The Etymology of Hermes in Plato's Cratylus Olof Pettersson
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
CRATYLUS by Plato Translated by Benjamin Jowett the Project Gutenberg Ebook of Cratylus, by Plato
CRATYLUS By Plato Translated by Benjamin Jowett The Project Gutenberg EBook of Cratylus, by Plato INTRODUCTION. The Cratylus has always been a source of perplexity to the student of Plato. While in fancy and humour, and perfection of style and metaphysical originality, this dialogue may be ranked with the best of the Platonic writings, there has been an uncertainty about the motive of the piece, which interpreters have hitherto not succeeded in dispelling. We need not suppose that Plato used words in order to conceal his thoughts, or that he would have been unintelligible to an educated contemporary. In the Phaedrus and Euthydemus we also find a difficulty in determining the precise aim of the author. Plato wrote satires in the form of dialogues, and his meaning, like that of other satirical writers, has often slept in the ear of posterity. Two causes may be assigned for this obscurity: 1st, the subtlety and allusiveness of this species of composition; 2nd, the difficulty of reproducing a state of life and literature which has passed away. A satire is unmeaning unless we can place ourselves back among the persons and thoughts of the age in which it was written. Had the treatise of Antisthenes upon words, or the speculations of Cratylus, or some other Heracleitean of the fourth century B.C., on the nature of language been preserved to us; or if we had lived at the time, and been 'rich enough to attend the fifty-drachma course of Prodicus,' we should have understood Plato better, and many points which are now attributed to the extravagance of Socrates' humour would have been found, like the allusions of Aristophanes in the Clouds, to have gone home to the sophists and grammarians of the day. -
EUTHYPHRO and the LOGIC of MIASMA Maureen ECKERT
EUTHYPHRO AND THE LOGIC OF MIASMA Maureen ECKERT ABSTRACT: Euthyphro is a Socratic interlocutor claiming enormous religious expertise, while his portrayal in the eponymous dialogue raises questions the reliability of his beliefs. This paper closely examines how Euthyphro justifies his case against his father, identifying an argument that relies on the concept of miasma (pollution). In so far as miasma is considered in isolation, Euthyphro has a good argument. Unfortunately, there is more than miasma at stake when considering why one could prosecute one’s own parent. Introducing the other relevant concepts, honor and shame, we find his case reflects a dilemma at the source of ancient Greek religious thought. It would not be possible for Euthyphro or anyone else to know what to do in his case. KEYWORDS: Plato, Euthyphro, Dilemma, Miasma, Pollution This is why even now I go around in accordance with the God, seeking out and investigating both citizens and foreigners, any whom I suppose are wise, and when someone doesn’t seem so to me, I make it clear they are not wise, assisting the god. (Appology 23b)1 Euthyphro is a classic Socratic interlocutor, one who claims expertise in religion and is then shown that he does not know what he claims to know. Plato’s vivid characterization of Euthyphro’s variety of quirks, his claims of superiority, his lack of self-awareness, his susceptibility to Socrates’ mocking flattery, the outrageousness of his case, make it easy to lose sight of any philosophically significant elements contained in his claims. While he exemplifies the type of epistemic hubris Socrates is out to cure, it would be a mistake to write him off ad hominem. -
The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought. -
Socrates II PHIL301 the Euthyphro
Socrates II PHIL301 The Euthyphro - Setting and cast o Socrates encounters Euthyphro as both proceed to court. Socrates is to hear whether he will be indicted. Euthyphro is prosecuting his father for murder. o Socrates, we think, is faithfully depicted by Plato, in this dialogue. o Euthyphro is (evidently) a “mantis”, a kind of prophet of conservative, traditional religious views. He takes the stories of the Theogony as literal truth, for example. See RAGP, p. 97, n. 1. o Euthyphro takes his task to be one of “piety”, to prosecute a murder, which the gods disapprove of as unjust. It is unclear whether he is right to do so, given the circumstances: the murdered man is himself clearly a murderer; Euthyphro’s father has captured and bound the murderer, who subsequently dies accidentally, though owing also to the father’s negligence. Is it truly pious to prosecute the father? o Note the apparent tension between two sets of moral obligations – those to one’s family and other intimates, and a more general, universal set, 4b-c. o The elements of the drama bring out the role of Socrates as moral gadfly. It is all too common for persons like Euthyphro to act on a presumed knowledge of piety (or justice, etc.), where their actions in fact reflect significant or even profound ignorance. o Moral Risk: In this connection, see 4e and 16d, where Socrates expresses the primary moral concern with respect to ignorance: if we do not know the moral truth, we risk committing an injustice. Compare Apology 28a, 30d, 36c, 38a, 38e, and esp. -
Theory of Forms 1 Theory of Forms
Theory of Forms 1 Theory of Forms Plato's theory of Forms or theory of Ideas[1] [2] [3] asserts that non-material abstract (but substantial) forms (or ideas), and not the material world of change known to us through sensation, possess the highest and most fundamental kind of reality.[4] When used in this sense, the word form is often capitalized.[5] Plato speaks of these entities only through the characters (primarily Socrates) of his dialogues who sometimes suggest that these Forms are the only true objects of study that can provide us with genuine knowledge; thus even apart from the very controversial status of the theory, Plato's own views are much in doubt.[6] Plato spoke of Forms in formulating a possible solution to the problem of universals. Forms Terminology: the Forms and the forms The English word "form" may be used to translate two distinct concepts that concerned Plato—the outward "form" or appearance of something, and "Form" in a new, technical nature, that never ...assumes a form like that of any of the things which enter into her; ... But the forms which enter into and go out of her are the likenesses of real existences modelled after their patterns in a wonderful and inexplicable manner.... The objects that are seen, according to Plato, are not real, but literally mimic the real Forms. In the allegory of the cave expressed in Republic, the things that are ordinarily perceived in the world are characterized as shadows of the real things, which are not perceived directly. That which the observer understands when he views the world mimics the archetypes of the many types and properties (that is, of universals) of things observed. -
On the Arrangement of the Platonic Dialogues
Ryan C. Fowler 25th Hour On the Arrangement of the Platonic Dialogues I. Thrasyllus a. Diogenes Laertius (D.L.), Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers 3.56: “But, just as long ago in tragedy the chorus was the only actor, and afterwards, in order to give the chorus breathing space, Thespis devised a single actor, Aeschylus a second, Sophocles a third, and thus tragedy was completed, so too with philosophy: in early times it discoursed on one subject only, namely physics, then Socrates added the second subject, ethics, and Plato the third, dialectics, and so brought philosophy to perfection. Thrasyllus says that he [Plato] published his dialogues in tetralogies, like those of the tragic poets. Thus they contended with four plays at the Dionysia, the Lenaea, the Panathenaea and the festival of Chytri. Of the four plays the last was a satiric drama; and the four together were called a tetralogy.” b. Characters or types of dialogues (D.L. 3.49): 1. instructive (ὑφηγητικός) A. theoretical (θεωρηµατικόν) a. physical (φυσικόν) b. logical (λογικόν) B. practical (πρακτικόν) a. ethical (ἠθικόν) b. political (πολιτικόν) 2. investigative (ζητητικός) A. training the mind (γυµναστικός) a. obstetrical (µαιευτικός) b. tentative (πειραστικός) B. victory in controversy (ἀγωνιστικός) a. critical (ἐνδεικτικός) b. subversive (ἀνατρεπτικός) c. Thrasyllan categories of the dialogues (D.L. 3.50-1): Physics: Timaeus Logic: Statesman, Cratylus, Parmenides, and Sophist Ethics: Apology, Crito, Phaedo, Phaedrus, Symposium, Menexenus, Clitophon, the Letters, Philebus, Hipparchus, Rivals Politics: Republic, the Laws, Minos, Epinomis, Atlantis Obstetrics: Alcibiades 1 and 2, Theages, Lysis, Laches Tentative: Euthyphro, Meno, Io, Charmides and Theaetetus Critical: Protagoras Subversive: Euthydemus, Gorgias, and Hippias 1 and 2 :1 d. -
Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly. -
1 Divine Intervention and Disguise in Homer's Iliad Senior Thesis
Divine Intervention and Disguise in Homer’s Iliad Senior Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Undergraduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Undergraduate Program in Classical Studies Professor Joel Christensen, Advisor In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts By Joana Jankulla May 2018 Copyright by Joana Jankulla 1 Copyright by Joana Jankulla © 2018 2 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Joel Christensen. Thank you, Professor Christensen for guiding me through this process, expressing confidence in me, and being available whenever I had any questions or concerns. I would not have been able to complete this work without you. Secondly, I would like to thank Professor Ann Olga Koloski-Ostrow and Professor Cheryl Walker for reading my thesis and providing me with feedback. The Classics Department at Brandeis University has been an instrumental part of my growth in my four years as an undergraduate, and I am eternally thankful to all the professors and staff members in the department. Thank you to my friends, specifically Erica Theroux, Sarah Jousset, Anna Craven, Rachel Goldstein, Taylor McKinnon and Georgie Contreras for providing me with a lot of emotional support this year. I hope you all know how grateful I am for you as friends and how much I have appreciated your love this year. Thank you to my mom for FaceTiming me every time I was stressed about completing my thesis and encouraging me every step of the way. Finally, thank you to Ian Leeds for dropping everything and coming to me each time I needed it. -
THE SYMBIOSIS BETWEEN DEMOCRACY and WAR: the CASE of ANCIENT ATHENS David M
THE SYMBIOSIS BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND WAR: THE CASE OF ANCIENT ATHENS David M. Pritchard (University of Queensland) Introduction This edited collection significantly advances our understanding of the two-way relationship of causation between democracy and war in world history. In particular it explores the almost entirely neglected question of the impact of the democracy of the classical Athenians on their waging of war. Today ancient Athens is not widely known for its intensification and transformation of war-making among the Greeks. It is famous instead for what is arguably the most fully developed democracy of pre- modern times and for its innovative culture, which helped lay the foundations for the arts, literature and sciences of the ancient and modern worlds. In 508/7 BC the Athenian dmos (‘people’) rose up against a leader who was once again aiming for tyranny, expelled him and the foreign troops backing his attempt, and arrested and executed his upper-class supporters (Ath. Pol. 20.1-21.2; Herodotus 5.65.5-74.1).1 They could no longer tolerate the internecine struggles of the elite and demanded an active role in the decision-making of the city. This was quickly realised by the reforms of Cleisthenes, which made the assembly and a new popular council of five- hundred members the final arbiters of public actions and laws.2 By the early 450s the people had consolidated their new dmokratia (‘democracy’) by making decisions on an increasing range of public affairs and by taking over entirely the administration of justice and the oversight of magistrates (e.g. -
Laughable Etymologies: the Use of Γελοῖον in Plato's Cratylus In
Laughable Etymologies: The Use of γελοῖον in Plato’s Cratylus In Cratylus, Plato’s dialogue on the correctness of names, the large middle section consists of Socrates delivering a litany of etymologies analyzing words. Particularly because these etymologies are so contrary to modern sensibilities, this section of the work has been subject to widely varied interpretations, from those who argue that Plato uses the etymologies simply to demonstrate that names are in some sense correct (Sedley 1998) to those who claim that they are an extended satire (Baxter 1992). In the course of these etymologies, Socrates twice refers to his proposed reconstruction as γελοῖον, “laughable” (400b, 402a). Although the term is used throughout Plato’s dialogues, its use here is peculiar. Typically, it is used by interlocutors to agree with Socrates (or another primary speaker) that an idea ought to be dismissed, as in Theaetetus (178c) and Phaedrus (260b), or else to make their own (usually faulty) claim, as in Euthyphro (4b). Socrates himself uses the term more rarely. The Symposium, Republic, and Philebus present instances of the term which are more informative with regards to the sense of γελοῖον. The Symposium uses it to describe the expected content of Aristophanes’ famous account of love (Symposium 189b), which does lend itself readily to laughter but is also important in the development of the whole dialogue. In the Republic, it is repeatedly used (among other places) to describe a likely reaction to the idea of giving women the same education as men, but here Socrates specifically argues that what seems laughable may ultimately prove wise (452c). -
The Influence of Plato's Crito and Phaedo on Xenophon's Apology of Socrates
Kentron Revue pluridisciplinaire du monde antique 31 | 2015 Les Socratica de Xénophon The influence of Plato’s Crito and Phaedo on Xenophon’s Apology of Socrates Boris Hogenmüller Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kentron/347 DOI: 10.4000/kentron.347 ISSN: 2264-1459 Publisher Presses universitaires de Caen Printed version Date of publication: 1 November 2015 Number of pages: 127-138 ISBN: 978-2-84133-747-7 ISSN: 0765-0590 Electronic reference Boris Hogenmüller, « The influence of Plato’s Crito and Phaedo on Xenophon’s Apology of Socrates », Kentron [Online], 31 | 2015, Online since 19 October 2016, connection on 17 November 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kentron/347 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/kentron.347 Kentron is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 International License. The inFluence OF Plato’S CRITO and PHAEDO Hauteur 1 du rectangle d’empagement on Xenophon’S APOLOGY OF SOCRATES T_3_Article The relationship between Plato and Xenophon has been the subject of research for many years. During the late 19th and early 20th century, the result of this research, especially in terms of the ‘Sokratesbild’, was always the same, and Xenophon’s dependence on the logoi Sokratikoi written by Plato and Antisthenes has always been quite obvious 2. In the middle of the 20th century, however, new studies have given rise to another opinion 3, which made the case for dependence of Xenophon on other Socratics. Thus L.-A. Dorion’s statement (« Xénophon dépend des autres Socratiques : il ne constitue pas une source indépendante » 4), although he attempts to refute it 5, seems more appropriate today than ever before. -
A Reconsideration of the Legal Case Against Euthyphro's Father
Euthyphro Wins: A Reconsideration of the Legal Case against Euthyphro's Father Euthyphro’s father caught and bound a dependent, who had murdered one of the household slaves, and the dependent subsequently died from hunger, his bonds and exposure. Euthyphro then brings a case against his father for the murder of the dependent. Scholars have criticized the legal merits of the suit, (most decisively in Hoopes 1970) attempting to illustrate how equally foolish the moral issue and Euthyphro’s view of piety are and even heaped much scorn on the character of Euthyphro himself. (Beversluis 2000 collects several of these insults.) I argue that not only does Euthyphro's prosecution of his father in his eponymous dialogue with Socrates have legal standing, but also that based on the details presented by Euthypro his prosecution would be successful. There is a basic misunderstanding between what I term the "inclusive" and "exclusive" view of Athens' law on unintentional homicide which restores the firm basis upon which Euthyphro’s case rests. Athens' law of unintentional homicide (as outlined in Roisman 2011) lists family members up to the level of cousin as the responsible party for prosecuting murderers on behalf of their victims (or masters on behalf of their slaves [Morrow 1937]). The dependent was neither a slave nor a family member. The "exclusive" view (Roisman, Hoopes) takes the position that these family members and only these can prosecute victims of homicide. The "inclusive" view (Panagioutou 1974, MacDowell 1978, Brickhouse and Smith 2004) takes the position that although family members held the primary responsibility for prosecuting murderers, any citizen could bring the case if they wished.