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s s one in which the chapter at Wells sou ght to reassert its original stat us. The com plication s in this story need not detain u s; but amo ngst the fin al stages of the stru ggle was the reinstatement of the name ofWe lls alongside that of Bath in the title of the bishopric. In 1220, a letter from Pope Honorius Ill ordered a search of the registers in order to test the alleged claims of Wells to be the an cient seat of the bishop s - a search which was successful for Wells. It seem s likely that the reburi al und er new monum ents of the pre-conquest bishops of Wells round the choir am bulatory dates from this time .'4 It is a celebration of ant iquity but also a reminder to visitors - especially those from Bath. T he third of m y examples is Winchester - and it is the example I h ave al ready mentioned which establishes an historical perspective without recour se to figure sculpture at all. In the years leadin g to ns8 , the bishop Henry ofB lois gathered together into six chests the bon es of all the pre-conquest kings and bishops who had been buried in the cathedral. '5 They still sit on the ambul a tory screen overlooking the high altar, thou gh the twelfth-century chests were sub sequentl y enclosed in new boxes by Bishop Fox in the early sixteenth cen tur y (fig. 7). We know from John of Salisbury that Henry ofBlois had an anti quarian turn of m ind '6 and it m ay be that this action, which demo n strated the antiquit y of the see of Wessex back to the seventh century, repre sented an aspect of this antiq u arianism. We also know that Henry, d uring h is episco pate , h ad formu lated som e not very clear propo sals to turn the bishopri c of Winc hester into an archbishopri c indep endent of Ca nterbur y and pre sumabl y correspondin g to the an cient kingdom of Wessex . '7 The chests at W inchester seem likely to have had some thing to do with this though it would be hard to say how far the presence in the melange of the bones of Archb ishop Stigand of Ca nterbur y would have helped the cause.'8 My fourth and last exam ple of an institution asserting an historical perspec tive takes us back into the world of figure sculptur e . It is the decoration of the west choir ofNaumburg, carved probabl y in the 1240s (fig. 8). In its own way, it is as famo us as the sculptur e in St. Den is. But the circumstances leadin g up to it were rather different. '9 Like Wells, the original issue was a translated bishopric. In 1028, the see of Zeitz was transferred about twenty miles to N aumbu rg und er the influence and patronage of the counts of Meissen. T his led to abo ut two hundr ed years of intermitt ent legal proceedings which were finally settled in 1230 by a papa l bull ofGregory IX in favour of Na umbur g. It has been persuasively argued that the decorat ion of the west choir in the 1240s, with its statu es representing eleventh- centur y members of that family, is in part a monumenta l celebration of the end of the troub les by a reassert ion of the

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t t l l pourtraire, it mean t throughout this period little more than a drawing or representation. 26 So in a quite legitimate sense everything about which I have so far talked could be called a portra it, including both Count Eckhardt of Meissen at Naumburg , who died in 1046 AD , and Noah at Karlstein who died , according to Archbishop Ussher , around 2348 BC. But the concept of imita tion from the life certain ly existed in the thirteenth century - indeed, it might be said that it was discovered then. It has already been met in the drawing of the lion by Vilars de Honnecourt who, you will remember, had a word for it; he said it was contrefais al vij(fig. n). 27 This imitation of living reality was thus expressed in the verb contrefaire, for which the transliteration 'counterfeit' produces the interesting and appos ite, though probably modern, overtones of close imitation with intent to deceive . Vilars appears to have possessed the will to counterfei t rather than the means . His lion does not look very like a lion and it is in any case difficult to believe that the face-to-face approach would have been treated sympathet ical-

.r.,.,.!=•·. ,a,""' \mftcltto !'l.lm:ft ftnt 1\o'tn" lf::-!Xl:ttlt -

II Leo, by Vilars de Honnecourt. Paris , Bibliotheque Na tionale, Ms . Fr 19093.

12 Henry J/l 's elephant , by Ma tthew Paris. Cambr idge , Corp us C hristi Co llege, Ms. 16.

and and

Aristote

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life

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t It It

century. century.

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that that

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by by

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and and

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ually ually

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itself. itself.

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lif

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to to

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' ' ' ' in the history of western art ought to be the occasion for at least a small fanfare, it is extreme ly difficult to know when to give the first toot. I shall do my best to assemb le this motley army of evidence for inspection , since the evidence for 'what?' and 'where?' also has some bearing on the more interesting question 'why?' First, there are of course the two well-known survivors which have already been seen- respectively of John 11 of France (died 1364, fig. 4) and Rudolph of Austr ia (died 1365, fig. 5). The remainder are non-survivors for which there are documentary or literary references but no objects. Four are connected with Petrarch , and four were in the collection of Cha rles V of France in 1380. There are thu s ten items in all 49 I shall keep the survivors on view for the mo ment though nothing is known about the circumstances of their crea tion; and I shall begin with the Petrarchan evidence . From this, it is known that Simone Martini created an image of La ura for Petrarc h probably in 1336; that by 1343 he had created an image of Card inal Napoleone Orsini; so and that Pandulph Ma latesta ofRimini had two images ofPetrarch (not by Simone), one execut ed probably in the 1340s, the other in 1356.5' T he evidence sound s thinly spread but is actually quite revealing about the reasons for these objects com ing into existence . Pandulph's first Petrar ch portrait was commissioned out of admirat ion , the second out of friendship. Petrarch's image of La ura was the result of love; and that indeed seems to be the context which best explains these early imag es. We are in the world of the private memento - a memento vivere, I should hasten to add. They are a reminder of life and in the first in stance an evidence of friendship. It is tempting to try to insist on the classical precedents for these ima ges, but this will not really do. C lassical literature is not full of people exchang ing like nesses; and although Alberti in the next centur y observed that art had the power of making the absent present, the example he used was of the Greek 2 Cassander trembling all over on seeing a likeness of the dead Alexander 5 It is true that many people would have trembled violently at seeing a likeness of Philippe le Bel, but this is not quite wh at we wan t. On the other hand, classical literature is full of references to imag es which might speak if only they had breath. Petrarch expressed himself in this langu age when he wrote his two son nets about Simone 's Laura portrait , including an almost inevitable reference to Pygmalion _53 This sense of a living presence being evoked also emerges in the small amount of information about Simon e's Orsini portrait. The original des tination of this image is not known; but shortl y after his death in 1343 it came into the hand s ofNapoleone's physician, who presented it to C lement VI in the

mor

north

clu

reminder reminder

that that

of of

on on

equ

he he

John John

1340 in in

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Emperor Emperor

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79 79

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n. n.

h h date date ll

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e e 17 See again J oh n of Salisbury, op.cit ., (note 16), p. 78. For the general hi storical context, sec F. Barlow, The English Church, Ia66-II51 , Lond on and New York 1979, p. 36. Th ere is a problem of elating since the charte r recordin g the re-interm ents (1158) is some years later than the fin al dis mi ssal of H enry's archiepiscopa l schemes by Eugenius Ill (ea. 1150). It seem s necessary to em phasise therefore tha t the chart er elates the anni versa ry endowm ents, not the re- interme nts, which ma y well have taken place som e years earl ier. 18 The bones a nd nam es of the Winchester re- interm ents now ap pea r to be shroud eel in im penetrable confusion. For the subsequent hi story see j.C. Wa ll , The tombs of the kings of England, L ondon 1891, p. 53fT. The earliest of the surviving royal na m es is of the seventh-centur y K yncgils and the prin cipal sequence comes to an end with Ethel wulf (died 857). Out- stand ing from thi s se quence are the nam es of Eclrecl (died 955) , Ca nute (cliecliD35) and hi s wife Emma. Only three bishops are n am ed ; Wina (d ied ea. 66s-67o), Alwin (clieclw 32) and Stigancl (di ed 1069). Possibly the remains called 'Eclmuncl' were those of the nint h-centu ry b ishop. 19 See W . Sauerliincler, 'Die Naumburger Stifterfi guren: Riickblick unci Fra gen ,' in exhib. cat. D ieZeit derStaufer, eel. R. H a usherr and C. Viiterlein , Stutt gart (W iirtte mb ergisches Lancles mu scum ) 1977, vol 5 (Suppl ement) , pp. 169-245. 20 On the counts of Neuchatcl , see E. Bolclinger , D er M innesiinger Graf Rudo/f Fenis-Neuenbwg , Bern 1923. A brief account of the m onum ent is given there (pp. 22-24) and also in the transactions of the Co ngres A rcheologique for the Suisse R omancle in 1952 (see pp. 312-14, J. Co urvoisier). I am not aware of a recent discussion in prin t (see note 21) nor of any study which establishes its relation ship to the neighbourin g monument a t La Sarraz. It seem s likely to m e that this last is slightly later a nd represents a tidying-up of the Neuchatel idea. Th e nineteenth -centur y inscription com memor ates Fran<;ois, lord of La Sarraz , who died soon aft er 1360. But it has been cogently arg ued that the ela te of the monum ent mu st be nearer to 1400 (see E. Bach in the sam e Congres Archeo lo gique , pp. 368-74). 21 Th e traditiona l view for the construction of this monument will be found in Balclinger (not e 20 above) . I n broad outline , it seem s to m e tha t this is correct, i. e. that the superimpo sed tomb- chests and the two large r vertical effigies arc from about 1340; and that the rem ainder of the m onum ent is slightly later and could correspond to the date 1372. Th is seem s to account for the chang es in armour and costume; and the li vely weeper figures have their near est para llels in the tomb ofj ohn ofE ltham in Westminster Abbey (cliecl1337)- It does not explain the m eaning of the figures; but as suggested below, on the ana logy of T ewkesbur y, a retrospective monum ent is a cl ear poss ibility. I n that case, the six male figures, representing six generations, wou ld reach back to the twelfth century. Ho wever, there is apparent ly a recent view which prefers to see the figure s as the imm ediate fam ily of Loui s; and whi ch states categorica lly that the tomb chests a re fifteenth centur y. I have only heard this on the sound- comm entar y in the church of Neuchate l itself (Apri l 1988), preceded by the words 'Toda y, scholars are agreed that. 22 Th e inscripti on says 'Luclovicus. comes.egregius. novica stiquc. domin us. hanc.t umbam . totamqu e. 1nachinam.ob. suorun1. mcmo riam. fabrcfcc it. anno. In. ccc. lxxii. Obiit. quint o. die . mcn sis. iunii. anno. domini. millesimo ccc. lxx . tercio' 23 For an account of the fourteenth-centur y mod ernisation of the choir of T ewkesbur y, see R. M orris, 'Ball flower work in G loucester and its vicinity' in Jvfedieval art and architecture at Gloucester and Tewkesbury, eel. T.A. H eslop and V.A. Sekules . British Archaeo logical Association Confere nce Tran sactions for the year 1981, Norwich 1985, pp. 93-115. Th e case for the enti re enterprise being a 'Despenser' work is put by R . Morris, 'Tew kesbur y Abbey: the D espencer mau soleum ', Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society,

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89·

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and and

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at at

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of of

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to to

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third third

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that that

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l l . . 26 I am indebte d for this particular clarification to a conversat ion with Dr Patr icia Sti rn Jnan n . 27 T here are two draw ings of lions by V ilars both said to have been contrefais al vif In the m a nuscript , they occup y fols. 24r and v (the verso has the fronta l lion) . 28 Sec R. Va ughan, Matthew Paris , Cambr idge I958 , p. 256. 29 T he problem of St. Lo ui s' appearance is raised in cxhi b.ca l. La France de Saint Loui;- , cd. J P. Babelon , Paris (Pala is du Cite) I970-71. Sec especiall y nr . 26 , where the iden tity of the ston e King from Mainnevi lle is discussed. Also nr. 25, a sculpted gable now in the Louvre. 30 Sec W. Sauer la nder , Gothic sculpture in France, nq.o-I270, London I970 , p. 490. 31 For a recent review of the oeuvre of Arno lfo, see A. M . Ro m ani ni , Arnolfo di Gambia , 2nd ed. Florence 1980, esp. pp. 158-6o. 32 j. W hi te, Art and architecture in Italy , 1250 -I'}OO , 2nd ed . , Harmondswort h I987 , p. 98. 33 See A. Mart inda le, Simone A1artini, Oxford 1988, pp. I92-94· 34 See E. Borsook , The mural painters of Tuscany , 2nd ed. , Oxford 1980 , pp . 32-34. 35 The principa l exam pl e of thi s curious prod uction is the Briti sh L ibrary Ms. Roya l 6 E I X. Two copies arc respectively (I) Floren ce, Bib.Naz. Ms. B.R.38 (2) Vienna , Nat iona lbibliothc k Ms.Scr. n. 2639. T he Londo n m s. is datcab lc soon after tbc accession of Bcnedict X I! (1334) . Thcre is disagreeme n t about their provena nce and it has recen tly been suggested that the London ms. is Nea polita n . (For this view, see B . D egen ha rt and A . Schmi tt, Corpus der Italienischen Zeich nungen IJOD-I4.JD, section 1, Sud- and Mittelitalien , vol. 1, cat. , pp. 5s-56.) Aga inst th is , it shoul d be observe d that F . Bologna, l pittori alia carte angioina di NajJoli, I266-1414 , Ro me I969, p . 353 , Aatly de nied any rese mbla nce to Neapo li tan work. For m yself, the older compa ri son by Offner to the work of Paci no d i Bonag ui da seem s to come neare r the ma rk. R . O ffner , A critical historical cmjJui of Florentine painting, section 3, vol. 6, New York 1956, pp. 213-16. 36 Robe n was present at the siege and relief o f Ge noa in 13t8-t9, and was based on Avignon therea fter till I323. Hi s poli tical and milita ry preoccupation s fro m that poin t were ma inl y with Sici ly; and it does not seem that he ever su bsequ ently j ourn eyed north of R ome . 3 7 Sec J .P . Ba belon , L e Pala.·s de justice, L a Conciergerie, L a Sainte Chapelie de Paris, P aris 1973 . 3 8 For the docum ents on the du cal palace, see G. B . Lorenzi, M onurnenti per servire alia storia del Palazzo D ucale di Venezia, pa rt I , 1253-r6oo, Ve nice 1868. Th e narratives painted in the Sal a del Gra n Co nsiglio were listed a nd the inscriptions copied in I425; see G. Mon ticolo, L e vile dei doge di M arin Sanudo (R .I. S. 22, par t 4), C itta di Caste llo 1900, vol. I, p. 34off. For a consid erat ion o f the pa int ings see F . W ickhoff, 'D er Saa l des grossen Ra thes zu Ve nedig in seinem alten Schm ucke,' Reperto riumfur K unstwinensc!zaft 6 (1883), fasc. 1, pp . I-37· After the lecture was com pleted and delivered , I cam e across furth er inform ati on which m ay necessitate revising the ch ronology of this section. It is recorded that, after the con spira cy of Bajam onte Tiepolo in 1310 , th e regime undertook, amongst its nutnerous repressive tneasures, to erase the a rm s of the Ti epolo family throughout the city 'e non solo in tu tt' i lu oghi privati e profa ni fu ron o mu tate tut.te le insegne dei Ti epoli , m a nei publici e nei sacri en nella Sala d el G ra n C on siglio all'imagine di G iacomo e Lorenzo Ti epolo dogi .. . ' Th e two nam ed Ti epolo were doges respectively 1229-49 and 1268-75· Thi s quot ati on (see R . R om anin , Storia documentata di Venezia, Ve nice 1912, vol. 3, p. 39, note 2) com es from the ch ronicle of M arco Barbaro. Unf ortun atel y, I have not been a ble to find the da te of the chronicle nor a compl ete print ed edition of the text. If howeve r Bar ba ro was contemporary, he was w riting from knowledge about the earlier Sala del G ra n Co nsiglio, which m anifes tl y possessed a sequ ence of du cal 'portr aits' Its d ate is un doc um ented . But in 1301 a decision was taken to enlar ge the Sala (Lorenzi, doe. 27) . T he outcom e

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f f Fra nce. H owever , the provena nce of the images is seldom clear. Occasiona ll y, they can be shewn to be derived from large pan el pain tings (the image of N icolas R olin com es from Roger van der Weyden's Beaune Altar); and some of the female images of fourteenth -centur y perso ns, on ac count of the very elaborat e headdr esses, are strongly remini scent of" sepulchr al effig ies. Campbell n otes the likelihood tha t sta ined glass and wall paint ings also provi ded sour ce m a teria l for le Boucq. 49 Accordin g to V. D vora kova , Gothic mural jJainting in Bohemia and M01·avia, IJOO-IJ78, Lon don 1964, p. 85, there was a portrait of C ha rl es IV da ted '354 painted at Feltre, near Aq uileia; but no contemporary source appears to refer to it and the basis fo r the assertion seem s to be inference rather than fact. 50 The evidence fo r the Simon e portr aits is to be fou nd in Martinda le, op. cit. (note 33), pp. 83-84. T he two Petra rch so nnets have been quoted at the end of this lecture. The evidence for the Orsini port rait was print ed by K. Burd ach , A us Petrarcas alteslem deutschem Schulerkreise, Berlin 1929, pp. 236•37· 51 T he evidence for the Malatesta port ra its is con tained in a letter from Petrarch to Fr a ncesco Bruni and dating probab ly from the ear ly 1360s (G. Fracasetti, Lettere senili di Francesco Petrarca, Florence 1892, vol. z, p. 58, su ggests 1362). Th e full L a tin text is to be fou nd in Francisci Petrarclzae Flomztini ... opera quae extant omnia , Basle zs8z, p. 745ff. T he dating of the first portr ait, said to be in label/is , has to take in to accou nt Pa ndolfo's birth dat e - 1326 - whi ch m akes a date before, say, Si ma ne's death in '344 poss ible but unlikely. Th e second portrait coincided with the m eeting ofPan dolfo and Petrarch in M ilan , probab ly in 1356 . It was said to be both done with a stylus and pa int ed. 52 De pittura, book 2, toto cu1n co rpore trepiclasse . For co nlex l, see C. Grayson , Leon Battista A lberti, On Painting and On Sculpture, London 1972, p. 6o. 53 See pp. 35 -36 54 See Burda ch , op .cit. (note so). Th e poem was set on the portrait so tha t the words 'qu asi ex ore e iu s eg recle rentur. ' 55 See D. Thi eba ut in ex hi b.ca t. Les Fastes du Gotlzique, Pa ri s (Ga leri es Na tiona lcs du Grand P ala is) 1981, nr . 323. T he insc ription m ay not necessarily have been an 'addition ' sin ce the likeness of J ohn could well have been taken in 1349 and the panel delivered after his accession in A ugust 1350- 56 Sec p. 35, especiall y the \'\'Ords 'pose in m an lo stile' and 'la rit rasse in carte. ' 57 Th e m anuscript is disc ussed by F. Avr il in exhib . cat. Dix siixles d 'enlunzinure italiemze (Vf" XV I ' siecles), Pa ri s (Bibliotheque Na tiona le) 1984 , nr. 73· T he profile image (foi.Av) sh ows the poet in middle age , doubl e-chinn ed but un wrinkled. Since Petra rch was born in 1304, he would have been 52 in 1356 . 58 See the words put into the m outh of St. A ugustine in Decontemptu mundi, that P etrar ch had a n image o f Laur a 'quam tecun1 ubiquc circun1fere ns.' 59 Thi s is one of the figures in the so-called R elic scenes in the cha pel of the V irg in. Since it is crowned, it mu st have been painted after C harles V's co rona tion in 1364. Granted that C harles V neve r visited Prague and Paris is a long way away, the lik eness is striking . 60 Seep. 32. 61 No portra it sketches survive before the dra wing of Ca rdin al Albergati by J an van Eyck. Th e painting bore in the seventeenth centur y the da te 1438. 62 There a re m an y examples of this from the workshops of Ro ger van der W eyden a nd H a ns Memling. T he van Eyck portraits of hi s wife, Ca rdin al Albergati and 'T ym otheos' have the re-

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