Por Uma Revolução Antirracista: Uma Antologia De Textos Dos Panteras Negras

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Por Uma Revolução Antirracista: Uma Antologia De Textos Dos Panteras Negras POR UMA REVOLUÇÃO ANTIRRACISTA: UMA ANTOLOGIA DE TEXTOS DOS PANTERAS NEGRAS (1968-1971) POR UMA REVOLUÇÃO ANTIRRACISTA: UMA ANTOLOGIA DE TEXTOS DOS PANTERAS NEGRAS (1968-1971) Organização, tradução, introdução e notas por Henrique Marques Samyn Todos os artigos traduzidos nesta antologia e todas as imagens nela reproduzidas foram previamente divulgados em The Black Panther. Esta antologia foi produzida apenas para finalidade de estudo e pesquisa, não tendo quaisquer fins lucrativos. Para contatar o organizador/tradutor, escreva para: [email protected] Samyn, Henrique Marques (org.). Por uma revolução antirracista: uma antologia de textos dos Panteras Negras (1968-1971). Organização, tradução, introdução e notas por Henrique Marques Samyn. Rio de Janeiro: edição do autor, 2018. Índice 9 | Sobre esta antologia 11 | Por uma revolução antirracista: síntese histórica e trajetória ideológica do Partido Pantera Negra Henrique Marques Samyn 144 | Antologia 145 | Nota sobre a tradução 148 | 1. Aos policiais racistas Pantera Puranga 152 | 2. O que nós queremos agora! Em que nós acreditamos 161 | 3. Advogado de bolso de primeiros socorros legais 168 | 4. O manejo correto de uma revolução Huey P. Newton 181 | 5. Regras do Partido Pantera Negra 186 | 6. A mulher preta Revolucionário preto 204 | 7. Réquiem preto Hosea Mills 214 | 8. A mulher preta revolucionária Linda Greene 218 | 9. Para todas as irmãs e irmãos que têm armas Chryst deBecker 221 | 10. Revolução Virgil Morrell 226 | 11. Acorrentado à parede Melvin Whitaker 233 | 12. É chegada a hora Jazzie 236 | 13. Citações de Huey P. Newton 242 | 14. O capitalismo preto e o que ele significa Landon Williams 269 | 15. Verdadeiros revolucionários Bobby Seale 277 | 16. Fascismo é: 280 | 17. Libertação significa liberdade 285 | 18. Prisão, onde está a tua vitória? Huey P. Newton 293 | 19. A escola da libertação do ponto de vista de uma mãe 302 | 20. Sobre a cultura revolucionária Emory Douglas 307 | 21. Mensagem às mulheres revolucionárias Candi Robinson 310 | 22. A Plataforma e Programa de Dez Pontos do Partido Pantera Negra Bobby Seale 321 | 23. Método, tempo e revolução Eldridge Cleaver 332 | 24. Sobre a ideologia do Partido Pantera Negra Eldridge Cleaver 359 | 25. Uma carta de Huey para os irmãos e irmãs revolucionárias sobre os movimentos de libertação das mulheres e de libertação gay Huey P. Newton 367 | 26. Comunicado à imprensa, do Ministro da Defesa, sobre a captura de Angela Davis Huey P. Newton 372 | 27. Arte revolucionária Brad Brewer 378 | 28. Comunicado à imprensa: libertação das mulheres 383 | 29. Rumo a uma nova constituição Huey P. Newton 398 | 30. A revolução em nosso tempo de vida Ericka Huggins 402 | Referências bibliográficas 406 | Lista de imagens Sobre esta antologia Concebi esta antologia como apenas um ponto de partida para pessoas interessadas no pensamento e nas estratégias políticas dos Panteras Negras, com ênfase no período entre 1968 e 1971 ± o período que Ollie Johnson qualifica como os ªanos de glóriaº, ao longo dos quais o grupo nascido na comunidade negra californiana chega a todas as grandes cidades dos Estados Unidos, antes das cisões internas e da ªdesradicalizaçãoº que levariam o Partido a concentrar investimentos no campo da política eleitoral. Não defendo propriamente uma visão essencialista, nesse sentido ± como se os Panteras Negras tivessem se afastado do que seria sua ªnaturezaº; entendo, contudo, que a radicalidade das propostas políticas defendidas pelo Partido Pantera Negra nos anos iniciais foi determinante para que se tornasse uma poderosa força na luta revolucionária antirracista. A partir de 1972, a concentração de esforços para a construção da campanha eleitoral, a postura centralizadora de Huey P. Newton e as mudanças no discurso dos Panteras Negras dariam início a um processo de 9 assimilação e declínio que se estenderia até 1982. Justifico o que pode parecer um número excessivo de notas de rodapé pelo propósito de tornar os textos mais acessíveis, facilitando sobretudo a identificação de pessoas e acontecimentos relacionados aos Panteras Negras e de figuras políticas relevantes na época. 10 POR UMA REVOLUÇÃO ANTIRRACISTA: síntese histórica e trajetória ideológica do Partido Pantera Negra Henrique Marques Samyn Em 21 de fevereiro de 1965, domingo, Malcolm X se dirigiu para ao Audubon Ballroom, em Manhattan, para um evento promovido pela Organização para a Unidade Afro-Americana (Organization of Afro- American Unity ± OAAU), um dos grupos que fundara recentemente, após deixar a Nação do Islã (Nation of Islam ± NOI). O rompimento fora hostil: ao descobrir o comportamento hipócrita do líder da NOI, Elijah Muhammad, que mantivera relações adúlteras com várias jovens mulheres da organização, Malcolm o confrontara; isso havia acentuado uma tensão que já se arrastava há tempos, devido ao comportamento cada vez mais independente de Malcolm. Desde que deixara a organização, ele admitira publicamente que vinha recebendo ameaças de morte. Uma semana antes do evento, sua casa fora atingida por bombas, no meio da noite. 11 O evento no Audubon Ballroom estava planejado para começar às duas da tarde, mas só havia cerca de 40 pessoas presentes nesse horário ± inclusive um homem identificado como pertencente à NOI, sentado na primeira fila, que ostentava na lapela um pin da organização. Um dos seguranças da OAAU tentou persuadi-lo a ir para o fundo do salão; o homem reclamou e, após retirar o pin, sentou-se no mesmo lugar. Por insistência de Malcolm X, que não quisera incomodar o público, ninguém naquela noite seria revistado, e seus próprios seguranças não deveriam portar armas, à exceção do chefe da equipe. Às duas e meia, o público estava impaciente. O ministro-assistente de Malcolm na Muslim Mosque, Inc. ± o outro grupo fundado por ele após deixar a NOI, de orientação religiosa ± fez uma fala introdutória; quando já havia mais de duzentas pessoas presentes, perto das 3 horas, Malcolm finalmente subiu ao palco. Ele apenas proferira a saudação islâmica ± ªAssalamu alaikumº ±, prontamente respondida pela plateia, quando houve uma confusão na sexta ou sétima fileira de cadeiras: alguém gritou ªTire suas mãos dos meus bolsos!º, e dois homens começaram a brigar. A equipe de seguranças da OAAU 12 avançou para conter a briga, e o próprio Malcolm, deixado sozinho no palco, tentou restaurar a normalidade, gritando do palco. Nesse momento, o homem da primeira fileira se levantou, caminhou em direção ao palco, pegou uma escopeta de cano serrado escondida sob seu casaco e a descarregou na direção do líder negro1. Uma quantidade imensurável de pretos estadunidenses sentiu a morte de Malcolm X como uma perda pessoal. Entre eles, estava um jovem negro que nascera em uma família pobre, no Texas, filho de um carpinteiro e de uma dona de casa, que agora estudava no Merritt College; seu nome era Robert George Seale, alcunhado ªBobbyº. Para Bobby Seale, não havia dúvida: Malcolm fora assassinado pela CIA, por ordem do presidente Lyndon Johnson. Embora até hoje não haja provas nesse sentido, sabe-se que tanto a CIA quanto o FBI monitoraram por anos a vida de Malcolm X, estudando estratégias para prendê-lo e alimentando seus conflitos com a NOI; e há relatos segundo os quais Malcolm temia, de fato, que a CIA tentasse matá-lo. 1 Minha base para esse relato é a biografia de Manning Marable: Malcolm X - uma vida de reinvenções. Tradução de Berilo Vargas. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2011. 13 Revoltado, Seale reagiu da forma como era possível a um jovem preto em sua situação: saiu pelas ruas, arremessando tijolos em carros dirigidos por homens brancos. Todavia, não tardou a perceber que essa revolta solitária não passava de um gesto emocional, e se recolheu por uma semana, a fim de se recompor. Ao longo desse período, tomou uma decisão: embora também visse Martin Luther King Jr., líder na luta pelos Direitos Civis, como um herói, Seale faria de si mesmo um novo Malcolm X. Com isso em mente ± e com uma cópia de Os Condenados da Terra, de Frantz Fanon, em mãos ±, procurou um outro jovem negro, também estudante do Merritt College, que considerava articulado e conhecedor da história dos negros, a fim de fundar uma nova organização; seu nome era Huey Percy Newton. Nascido em Monroe, Louisiana, Huey era o mais jovem dos sete filhos de um agricultor ligado à igreja Batista. Aos 3 anos, a família se mudara para Oakland, na Califórnia, onde Newton vivera uma infância conflituosa: fora expulso de diversas escolas públicas ± às vezes, de propósito, para ocultar suas próprias dificuldades de aprendizado; segundo David 14 Hilliard, que o conheceu na adolescência, Huey conviveria com o estigma de ser considerado um analfabeto, com QI 79. Quando foi para o Merritt College, Huey finalmente começou a desenvolver confiança intelectual, tornando-se um ávido leitor de obras filosóficas e literárias ± de W. E. B. DuBois a James Baldwin; de Frantz Fanon a Sùren Kierkegaard. Huey também desenvolveria uma notável capacidade para decorar a localização de passagens em páginas e parágrafos de livros2. Bobby Seale encontrara Huey pela primeira vez no início dos anos 1960, em uma das manifestações de rua contra o embargo dos Estados Unidos a Cuba, e ficara impressionado com sua capacidade de argumentar a partir de questões básicas e práticas, não deixando ao interlocutor outra escolha que não encarar os fatos3. Nesse primeiro momento, contudo, Newton rejeitou a ideia de fundar uma nova organização; a seu ver, a tarefa seria impossibilitada pelo fato de que os pretos não conheciam suficientemente bem a sua própria história. Não se deixando abalar pela recusa, Bobby Seale decidiu agir por conta própria. Criou um grupo de estudos 2 Ver Hilliard, 2008, cap. 2. 3 Ver Seale, 1991, p. 14. 15 africanos e afro-americanos no Merritt College, inicialmente denominado Black History Fact Group, depois rebatizado Soul Students Advisory Council, que conseguiu incluir a história dos negros no currículo da instituição.
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