp됍ng Eckert to note in one of his Watson Laboratory did not lead to specific reports on Watson Lab ac됍vi됍es: "Perhaps there should development programs in the company, it added to be a box on the organiza됍onal chart labelled L.H. the broad body of scien됍fic knowledge in the field, Thomas." One of Thomas's important contribu됍ons to helped to keep IBM alert to significant theore됍cal physics, "The Calcula됍on of Atomic Fields," developments, and provided a basis for future was published in 1927 while he was s됍ll at Cambridge technological decisions. Not surprisingly, there was University. This work was refined in 1928 by Enrico a significant increase in the interac됍on with Fermi, and in 1930 by P.A.M. Dirac, to produce what is Columbia as the work in solid state physics widely known as the Thomas‐Fermi‐Dirac theory of the progressed. Approximately 15% of the graduate . In 1927, Thomas also published "The Kinema됍cs students from the Physics Department in the of an Electron with an Axis," which physics students 1950's and 1960's did their thesis work – [‐40‐] learn as the "Thomas factor" in atomic spectroscopy. As mostly in solid state physics – under Watson Lab early as 1938, he showed that the energy limita됍ons of auspices. Over the years, the availability of these a cyclotron can be overcome by strong focusing, and graduate students served an important func됍on at suggested new approaches to the construc됍on and the Lab, making it feasible to launch pilot projects opera됍on of the large machines that are now standard. of various kinds and then con됍nue or terminate them with a flexibility that would not have In applied mathema됍cs, Thomas pioneered in the otherwise been possible. development of an itera됍ve computer method of approxima됍ng wave func됍ons for three‐par됍cle Advanced Electronics problems and in adap됍ng for computer solu됍on problems in hydrodynamics, elas됍city theory and Paralleling the work of the solid state physicists in electron distribu됍on in atoms. His sugges됍ons for the the 1950's and 1960's were the inves됍ga됍ons by NORC included three‐way branch instruc됍on and tape – members of the original staff of the Lab into certain rather than drum – storage. He also made important areas of advanced electronics. Havens, having contribu됍ons to the work on microwaves, ultra‐high completed the NORC, started out anew with a frequencies, subharmonic resonance, nega됍ve group of associates, including Schreiner, to adapt resistance, microwave circuits to computer logic in the form of ______a very fast adder. Three physicists – Allen Lurio, *The experiment was accorded front‐page treatment in the Arthur Nethercot and Thomas Morgan – also joined New York Times. Havens's group. when the microwave effort moved to another IBM research facility a few years later. Lurio, who had been a physics instructor at Yale University,

[‐41‐] Top: Arthur G. Anderson.

Bo됍om: Allen Lurio.

and a variety of new storage devices. As far back as An excellent opportunity in this line arose in 1955, 1946, he had considered the possibility of using when Tucker was named a member of a task force to 됍ny pieces of various kinds of steels to store study the future of research at IBM and make informa됍on magne됍cally and perform logic – work recommenda됍ons in that regard. One result of the which an됍cipated the subsequent development of study was a decision by the company to establish a magne됍c core memory. He was also considering much more broadly based research organiza됍on. In the applicability of various kinds of delay line 1956, it was announced that Watson Laboratory and devices for informa됍on storage. One of his the three other research laboratories at Poughkeepsie, collaborators in this research for a 됍me was Arthur San Jose, and Zürich would be administra됍vely G. Anderson, a young physicist who had transferred combined into a corporate IBM research organiza됍on from the Poughkeepsie Laboratory in 1953 to with headquarters at a new building to be constructed pursue graduate studies in New York and who built in New York's Westchester County. Mean됍me, a new one of Thomas's electromagne됍c delay line laboratory was built at Mohansic (also in Westchester) devices. Anderson was soon given a second in 1956 to house research and development ac됍vi됍es. assignment in the area of storage: to assist on the The same year, Emanuel R. Piore, who had been vice‐ "Spin Echoes" project. He thereby joined a whole president for research and director of Avco Corpora됍on group of staff members who, at one 됍me or and, earlier, Chief Scien됍st of the Office of Naval another, became associated with the project. One Research, joined IBM to build up the company's scien됍fic paper, 됍tled "Spin Echo Serial Storage" – research program. In 1957, Piore appointed Tucker to a published in the Journal of Applied Physics in 3‐man IBM Research Analysis and Planning Staff‐known November 1955 – bore the signatures of Anderson, generally as the "Three Wise Men" – to help make plans Garwin, Hahn, Horton, Tucker and walker. (Not for the new organiza됍on.* noted in the paper was the discovery by the authors that "Wildroot Cream Oil" hair tonic was a As the Thomas J. Watson Research Center neared most sa됍sfactory source of protons for informa됍on comple됍on at Yorktown Heights, N.Y. in late 1960, new storage.) facili됍es became available where basic research could be carried on. This prospect – together with the Walker, mean됍me, had begun to explore the coordina됍on of the ac됍vi됍es of the various outlying possibility of opera됍ng an arithme됍c unit in the 50‐ laboratories – provided Watson Lab staff members with megacycle range – a remote fron됍er area at the opportuni됍es to move out to loca됍ons where their 됍me. Assis됍ng him were Anderson and Donald various kinds of exper됍se were relevant and where Rosenheim, a young IBM engineer who had also there was room for projects to grow. During the late transferred from the Poughkeepsie laboratory to 1950's and ear1y 1960's, there was a broad exodus of do graduate work. Subsequently, P. A. Lewis, a Lab staff members into IBM scien됍fic and engineering Columbia graduate student, joined the group. The management at many levels. Walker joined the San Jose results of their work were published by the four laboratory as manager of the communica됍ons science authors in 1957.* During the inves됍ga됍on of the department. Havens became resident manager of the fast adder, Walker had become interested in the Mohansic laboratory, served as director of product and problem of the influence of various design and development engineering for World Trade Corpora됍on, opera됍ng factors on computer reliability, about and subsequently became vice president in charge of which li됍le was understood at the 됍me. He the European laboratories of the Systems Development undertook a project to quan됍fy reliability theory, Division. Gunther‐Mohr, who had become manager of and with [‐42‐] Rosenheim and Lewis, made an semiconductor research at Poughkeepsie, went to analysis of field data for use in the development of Yorktown as manager of applied physics and analysis of field data for use in the development of Yorktown as manager of applied physics and reliability predic됍on theory. Be됍y Flehinger, a engineering; later he joined the Components Division, research assistant in Columbia's Mathema됍cs where he became assistant to the president. Price went Department, joined the Lab in 1959 to work on the to Poughkeepsie to help develop and lead the pure problem. This project marked the beginning of physics group in Gunther‐Mohr's semiconductor IBM's subsequent extensive program in the area of department, then returned to Watson Lab. Rosenheim computer reliability theory. Some of the became manager of high speed circuits and systems at redundancy techniques that were later employed – Yorktown and was subsequently appointed director of for example, in the Federal Systems Division's applied research. Triebwasser went from Watson Lab to Orbi됍ng Astronomical observatory – arose from Poughkeepsie as manager of ferroelectric research, the reliability studies ini됍ated at Watson Lab. then to Yorktown, where he subsequently became assistant director of applied research. Among other The Expanding Role of Research Watson Lab staff members who went to Yorktown were Holtzberg, Reisman, Lewis and Be됍y Shortly a됍er joining the Lab in 1952, G. L. Tucker ______had become interested in research management. *The other two members of the group were M. Clayton Eckert recalls: "Unlike many research managers Andrews and John Gibson. who are primarily interested in their own research project, he decided while at the Watson Laboratory that management was his chief interest and set that as his goal." ______*"An Experimental 50‐Megacycle Arithme됍c Unit," IBM journal of Research and Development, Vol, 1, No. 3. July 1957.

[‐43‐]

Gardiner L. Tucker went from Watson Lab into research management, becoming IBM Director of Research in 1963. He was succeeded by another Watson Lab alumnus, Arthur G. Anderson, in 1969.

Flehinger. Garwin spent a year there as manager of another. At the same 됍me, each member of the group applied research, then returned to Watson Lab to was en됍rely self‐contained and self‐directed in his own become its director in 1966. Nowick carried on his area of exper됍se. As a result of this dualism, the work in metallurgy at Yorktown un됍l 1966, when atmosphere of the Lab was not only very s됍mula됍ng he became professor of metallurgy at Columbia and produc됍ve of new ideas, but – in the words of one University. John Lentz went to Poughkeepsie; then staff member – "it was more interdisciplinary than a to Yorktown to par됍cipate in the program in university..."20. superconduc됍ng computers; returned to Watson Lab to work with Thomas on the design and Lab to work with Thomas on the design and Members took advantage of sabba됍cals or summer construc됍on of a special kind of cyclotron, then vaca됍ons to pursue interests completely different from rejoined Yorktown where his experience in their usual ones. In addi됍on, as Arthur G; Anderson has hardware and so됍ware, coupled with his broad pointed out, "[a] characteris됍c of... small laboratories is background in both physics and engineering, are that you find there a great deal of intermixing of skills. now being applied to complex problems involving In general, people know and help everyone else... the remote entry to computers. morale and the iden됍fica됍on with the laboratory can be very, very high; it is a much more personal Gardiner Tucker, who had le됍 Poughkeepsie to environment. Therefore, I generally you find the become manager of research at San Jose, went on loyalty to the laboratory is very high, perhaps higher to the World Trade Corpora됍on as director of than in a bigger loca됍on."** development engineering, then became IBM Director of Research in 1963. Four years later, he Among Watson Lab staff members who remained at the was invited to Washington to become Deputy Lab and who held University appointments were Eckert, Director, Defense Research and Engineering, in the who taught astronomy for 23 years; Thomas†, who Department of Defense. In 1969, he was named an taught physics for 18 years; Garwin, who taught various Assistant Secretary of Defense. He was succeeded aspects of physics over a period of 16 years; Redfield, as IBM Director of Research by Arthur G. Anderson, who taught physics for 14 years; Koenig, who taught who had gone from the Watson Lab to San Jose as quantum mechanics and solid state physics for 11 years; manager of the San Jose laboratory, and then Gutzwiller, who taught theory of metals for 7 years; and served under Tucker as assistant IBM Director of Lurio, who taught undergraduate physics for 5 years. A Research at Yorktown. staff member could elect to teach, carry on his own research, undertake new projects, involving a few Summing up, Eckert has commented '...if you look graduate students, that could be expanded or over the scien됍fic and engineering management of terminated easily. Given the catholic interests of the the company now, there are about fi됍y people... staff, this degree of freedom led quite naturally to the who are fairly well thought of and all started here. involvement of the Lab in a wide range of scien됍fic, Our people have almost invariably made good academic and governmental projects. elsewhere in the company... We have a very interes됍ng group of alumni."19 Garwin, for example, besides his major interests, explored such diverse areas as the manufacture of Over the years, some who had been Watson Lab synthe됍c diamonds, the design of a solar energy members went into new fields. H.R.J. Grosch, who converter, superconduc됍ng lines for the transmission of le됍 the Lab in 1950, held a number of industrial, power over great distances, military technology, and academic and governmental posts, including [‐44‐] the impact of informa됍on handling systems on health that of director of the Na됍onal Bureau of Standards care. He also worked with the Physical Science Study Center for Computer Science and Technology. John Commi됍ee and took part in the Engineering Concepts Sheldon founded Computer Usage Corpora됍on. Curriculum Project to improve and enrich high school When Columbia established its own Compu됍ng science courses – a cause that was championed by Center late in 1962, the Watson Lab building on many Lab staff members. Redfield, in addi됍on to his 116th St., which housed the compu됍ng machines, work in NMR, became interested in superconduc됍vity was closed;* Kenneth King, who had been manager and the high temperature proper됍es of crystals. He, of the Lab's compu됍ng facili됍es, went to the new too, joined with physicists at M.I.T., Cornell and the Columbia installa됍on to help it get started. He later University of Illinois on the physical Science Study became its director. Commi됍ee to develop a high school physics program including textbooks, experiment manuals. and a movie "More Interdisciplinary than a University" dealing with the Millikan Oil Drop experiment. Nicholson worked with Educa됍onal Services, Inc. to develop a mathema됍cs curriculum for a program Other Lab staff members – notably Eckert, Thomas, develop a mathema됍cs curriculum for a program Lurio, Garwin, Koenig, Price, Redfield and designed to improve the chances of poor, black Gutzwiller – stayed at, or returned to, the building students in ge됍ng into – and staying in – college. on the Columbia campus to con됍nue their research ______and to teach. This group shared a broad range of **"The Role of the Outlying Laboratories," presented at an scien됍fic and other interests, keenly enjoyed Industrial Research Ins됍tute Symposium on Coordina됍on of interdisciplinary discussion and collabora됍on, and Research on a World wide Basis, Quebec, P.Q., Canada. had the flexibility – to an extraordinary degree – to October 10, 1967. move easily from one scien됍fic area to †Five years a됍er he was named an IBM Fellow in 1963, ______Thomas re됍red. Subsequently, he became Professor of Physics *With the removal of the compu됍ng machines. the name and Mathema됍cs at the State University of North Carolina in of the laboratory was changed to the IBM Watson Raleigh. Laboratory at Columbia University.

[‐45‐]

The light side of life at the Watson Lab, circa 1953: Donald Rosenheim, le됍, and Arthur G. Anderson,

right, duck the unwary John Horton in a fountain on the Columbia campus.

This project eventually grew into the Upward Efforts were also con됍nued to recruit talented young Bound Program. Koenig went to the Zürich Lab in graduate students, and by the early 1960's candidates late 1961 to ini됍ate a program in semiconductor were sought in the biological and medical sciences. research. On his return in 1962, he turned to a new Research in photosynthesis had been started at the Lab area of interest. He undertook studies in the in 1961 by S.S. Brody, and there was a feeling on the physics of proteins in order to discover "if an part of Tucker and others in Research, including Koenig, experimental physicist could contribute to the that IBM should increase its exposure to various areas understanding of biological problems." He of life sciences. Elsewhere in the company, some par됍cipated in the Cambridge Conference on foresaw that these areas might become of poten됍al School Mathema됍cs in 1963, which made commercial importance to the company as computers proposals for the revision of mathema됍cs curricula came into greater use in medical research involving for kindergarten through the 12th grade. Thomas, large quan됍됍es of data and in the automa됍on of clinical Garwin and Koenig all served as consultants to the laboratory procedures. Atomic Energy Commission's Los Alamos Scien됍fic Laboratory for a number of years. [‐46‐]

In large part because of these ac됍vi됍es, Watson Lab staff members were widely known in the scien됍fic community and successful in bringing highly qualified people into IBM. Among the outstanding scien됍sts whose decisions to join the company were influenced by their acquaintance with, the work at the Watson Lab were J.B. Gunn, who subsequently discovered the "Gunn Effect", and , inventor of the tunnel diode. Both Gunn and Esaki began their IBM careers at the Poughkeepsie Laboratory, then moved on to Poughkeepsie Laboratory, then moved on to Yorktown.

Interdisciplinary ac됍vity at the Watson Lab: Philip Aisen (medicine), Seymour H. Koenig (physics), "post‐doc" Bruce Gaber (biochemistry) and Walter Schillinger (electrical engineering), watch returns from a joint experiment.

[‐47‐]

Mission III (1964‐1970)

by the use of electronic measuring devices which The Life Sciences automa됍cally punched their output on a 526 Card Punch. In 1966, while serving as assistant to G.L. Tucker In 1964, a formal decision was made by Tucker to at Yorktown, he became familiar with APL language, ini됍ate a program in molecular biology and then being implemented for 됍me‐shared terminal use biochemistry at the Watson Laboratory. As in the by K.E. Iverson and his associates, and with the case of the solid state physics program, scien됍sts M44/44X 됍me‐shared computer. were recruited who had demonstrated outstanding ability in their respec됍ve areas. Among those who Making use of a data interface built for him by L. B. joined was Philip Aisen, an M.D. and biochemist Kreighbaum, he devised one of the first on‐line data from the Albert Einstein College of Medicine, who reduc됍on systems at IBM involving a 됍me‐shared undertook the study of metal‐bearing proteins machine. In the system, data from Reich's nuclear found in the body in hope of understanding their magne됍c resonance experiments at Watson Lab were biological func됍ons. Aisen concentrated on the digi됍zed by a digital voltmeter coupled to the interface proper됍es and behavior of transferrin, a plasma unit, which then fed the digi됍zed data to a 1050 protein [‐48‐] which binds iron and carries it to terminal connected to the M44/44X in Yorktown. Upon immature red blood cells in the bone marrow to be command, the computer performed the calcula됍ons incorporated into hemoglobin molecules. His two required by the experiments. Reich's success with this principal areas of interest were transferrin's iron‐ system s됍mulated others at the Lab, including Koenig, binding and release mechanism, and the means by Aisen and Fabry, to u됍lize similar equipment and which the protein confines its transfer func됍on procedures. With the availability of the System 360/50, specifically to the immature blood cells. Aisen le됍 speaking APL, on‐line compu됍ng soon spread to Watson Lab in the summer of 1970 to become experiments throughout the Lab. Most recently, a ac됍ng chairman of a newly formed biophysics dedicated 1130 computer was used at the Lab mainly to department at Albert Einstein College of Medicine. handle con됍nuous averaging of transients in connec됍on with high‐resolu됍on magne됍c resonance experiments Thomas Fabry, a post‐doctoral fellow in physical and an assortment of less demanding experiments chemistry at Yale University, came to the Lab in carried on by Redfield. 1965 to study the primary structure of proteins. His work soon led him into biochemistry, then Biomedical instrumenta됍on became another area of biophysics, to pursue an interest in hemoglobin interest at the Laboratory in the 1960's. In early 1964, and the manner in which its func됍on relates to its Louis Kamentsky, who was then in the pa됍ern‐ structure. Fabry focused on the iron‐carrying heme recogni됍on group at Yorktown, was invited to Watson group in the metal‐protein complex and on closely Lab to pursue the development of a device he had allied substances in order to clarify the mechanism invented called a rapid spectrophotometer, or RCS. of the reversible binding of oxygen to hemoglobin. The RCS passed biological cells in liquid suspension under a microscope objec됍ve at the rate of a thousand per second and recorded several op됍cal parameters for Koenig was also interested in the behavior of per second and recorded several op됍cal parameters for protein molecules, and he made use of various each cell. The purpose of the device was to detect the experimental tools to study the interac됍on of presence of cancer cells, which metabolize more rapidly protein molecules with water. He extended the than normal cells, and should therefore have greater technique of nuclear magne됍c relaxa됍on op됍cal absorp됍on than normal cells in the ultraviolet dispersion to a broad range of diamagne됍c and por됍on of the spectrum where nucleic acids absorb paramagne됍c proteins to examine the effect of light. The hope was to automate cytological procedures dissolved proteins on the spin‐la됍ce relaxa됍on for the Papanicolaou test. The ini됍al trials were 됍me of solvent water protons. sufficient1y promising so that Koenig organized a double‐blind test of an automated version of the Ever since Haskell Reich's early work in machine – designed and built by accumula됍ng large bodies of data in the late 1950's, the cause of automa됍on had been of prime interest at Watson Lab. In 1965, Reich built a machine to replace the reading of 10,000 oscilloscope photographs

[‐49‐]

Members of the Life Sciences group at Watson Lab: top to bo됍om, Philip Aisen, Gerald Corker, Thomas Fabry, Thomas Moss, Charles Weiss, Jr.

Rodney Brown – which involved the coopera됍on of [‐50‐] The Life Sciences group, in addi됍on to their Metropolitan Hospital and Memorial Hospital for scien됍fic inves됍ga됍ons, also took part in curriculum Cancer and Allied Diseases in New York City.* The reform. Aisen worked with a colleague at M.I.T. to results of the test, since published, showed that prepare a two‐year college physics course, with the machine could triple the throughput of a problems based on physiology and medicine, for a cytological laboratory if used for prescreening projected Harvard‐M.I.T. School of Health Sciences and "Pap" smears. Kamentsky, meanwhile, went on to Technology. Moss, who worked with the Urban League develop methods for interfacing the RCS to a Street Academy program to interest ghe됍o children in computer. He subsequently le됍 IBM to form a science, arranged for some youngsters to work at the company to exploit the clinical applica됍ons of the Lab and visit the opera됍ons at Yorktown. device. In 1966, Regina O'Brien, a histochemist and assistant professor of biology at New York Toward "Watson Laboratory: Phase II" University, was recruited by Watson Lab to study other biological applica됍ons of the RCS. In the area In 1966, obeying a long‐felt desire to return to full‐됍me of automated medical screening programs, the Lab astronomical research and teaching, Eckert stepped supported a program in conjunc됍on with the down as director of the Lab and was succeeded by Albert Einstein College of Medicine, in which John Garwin, who had been associate director from 1960 to Lentz par됍cipated, to automate large‐scale 1964. The following year Garwin and Eckert were screening of blood cons됍tuents as a means of named IBM Fellows. Eckert's cita됍on read: "As teacher, iden됍fying gene됍c abnormali됍es by pinpoin됍ng author, scien됍st and laboratory director, Dr. Eckert has anomalies in blood chemistry which might result been a leader in the applica됍on of calcula됍ng machines from deviant gene ac됍vi됍es. to scien됍fic computa됍ons." Concerning Garwin: "He to scien됍fic computa됍ons." Concerning Garwin: "He has made major contribu됍ons to the study of Thomas Moss, a Cornell Ph.D. in biophysics, joined contemporary physics and has devoted substan됍al 됍me the Lab in 1967 to pursue his interest in the at the policy‐making levels of the U.S. Government to structure of metal proteins involved in electron enhance our na됍on's technological strength." Eckert transport both in metabolism and in re됍red from IBM in 1967 (although he con됍nued to photosynthesis. Also concerned with problems in work out of an office at the Lab), and the same year photosynthesis were W.J. Nicholson, who joined Garwin was succeeded as director of Watson Lab by the work in biophysics in the early 1960's; Gerald Koenig, who had been assistant director since 1965. In Corker, a new Ph.D. from the University of order to con됍nue to devote 됍me to his research in California; and Charles Weiss, Jr., a Harvard Ph.D. In biophysics while serving as director, Koenig named 1968, Nicholson le됍 the Lab to become associate Aisen as manager of biological sciences and medicine; professor of biophysics at the Mount Sinai Medical Gutzwiller as manager of theore됍cal science and School. The chief aspect of photosynthesis under compu됍ng; and Redfield as manager of experimental study at the Lab was the ini됍al phase – the primary physics and biophysics. quantum conversion reac됍on. In this phase, photosynthesizing organisms, when exposed to As the 1960's drew to a close, and the Watson light, produce free radicals and exhibit changes in Laboratory at Columbia neared the quarter‐century op됍cal absorp됍on spectra. The technique of mark, there began a re‐assessment of its role in the electron spin resonance was used to study the company. light‐induced free radicals in both whole cells and par됍culate samples. ______*From 1965 to 1968, Kamentsky undertook further engineering development of a prototype machine with the assistance of Central Scien됍fic Services at Yorktown.

On the basis of all these considera됍ons, Columbia and IBM reached an agreement in mid‐1969 to close the Watson Laboratory in the fall of 1970, with the research ac됍vi됍es at the Lab to be transferred to the Research Center at Yorktown. The long‐standing rela됍onship between Columbia and IBM was to be maintained by con됍nued appointments of Research staff members to the Columbia faculty, opportuni됍es for graduate students to do their thesis work at the Research Center, and visits and personal contacts between faculty and staff members. The decision was announced on August 6,1969, and during 1970, the research ac됍vi됍es of the Lab were gradually relocated in a sec됍on of the Research Center especially set aside for the "Watson Top: Richard L. Garwin, Directory Watson Lab from Lab" group. In a message to the Research Division, Dr. 1966 to 1967, is na됍onally recognized both as a Arthur G. Anderson, IBM Vice President and Director of scien됍st and consultant to the U.S. Government on Research, said: "The Watson Laboratory at Columbia military and civilian problems. University has had a dis됍nguished career in IBM as an early and major contributor to our programs in Bo됍om: H.K. ("Ken") Clark checks through a 25‐year computers and scien됍fic compu됍ng, solid state physics, accumula됍on of records and memorabilia as the and more recently, life sciences. Many of the methods Watson Lab closing approaches. we use in our research, and much of the life style we prac됍ce today throughout the Division, trace their origin to the people and the life style of the Watson Laboratory... With a con됍nuing strong rela됍onship with Columbia and other universi됍es, we go now from Columbia and other universi됍es, we go now from [‐51‐] Fresh appraisal of the historical reasons that Watson Laboratory phase I to Watson Laboratory phase had formerly jus됍fied the maintenance of an IBM II. As a member of Watson Laboratory from 1953‐1958, facility at Columbia indicated that many of them I can recall many good 됍mes and many scien됍fically were no longer valid. Where the laboratory had s됍mula됍ng 됍mes during those years. I personally owe a once been the ccrmpany's only strong link with the large debt to that Laboratory and to its people. I look academic and scien됍fic world, there had since forward now to seeing my many friends from Watson developed many such links. At both the Yorktown 21 and San Jose Laboratories, numbers of staff Laboratory in Yorktown..." . members held visi됍ng appointments at Tes됍ng ground for a genera됍on of IBM scien됍sts and universi됍es, taught courses and supervised engineers, birthplace of the NORC, familiar to hundreds graduate students. Moreover, the evolu됍on of who came to understand computers and went on to computa됍on from a laboratory art to a highly operate them all over the world, the IBM Watson professional ac됍vity, and tne establishment by Laboratory at Columbia University closed its doors late Columbia of its own compu됍ng center, had in September, 1970. Multum in parvo. eliminated any advantage to either Columbia or IBM in maintaining compu됍ng facili됍es at the Watson Lab. At the same 됍me, the development of the extensive resources of the Yorktown laboratory so near New York would allow research projects under way at the Lab to be carried out equally well at Yorktown.

[‐52‐] [‐53‐]

References

1. Downey, Ma됍hew T., Ben D. Wood: 1. Remarks by Byron L. Havens at NORC dedica됍on Educa됍onal Reformer. Educa됍onal Tes됍ng luncheon, December 2, 1954. Service, Princeton, N.J., 1965. 2. IBM Oral History of Computer Technology, 2. Columbia Alumni News., Vol. XXIII, No.11, Interview TC‐30, with J. Jeenel, November 2, 1967. December 11, 1931, pg.1. 3. Peter J. Price to the author. 3. Speech delivered by Reynold B. Johnson, "A Tes됍monial to Dr. Ben Wood's Associa됍on 4. Fred Holzberg to the author. with IBM," at a dinner on May 11, 1965. 5. IBM Oral History of Computer Technology, 4. Eckert, W.J., The Thomas J. Watson Interview TC‐1, Part II, with W.J. Eckert, July 20, Astronomical Compu됍ng Bureau, a private 1967. memorandum prepared in 1945. 6. Ibid. 5. Thomas J. Watson, in remarks made at the dedica됍on ceremonies of the IBM Selec됍ve 7. Alfred G. Redfield to the author. Sequence Electronic Calculator on January 27, 8. IBM Research News, Vol. 6, No.21, November 10, 1948. 1969, pg.1. 6. IBM Oral History Project on Computer Technology, Interview TC‐1, with W.J. Eckert, July 11, 1967.

7. Ibid.

8. New York Daily Mirror, February 6, 1945.

9. IBM Oral History Project on Computer Technology, Interview TC‐1, Part II, with W.J. Eckert, July 20, 1967. 10. Columbia University Bulle됍n of Informa됍on, Forty‐sixth Series, No.14; March 2, 1946.

11. IBM Oral History Project on Computer Technology, Interview TC‐8, with R.R. Seeber, August 15, 1967.

12. Ibid.

13. IBM Record, Vol. 36, No.2, April 1953, pg.4.

[‐54‐]

Appendix I: Honors to Watson Laboratory Members

Philip Aisen (1965‐1970) Seymour> 1967 (summer) Na됍onal Academy of 1966‐67 Guggenheim Fellow Sciences Exchange Scien됍st to Yugoslavia

John Backus (1950‐1952) Alfred G. Redfield (1955‐1970) 1963 IBM Fellow 1970 IBM Outstanding Contribu됍on Award for his High Resolu됍on Pulsed Nuclear Magne됍c Resonance Leon Brillouin (1952‐1954) 1950 Member of the Na됍onal Academy of Sciences Llewellyn H. Thomas (1946‐1968) Wallace J. Eckert (1945‐1967) 1958 Member of the Na됍onal Academy of Sciences 1966 James Craig Watson medal from the Na됍onal 1963 IBM Fellow Academy of Sciences for pioneering contribu됍ons 1965 Doctor of Science degree from Cambridge to scien됍fic compu됍ng and to lunar theory University 1967 IBM Fellow 1968 Honorary Doctor of Science degree from Oberlin College 1969 IBM Outstanding Contribu됍on Award for his contribu됍ons to lunar theory

Richard L. Garwin (1952‐1970) 1962‐66; 1969‐present Member of the President's Science Advisory Commi됍ee 1966 Honorary Doctor of Science degree from Case Ins됍tute of Technology 1966 Member of the Na됍onal Academy of Sciences 1966‐69 Member of the Defense Science Board 1966‐67 Member of the New Technologies Panel of the Na됍onal Commission of Health Manpower 1967 IBM Fellow 1969 Fellow of the American Academy Arts and Sciences

Byron L. Havens (1946‐1959) 1950 Presiden됍al Cer됍ficate of Merit from President Truman for World War II work.

Mar됍n Karplus (1960‐1965) 1967 Member of the Na됍onal Academy Sciences

[‐55‐] [‐55‐]

Appendix II: Columbia University Appointments Held by Watson Laboratory Members

W.J. Deerhake T> 1967‐present Adjunct Assistant Professor of Physics 1956‐57 Adjunct Assistant Professor of Electrical Engineering A.S. Nowick 1958‐59 Adjunct Professor of Metallurgy W.J. Eckert (same appointment while he was at Yorktown 1959‐66) 1947‐70 Professor of Celes됍al Mechanics P.J. Price T. Fabry 1967‐present Adjunct Associate Professor of Physics 1968‐70 Adjunct Assistant Professor of Chemistry A. G. Redfield R.L. Garwin 1956‐63 Associate in Physics 1954‐57 Associate in Physics 1963‐66 Adjunct Associate Professor of Physics 1957‐59 Adjunct Associate Professor of Physics 1966‐present Adjunct Professor of Physics 1959‐present Adjunct Professor of Physics Y. Sato M.C. Gutzwiller 1960‐62 Visi됍ng Professor of Geology 1963‐67 Adjunct Associate Professor of Metallurgy 1967‐present Adjunct Professor of Metallurgy L.H. Thomas 1950‐68 Professor of Physics E.L. Hahn 1953‐55 Associate in Physics R.M. Walker 1954‐55 Adjunct Assistant Professor of Electrical M. Karplus Engineering 1960‐63 Associate Professor of Chemistry 1957‐58 Adjunct Associate Professor of Electrical 1963‐65 Professor of Chemistry Engineering

S.H. Koenig Not included are Watson Lab members who held such 1957‐59 Adjunct Assistant Professor of Electrical posi됍ons as assistant, instructor, etc. Also omi됍ed are Engineering persons from other IBM loca됍ons who, although not 1959‐65 Adjunct Associate Professor of Electrical members of Watson Lab, have been included in the Engineering Watson Laboratory Columbia University Announcement 1965‐68 Adjunct Professor of Electrical Engineering (catalog) for reference purposes. 1970 Lecturer in Art History

J.J. Lentz 1956‐58 Adjunct Assistant Professor of Electrical Engineering

[‐56‐] 1965 Maurice Katz – "Electrical conduc됍vity in heavily doped n‐type germanium: temperature and stress Appendix III: Watson Laboratory Patents dependence" – Sponsor: S. H. Koenig. and Publica됍ons (1960‐1970)* 1965 H. Jerold Kolker – "Electric and magne됍c interac됍ons in molecules" – Sponsor: M. Karplus. Patents granted to Watson Laboratory members: 67 1965 Joseph Krieger – "Theory of electron tunneling in Papers published by Watson Laboratory members semiconductors with degenerate band structure" – in recognized scien됍fic journals (including 18 in the Sponsor: P.J. Price. IBM Journal of Research and Development): 359 Internal publica됍ons by Watson Laboratory Internal publica됍ons by Watson Laboratory 1966 Ramish N. Bhargava – "Studies of the band members: structure in bismuth and bismuth‐lead alloys by de Research Reports: 133 Haas – van Alphen and galvanomagne됍c effects" – Research Notes: 18 Sponsor: S.H. Koenig.

______1966 Andrew Cade* – "Binding of posi됍ve ion *Totals include incomplete figures for 1970. complexes to quan됍zed vortex rings in liquid helium II" – Sponsor: R.L. Garwin.

1966 Andrew Kotchoubey – "Numerical calcula됍on of Appendix IV: Columbia Graduate Students the energy and wave func됍on of the ground state of beryllium " – Sponsor: L.H. Thomas. who received their Doctoral Degrees Under Watson Laboratory Auspices 1966 Donald Landman – "The hyperfine structure of the 4 metastable F9/2 state of Au and Ag, the hyperfine The roster of these students, with the year their 4 degrees were granted, their thesis subjects and structure of the metastable P4/2 state of Cu, and the 1 sponsors is as follows: electronic g‐factor of the metastable D2 state of Pb, and the metastable 2P state of Bi" – Sponsor: A. 1951 Carl C. Grosjean – "The exact mathema됍cal 3/2 theory of mul됍ple sca됍ering of par됍cles in an Lurio. infinite medium" – Sponsor: L.H. Thomas. 1966 Oscar Lumpkin – "Nuclear magne됍c resonance in 1953 B. Bakamjian – "Rela됍vis됍c par됍cle dynamics CuMn" – Sponsor: A.G. Redfield. " – Sponsor: L.H. Thomas. 1966 Peter R. Solomon – "The relaxa됍on of Mn and Fe 1954 Bernd Zondek – "Stability of a limi됍ng case of in magnesium oxide" – Sponsor: A.G. Redfield. plane Coue됍e flow" – Sponsor: L.H. Thomas. 1966 Kwong‐Tin Tang – "Elas됍c and reac됍ve sca됍ering 1957 D.H. Tycko – "Numerical calcula됍on of the in the (H,H2) system" – Sponsor: M. Karplus. wave func됍ons and energies of the 11S and 23S 1967 Warner Fite – "Nuclear spin‐la됍ce relaxa됍on in states of helium" – Sponsor: L.H. Thomas. super‐conduc됍ng vanadium" – Sponsor: A.G. Redfield. 1958 Bernard Herzog* – "Free magne됍c induc됍on 1967 Abbas Khadjavi – "Stark effect in the excited states from nuclear quadrupole resonance; double of Rb, Cs, Cd. and Hg" – Sponsor: A. Lurio. nuclear resonance effect in solids" – Sponsor: E.L. Hahn. 1967 Burton Kleinman – "A self‐consistent field study of KNiF " – Sponsor: M. Karplus. 1960 Eric Erlbach – "Penetra됍on of magne됍c fields 3 through superconduc됍ng thin films" –Sponsor: R.L. [‐58‐] Garwin.. 1968 Robert Hartman – "Temperature dependence of 1960 Miriam Sarachik – "Measurement of magne됍c the low‐field galvanomagne됍c coefficients of bismuth " field a됍enua됍on by thin supeconduc됍ng lead – Sponsor: S.H. Koenig. films" – Sponsor: R.L.Garwin. 1968 Alberto A. Lopez** – "Electron‐hole [‐57‐] recombina됍on in bismuth " – Sponsor: S.H. Koenig. 1961 George Whi됍ield – "Theory of electron‐ 1968 Robert Schmieder – " A level‐crossing study of the phonon interac됍ons" – Sponsor: P.]. Price. 2 P3/2 states of the stable alkali atoms" – Sponsor: A. 1962 Yi‐Han Kao – "Cyclotron resonance studies of Lurio. the Fermi surfaces in bismuth" – Sponsor: S.H. Koenig. 1970 (Tenta됍ve)

1963 E. Friedman – "Hyperfine fields in – Herman Bleich – "Nuclear magne됍c resonance in ferromagne됍c and an됍ferromagne됍c metals" – proteins" – Sponsor: A.G. Redfield. ferromagne됍c and an됍ferromagne됍c metals" – Sponsor: W.J. Nicholson. 1 1 – James Burger – "The isotope shi됍 in the (2 S0 – 2 P1 – 1963 John J. Hall– "Large‐strain dependence of the line of atomic helium; the life됍me of the 21P and the acceptor binding energy in germanium" – Sponsor: 1 1 S.H. Koenig. 3 P1 states of atomic helium " – Sponsor: A. Lurio.

1963 Jordan Kirsch – "Doppler‐shi됍ed cyclotron + – David de San됍s – "The hyperfine structure of the 3Σ u resonance in bismuth" – Sponsor: A.G. Redfield. state of N2" – Sponsor: A. Lurio. 1963 Mar됍n Tiersten – "Acous됍c mode sca됍ering 4 mobility of holes in diamond type semiconductors" – William Vu – "The effect of He on exchange in solid – Sponsor: P.J. Price. He3" – Sponsor: H.A. Reich.

1964 Richard Hecht – "Electron spin suscep됍bility – Albert Kung – "Nuclear Magne됍c Resonance in Type II and Overhauser enhancement in lithium and Superconductors" – Sponsor: A.G. Redfield sodium" – Sponsor: A.G. Redfield. – David Hsieh – "Quasipar됍cle recombina됍on and 1965 Eric Adler – "Nonlinear op됍cal frequency diffusion in superconduc됍ng aluminum films" – polariza됍on in a dielectric" Sponsor: P.J. Price. Sponsor: J.L. Levine.

1965 A.N. Friedman – "Some effects of sample size on electrical transport in bismuth" – Sponsor: S.H. ______Koenig. *Deceased **Received his Ph.D. from the Swiss Federal Ins됍tute of 1965 Alan C. Gallagher – "Thallium oscillator Technology. 2 strengths and 6d D3/2 state class="page" of hyperfine structure" – Sponsor: A. Lurio.

Appendix V: Watson Fellowships In (1945‐1970) Applied Mathema됍cs Aisen, Philip (1964‐1970) 1947‐48 Albertson, B. (1961) James H. Mulligan & Margaret B. Oakley Allen, Richard G. (1957‐1959) Alsop, Joyce (1955‐1959) 1948‐50 Arndahl, Lowell (1952‐1955) No candidates Anderson, Arthur G. (l953‐1958) Applequist, J.E. (1952‐1953) 1949‐50 Arnold, Phyllis (1946‐1947) Carl C. Grosjean & William A. Johnson Ash, Carol (1956) Astrahan, Morton (1956) 1950‐51 Backus, John (1950‐1952) Carl C. Grosjean & Larry Siegler Baker, Adolph (1948‐1949) Baumeister, Heard (1952‐1956) 1951‐52 Beach, Ann (1947‐1954) Donald MacMillan & Helmut Sassenfeld Beckman, Frank (1951‐1952) 1952‐53 Bell, Kenneth (1946‐1956) Donald MacMillan (no other suitable candidate) Bellesheim, Sara Curran (1966‐1970) Benne됍, Richard (1946‐1956) 1953‐54 Berkenblit, Melvin (1954‐1960) Salah Hamid (John P. Van Alstyne declined) Blachman, A.G. (1956‐1964) Bland, George (1951‐1960) Blume, Richard (1951‐1963) 1954‐55 Blume, Richard (1951‐1963) Herbert Glazer & John W. Smith Borders, C.R. (1949‐1955) Boyd, Edward (1960) 1955‐56 Brender, David (1955‐1961) Kenneth M. King & John W. Smith Brillouin, Leon (1952‐1954) Brody, S.S. (1961‐1965) 1956‐57 Brooke, A.W. (1947‐1952) Joe F. Traub (Be됍y Flehinger declined) Brown, Phyllis (1949‐1952) Brown, III, Rodney D. (1957‐1970) 1957‐58 Bruner, L.J. (1959‐1962) Joe F. Traub (Mrs. Judith M. S. Prewi됍 declined) Budnick, Joseph (1960‐1962) 1958‐59 Bushman, Amy (1951) Joe F. Traub & Alfred H. Bennick Caron, Anne Flanigan (1954‐1959) Cedarholm, John (1952‐1959) 1959‐60 Cheng, Tsung‐Hsien (1957‐1959) Richard Balsam & Andrew Kotchoubey Chow, Yuan (1960‐1962) Chris됍an, Joseph (1956‐1959) [‐59‐] Clark, H.K. (1946‐1970) 1960‐61 [‐60‐] Clement, O.R. (1959‐1970) John Dimling and Steven Katz Codd, Edward (1949‐1952) Cohen, Arthur (1958‐1959) 1961‐62 Corker, Gerald A. (1969‐1970) Henry Einhorn (Economics) (No other suitable Cornish, Ruth Mayer (1949‐1952) candidate) Daehnke, Ralph (1951‐1955) Daly, Janice L. (1947‐1952) 1962‐63 Joel Moses & Paul Shaman

1963‐64 Richard Francoeur (No other suitable candidate)

Deerhake, W.J. (1948‐1956) *Jones, Rebecca (1946‐1958) Dickinson, A.H. (1954‐1955) Jones, William. (1952‐1960) Digricoli, Vincent (1951‐1952) Kamentsky, L.A. (1964‐1968) Donath, W.E. (1959‐1962) Karplus, Mar됍n (1960‐1965) Dowst, Aetna Womble (1947‐1952) Kern, C.W. (1962‐1964) Drake, Edward (1952‐1953) King, Kenneth (1957‐1962) Eckert, Wallace J. (1945‐1967) Kinslow, Hollis (1951‐1952) *Eichenberger, Norman (1951‐1955) Klugman, Arnold (1957‐1958) Eisenstadt, Maurice (1958‐1963) Knutson, J.S. (1965‐1966) Enlow, Paul (1951‐1954) Koenig, Seymour H. (1952‐1970) Erlbach, Eric (1959‐1960) Kolchin, Eleanor Krawitz (1947‐1951) Fabry, Thomas (1965‐1970) Kormanski, Michael J. (1950‐1960) Faden, Ben (1951‐1959) Kotchoubey, A. (1966‐1969) Farber, Arnold (1956‐1959) Ladd, D.W. (1948‐1951) Fernalld, John (1946‐1956) Lang, Norton D. (1969‐1970) Flehinger, Be됍y (1959‐1960) Lentz, John (1946‐1959; 1963‐1969) Fischler, A.S. (i961‐1963) Levine, J.L. (1962‐1970) Fleming, Paul (1957‐1960) Lewis, Peter (1955‐1961) Fortoul, Josie (1962‐1970) Liebman, Adele (1964‐1970) Franco, Albert (1957‐1960) Lindberg, Libby (1950‐1951) Garwin, Richard L. (1952‐65; 1966‐70) Lurio, Allen (1957‐1970) Ghosh, M. (1965‐1967) Mace, David (1950‐1959) Gonda, Tibor (1957‐1960) Masuda, Y. (1960‐1961) Greene, Michael (1960) Mayhew, John (1949‐1951) Grosch, Herbert R.J. (1945‐1950) McClelland, William (1947‐1952) Grosch, Herbert R.J. (1945‐1950) McClelland, William (1947‐1952) Gunther‐Mohr, G. Robert (1953‐1957) McDermo됍, Lillian (1953‐1955) Gutzwiller, M.C. (1962‐1970). Meadows, Harley (1952‐1954) Hahn, Erwin L. (1952‐1955) Mecs, Eela (1960‐1964) Haibt, Luther (1960) Mertz, Robert (1950‐1958) Hallstead, Herbert (1954‐1955) Mico, George (1956‐1959) Hankam, Eric (1945‐1959) Miller, James M. (1960‐1961) Hansen, Mary Lou (1948‐1949) Mitchell, George (1950‐1952) Hausman, Lillian F. (1945‐1948) Morgan, Thomas (1957‐1958) Havens, Byron L. (1946‐1959) Morrison, William (1951‐1952) Heizman, Charles (1957‐1958) Moss, Thomas (1967‐1970) Hellwig, Jessica (1957‐1958) Munick, Herman (1952‐1953) Herrick, Harlan (1948‐1952) Munro, Ann (1959‐1960) Herrick, Marjorie (1946‐1948) Nethercot, Arthur H. (1957‐1960) Holtzberg, Fred (1952‐1960) Nicholson, Stephen (1951‐1955) Horton, John W. (1953‐1959) Nicholson, William J. (1960‐1968) Hu됍o, M.J. (1965) Noel, Charles (1956‐1960) Jeenel, Joachim (1949‐1959) Nowick, Arthur (1957‐1958) Jensen, Robert (1951‐1956) ______*Deceased

O'Brien, Regina (1966‐1970) Smith, Eleanor M. (1956‐1958) O'Toole, James F. (1951‐1955) Smith, Harry F. (1956‐1967) Palmer, John H. (Jack) (1949‐1957) Smith, Merlin G. (1952‐1958) Palocz, Istvan (1957‐1961) Solnit, Kenneth T. (1970) Patlach, Alvin M. (1958‐1968) Sovers, O.J. (1962‐1964) Paulsen R.C. (1954‐1955) Stern, Emanuel (1953‐1960) Perkins, H. (1961‐1962) Stewart, Elizabeth A. (1946‐1952) Pfaff, Robert (1956) Strickland, Daniel (1954‐1955) [‐61‐] Poley, Stanley (1955) Tainiter, Melvin (1960‐1961) Porter, R.N. (1961‐1962) Taub, Jack (1955‐1958) Price, Peter J. (1953‐1970) Testa, Frances (1958‐1959) Quarles, Donald (1949‐1952) Thomas, Llewellyn H. (1946‐1968) Rabinovici, Benjamin (1957‐1959) Thomsen, Donald Lo (1958‐1959) Rambo, Robert (1951‐1958) Titcomb, Lydia (1967‐1970) Redfield, Alfred G. (1955‐1970) Tobin, Bernard (1951‐1955) Reeber, Morton (1960) Tomer, Eugene (1955‐1959) Reich, Haskell (1955‐1970) Toner, James W. (1946‐1955) Reid, W.H. (1946) Triebwasser, Sol (1952.195.7) Reisman, Arnold (1953‐1960) Tsang, M.Y. (1968‐1969) Robbins, Daniel (Dan) (1949‐1953) Tucker, Gardiner L. (1952‐1954) Rosenheim, Donald (1953‐1960) Volin, C.E. (1965‐1966) Rosenkrantz, Phyllis G. (1968‐1970) Von Gu됍eld, Robert (1960) Rosoff, M. (1961‐1964) Walker, M. Judith (1962‐1966) Rossoni, Giampero (1954‐1957) *Walker, Robert M. (1946‐1960) Roth, Robert (1954‐1955) Wagner, E.G. (1959‐1961) Rothman, S. (1948‐1951) Weddle, Meredith B. (1962.1963) Sacks, Grace A. (1956‐1957) Weiss, Charles, Jr. (1969‐1970) Sato, Yasuo (1960‐1962) Welch, Peter (1960) Schillinger, Walter (1956‐1910) Widmer, Hans (1955‐1960) Schlig, Eugene (1956‐1959) Wilner, Antoine됍e (1960‐1965) Schlup, W.A. (1964‐1966) Witzen‐Geijsbeek, Margaret (1954‐1960) Schrader, D.M. (1962‐1963) Wong, York (1960‐1962) Schreiner, Kenneth (1951‐1959) Wright, Sylvia (1966.1967) Schubert, Robert (1950‐1954) Zondek, Bernd (1950‐1954) *Seeber, Robert Rex (1945‐1956) ______*Seeber, Robert Rex (1945‐1956) ______Sharpe, Sylvia A. (1969‐1970) *Deceased Shavi됍, I. (1960‐1961) Sheen, H. (1961‐1963) Sheldon, John W. (1949‐1952) Siegal, Lucy (1951‐1952) Simon, Sanford B. (1969‐1970) Skillman, Sherwood (1947‐1952)

[‐62‐] *Du됍ne, William J. (1953‐59) Douglas, William (1947‐52) Appendix VII: Roster of the Technical and Eisenstadt, Frone Lund (1960‐64) Administra됍ve Staff of the Watson Fanelli, Patricia Maiberger (1963‐67) Feldhaus, John (1947‐53) Laboratory (1945‐1970) Fern, Robert E. (1966‐68) Finn, J.T. (1951‐70) Finn, J.T. (1951‐70) Abbatecola, Robert (1950‐60) Flynn, Patricia (1969‐70) Adams, John (1954‐55) Follay됍ar, Elizabeth A. (1955‐56) Agule, Barbara (1956‐60) Foran, Marie Walsh (1957‐64) Albert, W.E. (1960‐70) Fox, Henry C.. (1948‐55; 1956‐57) Albro, David B. (1956‐59) Friest, Robert S. (1962‐65) Alcantara, Barbara (1958) Geoghegan, P.J. (1960‐70) Aleksey, R.J. (1957‐62) Gloster, Richard J. (1959‐60) Alexandre, John (1965‐69) Grandia, Johannes (1956‐59) Arena, Angelo T. (1955‐59) Griffiths, Richard D. (1946) Asai, Ken W. (1953‐58) Harlow, Leslie A. (1946‐55) Babu, Jennie M. (1954‐55) Harrington, Anne (1956‐59) Ballardini, Louis (1954‐70) Havens, Frances Schmidt (1953‐55) Barbanes, John E. (1951‐54) Hellwig III, Theodore A. (1955‐59) Baron, David G. (1955‐58) Heichlinger, Charles (1946‐55) Barre됍, Ethel C. (1954) Hess, C. Cynthia (1956) Berandt, Leonard J. (1953‐59) Heyman, R.D. (1952‐64) Best, Emogene Cobb (1951‐56) Hickey, J.M. (1950‐55) Bilelo, Maria A. (1959‐63) Hickman, Katherine (1947‐48) Blair, Edward A. (1952‐53) Himmel, Richard P. (1956‐59) Bischoff, Jacqueline (1956) Hines, Emilie (1962‐63) Bonsignore, R.T. (1960‐69) Holohan, R.P. (1961‐68) Brave됍, Denise M. (1960‐70) Howe, Lynne C. (1963‐64) Burch, Annabelle (1955‐57) Janes, R.D. (1951) Canning, John D. (1951‐57) Jones, L.F. (1963‐66) Caracci, Donna F. (1959‐61) Jones, William P. (1952‐59) Carroll, D.A. (1969) Kariya, Jean Ito (1947‐54) Ciriaco, Anne (1963‐65; 1968‐70) Kaszas, Kathleen J. (1952‐57) Clausen, Olive Jean (1956‐57) Kelbl, Alice Waara (1951‐70) Colpi됍s, Helen B. (1945‐47) Kelley, John (1949‐52) Coney, George E. (1952‐58) Kennedy, J.M. (1967‐70) Condon, Louise Ghiold (1966‐68) Kenny, Edward J. (1953‐59) *Comell, Willard H. (1949‐58) Kipp, R. W. (1969‐1970) Cozzo, Joseph (1950‐70) Kiselewsky, William J. (1953‐70) D'Amico, Theresa (1953‐59) Kolb, Jane Lace (1952‐60) Davis, Thomas (1953‐ 70) Koste, Walter W. (1959‐61) Defranco, M.F. (1952‐54) Lagerstrom, Gertrude H. (1954) Dohm, John C. (1951‐58) LaGro됍eria, A. J. (1956‐60) Donnelly, C.E. (1953‐59) Lavin, John (1954‐56) Donnelly, Patricia Conway (1955‐58) ______Donnelly, Raymond C. (1952‐56) *Deceased Doran, Joan E. (1953‐56) Doty, P.G. (1951) Douce됍e, Rhea M. (1953‐54)

[‐63‐] Reese, Jr., William D. (1954‐56) Rogers, Mary (1953‐70) Rogers, Mary (1953‐70) *Lee, Richard (1953‐60) Rohr, Robert L. (1952‐60) Lemke, Ann (dates?) Riog, Jaclyn H. (1953‐55) Lemke, James U. (Jim) (1948‐50) Rubenstein, Elaine F. (1960‐62) Leonard, Edward H. (1957‐58) Rudnick, Cecile H. (1952) Lewis, Lydia Kuharsky (1955‐56) Ryan, Mary E. (1954‐55) Ligge됍, Julia W. (1956‐57) Samson, George (1946‐52) Limen, Maurice (1946‐50) Savas, Helen A. (1956‐62) Lionardons, H.M. (1950) Schildnecht, Carol (1959‐60) Lockwood, Philip G. (1951‐59) Schmid, Ferdinand R. (1957‐63) Low, Janine Leboullanger (1957‐60; 1964‐68) Schmidt, Rudolph (1953‐69) Luhn, Hans E. (1956‐59) Sellers, Rita C. (1952) Mabrey, Jean M. (see Taylor) Severud, Christopher N. (1952‐54) Madonna, Edward J. (1954‐56) Shapiro, Edith R. (1970) Magarinos, Isabel Maria (1962‐63) Sierssen, John H. (1952‐70) Mair, Lloyd J. (1958‐70) Silverman, Sandra t 1955‐56) Maloney, Patrick J. (1953‐61) Sims, Janis M. (1945) Manganarb, Louis H. (1962‐70) Smith, Elinore Nichols (1952‐58) McGill, Luther (1965‐69) Smith, John F. (1950‐60) Melican, Louise Ryan (1953‐62) *Stenbo, Lydia (1949‐62) Meyer, Jerry (1955‐57) St. Marie, Rita (1958‐70) Murphy, Jean M. (1951‐53) Summers, Nancy Stevenson (1954‐56) Murray, Jane (1953'‐55) Su됍on, Robert (1950‐51) Myers, R.L. (1965‐69) Sweeney, Kathleen Maher (1952‐54) Nornabell, Ursula V. (1947‐53) Taylor, Jean M. (née Mabrey) (1950‐51) Osborne, R.R. (1967) Terhune, Charles E. (1955‐61) Ostrowsky, Nancy Haliczer (1967‐70) Tether, Isabelle G. (1950‐54) Ozimek, Stanley (1960‐62) Tomczak, Doris T. (1950‐51) Pantalone, J.G. (1957‐60) Tommasi, Flavia Scolaro (1953‐59) Parrish, James T. (1951‐59) Townsend, Anna M. (1953‐55) Parry, Gloria H. (1952‐53) Ulrich, Richard P. (1955) Payes, Norman (1957‐68) Ve됍erl, H.J. (1963‐67) Payne, Clifford (1945‐46) Wagner, Viola Jean (1951‐55) Peel, Joe (1958‐70) Ward, Elizabeth E. (1945‐51) Pfister, Christel Linde (1956‐62) Weinberg, Irving (1946‐47) Pierson, Robert K. (1951‐54) Whitehead, Be됍y Jean (1948‐51) Plum, M.J. (1947‐70) Wilkstrom, M. Theodore (1954) Poley, Faith Lillibridge (1954‐55) Woodley, James T. (1957‐69) Powell, Nancy Neff (1955‐56) Wu, P.J. (1969‐1970) Rauf, Charles P. (1953‐55) ______Rautenberg, Helen F. (1957‐70) *Deceased

[‐64‐] [‐65‐]

Index

Aberdeen Proving Ground, 10, 14 Daly, Janice, 24 Aiken, Howard, 10, 15 Deerhake, W.J., 27, 29, 55 Aisen, Philip, 46, 47‐48, 49, 50, 54 DeForest, Lee, 22 Albert Einstein College of Medicine, 47, 48, 49 Department of Defense, 43 American Astronomical Society, 9 Dirac, P.A.M., 40 American Physical Society, 35 Dowst, Aetna Womble, 24 Anderson, Arthur G., 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 51 Anderson, Arthur G., 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 51 Andrews, M. Clayton, 42 Eckert, Wallace J., 6, 7‐8, 9, 10‐11, 13‐16, 18, 19, 21, 23, APL Language, 48 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, 33‐34, 40, 42, 43, 44, 50, 54, 55 Astronomical Hollerith Compu됍ng Bureau, 9 Educa됍onal Services, Inc., 44 Automa됍c Sequence Controlled Calculator (ASCC), ENIAC, 11 10, 11, 15, 16 Engineering Concepts Curriculum Project, 44 Esaki, Leo, 45 Backus, John, 24‐25, 55 European Organiza됍on for Nuclear Research (CERN), 37 Beckman, Frank, 24 "Ben Wood's Machine", 4 Fabry, Thomas, 48, 49, 155 Borders, C.R., 28 Fermi, Professor Enrico, 32, 40 Boss Catalog, 8 Flehinger, Be됍y, 42 Brillouin, Leon, vi, 30, 32, 54 FORTRAN, 25 Brody, S.S., 45 Brown, Professor E.W., 7, 9 Garwin, Richard L., 32, 33, 36, 37‐38, 41, 42, 44, 45, 50, Brown, Phyllis, 24 54, 55 Brown, Rodney, 49 Gibson, John, 42 Brown, T.H., 9, 10 Golds됍ne, Herman, 26 Bureau of Standards, 40, 44 Grosch, Herbert R.J., 15, 19, 43 [‐66‐] Burks, Arthur, 26 Gunn, J.B., 45 Butler, Nicholas Murray, vii, 1 Gunther‐Mohr, G.R., 32, 33, 36, 42 Gutzwiller, M.C., 39, 44, 50, 55 Cambridge Conference on School Mathema됍cs, 45 Cedarholm, John, 40 Haddad, J.A., 26 Clark, H.K., vi, 21, 50 Hahn, Erwin, L., 32, 33, 38, 41, 55 Codd, Edward, 24 Hamilton, Frank, 16, 21, 22, 24 "Columbia Machine", 4, 8, 25 Hankam, Eric, 16, 17 Columbia University Compu됍ng Center, 44, 51 Havens, Byron L., 15, 18, 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 40, 42, 54 Columbia University Departments Astronomy, 4, Herman, Frank, 20, 21 6, 8, 9, 18 Herrick, Harlan, 24, 25 Mathema됍cs, 19, 20, 42 Holtzberg, Fred, 33, 35, 36, 38, 42 Physics, 32, 37, 39 Horton, Robert, 41, 45 Columbia University Sta됍s됍cal Bureau, 2, 4, 7 Hurd, Cuthbert, 25 Corker, Gerald, 49 Cornish, Ruth Mayer, 24 Computer Usage Corpora됍on, 44 Comrie, L.J., 7

IBM Applied Science Department, 25 Lamb, Professor Willis, 32 IBM Corpora됍on Divisions Components, 42 Lamont Geological Observatory, 17 Federal Systems, 42 Lederman, Professor Leon, 37 Systems Development, 42 Lee, Professor T. D., 37 IBM Department of Pure Science, 11, 14 Lentz, ]ohn J., 15, 18‐19, 36, 43, 49, 55 IBM Laboratories Mohansic, 42 Levine, James L., 39 Poughkeepsie, 25, 27, 31, 36, 41, 42, 43, 45 Lewis, P. A., 41, 42 San Jose, 20, 31, 42, 43, 51 Linear Equa됍on Solver, 19 Yorktown Heights, 42, 43, 45, 48, 51 London, Professor Fritz, 33 Zürich, 32, 39, 42, 45 Los Alamos Scien됍fic Laboratory, 10, 24, 35, 45 IBM Machines Model 805 Interna됍onal Test Lurio, Allen, 40, 41, 44, 55 Scoring Machine, 5, 25 Scoring Machine, 5, 25 Model 601 Mul됍plying Punch, 8 Manha됍an Project, 14 Relay Calculators, 14 Massachuse됍s Ins됍tute of Technology, 15, 36, 50 Card Programmed Calculator, 14, 20 McClelland, William, 24 610 Autopoint Computer, 19 McPherson, John C., 14, 26, 34, 35 650 Computer, 24 Memorial Hospital for Cancer and Allied Diseases, 49 701 Defense Calculator, 25, 26, 29 Metropolitan Hospital, 49 RAMAC, 32 Moore School of the University of Pennsylvania, 11 526 Card Punch, 48 Morgan, Thomas, 40 M44/44X Computer, 48 Moss, Thomas, 49, 50, 55 1050 Terminal, 48 Murray, Professor Francis J., 19 System 360/50, 48 1130 Computer, 48 NASA Moon Programs, 23 IBM Research Analysis and Planning Staff, 42 Naval Ordnance Research Calculator (NORC), vi, 26‐29, IBM Watson Laboratory at Columbia University, 44, 40, 51 51 Nethercot, Arthur, 40 IBM World Trade Corpora됍on, 42, 43 Nicholson, William, J., 39.44, 49 [‐67‐] Ins됍tute for Advanced Study (I.A.S.), 26, 33 Nowick, Arthur, 36, 43, 55 Iverson, K.E., 48 O'Brien, Regina, 49 Jeenel, Joachim, 24, 28 "Orange Book", 9 Johnson, Reynold B., 4‐5, 31 Palmer, Ralph, 27, 31 Jones, Rebecca, 18, 21, 27 "Personal Computer", 18, 19, 36 Kamentsky, Louis, 48, 49 Physical Science Study Commi됍ee, 44 Karplus, Mar됍n, 38, 39, 54, 55 Piore, Emanuel R., 42 King, Kenneth, 44 President's Science Advisory Commi됍ee, 38 Kinslow, Hollis, 24 Price, Peter, 33, 35, 38, 42, 44, 55 Koenig, Seymour H., vi, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38, 44, 45, Quarles, Donald, 24 46, 48, 50, 54, 55 Kreighbaum, L. B., 48 Kusch, Professor P., 32

Walker, Robert M., 15, 19, 41, 42, 55 Rabi, Professor I.I., 15, 32 Watson Scien됍fic Compu됍ng Laboratory at Columbia Rapid Cell Spectrophotometer (RCS), 48, 49 University, vi , 1, 11, 12‐13, 15 Redfield, Alfred, G., 38, 39, 44, 48, 50, 54, 55 Watson, Jr., Thomas J., 25, 28, 29 Reich, Haskell A., 37, 48 Watson, Sr., Thomas J., vii, 1, 2, 3‐5, 7, 8, 11, 13, 15, 16, Reisman, Arnold, 33, 36, 38, 42 22, 25, 28‐29 Rochester, Nathaniel, 26 Weiss, Jr., Charles, 49 Rosenheim, Donald, 41, 42, 45 Widmer, Hans, 36 Russell, Henry Norris, 9 Wood, Benjamin, D., 2, 3‐5, 7‐8

Sato, Yasuo, 38, 55 Yale University Observatory, 8, 19, 24 Schillinger, Walter, 46 Yang, Professor C.N., 37 Schilt, Dr. Jan, 11 Schreiner, K.E. 28, 40 Schubert, Robert, 28 Scien됍fic Computa됍on Forums, 18 Seeber, Robert Rex, 15, 16, 21‐22, 24 Selec됍ve Sequence Electronic Calculator (SSEC), 16, 20, 21‐26, 28 Sheldon, John, 25, 44 Skillman, Sherwood, 24 Star Measuring and Recording Machine, 18, 19 "Sta됍s됍cal Calculator", 4 "Sta됍s됍cal Calculator", 4 Stewart, Elizabeth, 24

Thomas J. Watson Astronomical Compu됍ng Bureau, 9, 10, 19 Thomas J. Watson Research Center, 42 Thomas, Llewellyn H., vi, 15, 19, 20, 23, 30, 40‐41, 43, 44, 45, 54, 55 Tomkinson, C.H., 9 Townes, Professor Charles H., 32, 40, 68 [‐68‐] Triebwasser, Sol, 32, 33, 35, 38, 42 Tucker, Gardiner, L., 32, 33, 36., 41, 42, 43, 45, 47, 48

Upward Bound Program, 45 Urban League Street Academy, 50 U.S. Air Force, 10 U.S. Navy Bureau of Ordnance, 26, 27, 28‐29 U.S. Naval Observatory (Nau됍cal Almanac Office), 10, 11, 24 von Neumann, John, 14, 24, 26, 29

Book design: Robert L. Monahon, Sr. (BACK COVER) [validate]