DOCSLIB.ORG

Ethical Record

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ethical Record The ISSN 0014-1690 Ethical Record Vol. 95 NO. 7 JULY/AUGUST 1990 Editorial Clearly, in the age of perestroika, Gorbachev and (possibly) Yeltsin, little is PERSPECTIVES ON THE SOVIET to be learnt from those left-wing intellec- UNION AND BRITAIN tuals in the West who cling to inter- pretations of Soviet history which are THE "VIEWPOINTS" SECTION in list now being abandoned by many leading month's edition of The Record was brief Soviet minds. A full appreciation of the but stimulating. S. E. Parker's comments changes currently taking place in the on the history of the Soviet Union in the Soviet Union, and the Eastern bloc in inter-war years, and Julian Ross's cri- general, depends on our being as ready to ticism of the hereditary principle as it reject outmoded orthodoxies as are the relates to the Monarchy and the House of people .who are bringing these changes Lords, imply two very important lines about. of thought From alterations in Soviet society to Parker, writing about Stuart Munro's those in British: Julian Ross's opposition recent talk at South Place on Ralph Fox, to the hereditary principle was expressed rightly criticises the naive view of Stalin in connection with Martin Green's arti- held by Fox and endorsed by Munro. cle "Towards a Republic" in the April This naivety was shared by several of issue of The Record. Ross is certainly Fox's contemporaries, including such right in arguing that Republicanism, eminent figures as the Webbs and H. G. which is antithetical to the hereditary Wells. It is, unfortunately, still found principle in political life, should be part today, despite the adverse comments on of any radical programme in British Stalin which have emerged from within politics. South Place is making a con- the Soviet Union itself (explicitly by tribution in that it has been providing a Khrushchev in 1956, implicitly by Gor- forum for Republican thought; in addi- bachev since 1985) as well as from the tion to Martin Green's talk, we have had detailed analyses of historians in the lectures on Tom Paine and Richard Lee. West Munro's belief in the still-surviving Hopefully, this provision will continue. myth that the Soviet Union rescued A Republican system, if it ever is Europe during World War II is cogently established, will not of course bring - attacked by Parker when he draws atten- Utopie, but it will remove a large amount tion to Stalin's aggression in Eastern of the privilege-based authority which Europe in 1939 (following the non- 'has for so lona gone unquestioned aggression pact with Hitler) and to his in this country. British society is still too refusal to challenge Nazism till the deferential,- still too uncritical of German invasion of 1941. tradition. CONTENTS Page Coming to Conway Hall . 22 The Unsung Heroes of the First Austrian Republic—Gertrude Elias 3 Moliere: The Throne and the Altar-1. Good . 14 Namibia: Aspects of Democracy—Michael Wolfers 16 The views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of the Society Published by the South Place Ethical Society, Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London SOUTH PLACE ETHICAL SOCIETY The Humanist Centre, Conway Hall 25 Red Lion Square, London WCIR 4RL. Telephone: 071-831 7723 Hall Lettings: 071-242 8032. Lobby: 071-405 4125 Appointed Lecturers: Harold Blackham. T. F. Evans, Peter Heales, Richard Scorer, Barbara Smoker, Harry Stopes-Roe, Nicolas Walter. Trustees: Christine Bondi, Louise Booker, John Brown. Anthony Chapman, Peter Heales, Don Liversedge, Ray Lovecy, Ian MacKillop. Victor Rose, Barbara Smoker, Harry Stopes-Roe. Honorary Representative: Norman Bacrac. Chairman General Committee: Diane Murray. Deputy Chairman: David Williams. Honorary Registrar: Ann Wood. Honorary Treasurer: Don Liversedge. Secretary: Nicholas Hyman. Hall Manager Geoffrey Austin. Honorary Librarian: Edwina Palmer. Editor, The Ethical Record: Tom Rubens. Concerts Committee Chairman: Lionel Elton. General Committee: The Officers and Jean Bayliss, Cynthia Blezard, Lesley Dawson, Govind N. Deodhekar, Brian Haynes, Ellis Hillman, Martin Harris, Naomi Lewis, Lisa Monks, Terry Mullins, Lydia Vernet, Nicolas Walter. Finance Committee: Chair: Don Liversedge. Development Committee: Convenor: Nicolas Walter. Policy and Programme Committee: Chair: Cynthia Blezard. Bookstall: Chair: Edwina Palmer, Library Committee: Chair: Edwina Palmer. NIETZSCHE SOCIETY FORMED A Nietzsche Society was formed at a one-day Conference on Saturday. April 28 at the University of Essex. To coincide with the conference, a panel discussion on Nietzsche took place at the Joethe Institute, London, on Monday, April 30. Over 100 people have already joined the Society. The registration fee is £2. Those interested in joining should contact: Dr. Keith AnseII-Pearson, Department of Politics, Queen Mary-Westfield College, Mile End Road, London El 4N5 The Ethical Record is posted free to members. The annual charge to Subscribers is £6. Matter for publication should reach the Editor, Tom Rubens, Conway Hall, 25 Red Lion Square, London WC IR 4RL (071-831 7723) no later than the FIRST OF THE MONTH for publication in the following month's issue. 2 Ethical Record. July/August 1990 THE UNSUNG HEROES OF THE FIRST AUSTRIAN REPUBLIC Text of a Lecture given to SPES on November 12, 1989 - by GERTRUDE ELIAS THE FIRST AUSTRIAN REPUBLICwh ich emerged out of the rubble of World War One las- ted only 15 years—from November 12, 1918, when the troops—famished and in rags, returned from the battlefields, until March 1933—when the clerical fascists declared martial law and abolished parliamentary democracy— paving the way for the Nazi occupation of Austria in 1938 It is naive to assume that the West didn't care for what was happening in Central Europe. They cared very much. That's why the Americans had planted their most pro- mising secret agent Allen Dulles, who later became the head of the CIA, into Vienna during the first world war. British television programmes are the very opposite of well-documented informa- tion. Whenever they produce a programme about Austria they concentrate on the days of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, when the autocratic emperor would wave his white-gloved hand to his loyal subjects, and the waltz king Johann Strauss pretended that the Danube is blue. From these good old days we are taken straight to Hitler's "triumphal march into Vienna", unaltered as they found it in the Nazi film archives, and culminating in the horror of the holocaust, because for reasons of their own, they had made Austria the whipping boy for most Nazi crimes. This unsavoury subject must always be dealt with by a rabbi—though most Vien- nese Jews were uncompromising apostates; the post-Hitler era seems to demand it in this way, and so we have to listen to legends about the unalterable forces of history, which have made the Jews, and the Jews only, carry the cross of persecution since the days when the Almighty had evicted Adam and Eve on a trumped up charge from the Garden of Eden. The Austrian labour movement which had fought heroically against fascism since the 'twenties received little credit from emigre writers in post-war literature. Famous Austrian writers like Stefan Zweig or Franz Werfel expressed no sympathy with the workers who had been fighting in the suburbs of Vienna to stop the onslaught of fascism. The very opposite was the wrathful voice of indignation of Karl Kraus, humanist, pacifist, satirist, the true political conscience of the time. An indefatigable fighter against hypocrisy and corruption, he published his own journal Die Fackel (from 1899 until 1935) in which he wrote everything the papers were trying to hush up. My father was born in Vienna in 1870, and was brought up by his widowed mother, a seamstress by trade who sewed up the elaborate underwear worn by the luscious full- bosomed ladies of the Hapsburg Empire. She was a maniac for cleanliness and her service to humanity was to grab unwashed little street urchins, immerse them in an old barrel which had originally served to hold pickled gherkins, scrub and delouse them, give them a chunk of whatever food she had in the house and send them home. Ethical Record, July/August 1990 3 There were many who regarded her as a saint, but others were outraged when she gave in to her innate radicalism and, without authorisation of the family, cut off little girls' locks, when non-violent means to exterminate the vermin seemed to her inadequate. My father started work at 10.delivering rolls for his uncle's bakery at six every morn- ing before going to school. At 18 after finishing grammar school, he won first prize as Austria's fastest shorthand writer, a feat which landed him a job as a stenographer in Parliament, which enabled him to pay his fees at the University to study law. His work in Parliament wasn't time consuming. Sessions were often suspended for weeks to avoid embarrassing debates about such matters as the shooting of striking workers by the army, which happened not infrequently in the eastern provinces of the monarchy. Leaders of the Social Democratic Party were often kept in prison, particularly when an election was to be held. It was a period of violent class struggles against the autocratic regime, which excluded workers, peasants and the middle class from any influence in government. Only in 1907 was general suffrage won by the people (women were still excluded). In 1914 war broke out, and my father was called up for the army. After messing about reluctantly with rifles and bayonets he was transferred to Bratislava, a small gar- rison town on the Danube, where we joined him. It was in the winter of 1916.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
    CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X.
    [Show full text]
  • Beginning to WW II: Reichstag Fire and Assault on Democracy in Germany
    H-War Beginning to WW II: Reichstag Fire and Assault on Democracy in Germany Discussion published by Wyatt Reader M.A. on Friday, August 6, 2021 Beginnings to WW II actually started befoe 1939 invasion by Germany of Poland; as early as the elections in 1930s, which brought Nazi Germans to the Govt. of Germany formed after WW I and its attempts to establish a Democracy within German following the loss during WW I and rule by an autocratic Monarchy in the Age of European Monarchies. Democracy suffered its first blows from the economic chaos created during the Great Depression and attempts to deal with economic collapse out of WW I. No attempt here to be the definitive recount to 20th Century History and its battle with despotism and dictatorship. However, it is worth relating these few online sources[3 of them] concerned with the Reichstag Fire, 4 months after the non-conclusive election in Germany created a need for coalition government due to lack of a clear political victory for Democracy's political leadership during the 1930s. Out of that shortfall, Nazi political party goals turned Germany on end by staging a false fire in the German Parliament of that day. The excuse claimed by Nazi's was Communist inspired threats had cause the burning of Germany's Parliament building[all too parallel to 1/6 US events]. This History of German internal political challenge to Democracy became the very Dictatorship that plunged the Nations and Peoples of the World into WW II and its murderous consequences for the US and beyond; it, also result in the consequences leading to shaping postwar 20th Century History down tto the very present times and latest generations.
    [Show full text]
  • Jef Last's Zuiderzee: the Price of Progress
    rI ! BASIL D. KINGSTONE, UNNERSITY OF WINDSOR I I Jef Last's Zuiderzee: The Price of Progress Jef Last was born in the Hague in 1898, the son of a of 1916 which finally leads the government to close off ship's captain. He attended Leiden University and the Zuiderzee, thr.ough the long hard struggle to connect studied Chinese, but while there he joined the socialist Wieringen to Holland, the closure of the Wieringermeer party, and his father promptly cut off his allowance. As and the creation of the Northwest Polder in 1930, and a result he took a variety of jobs during the 1920s, and the completion of the Afsluitdijk in 1932, to an undated in his choices we can see his future interests. His (and presumably imaginary) record-breaking storm and solidarity with the workers no doubt led him to protest flood which the great dyke successfully withstands. We at conditions in a textile mill where he worked, because see the lives, through this long period, of many people, there was a strike and he was fired. He was also a sailor but principally of the two fishermen Toen and Auke; in the merchant marine, and in later years he worked for Toen's sister Sistke and her second husband Wibren the seamen's union called the International Transport Sibesma, a Friesian peasant; his sister Boukje, and Federation. Once in New York he was a travelling another in-law, the engineer Brolsma, who is in charge salesman for a photographic portrait studio called of the dyke-building.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reichstag Fire Trial
    THE This is the third and last part of this series of articles on a criti­ REICHSTAG cal episode of modern times. The first two parts appeared in pre­ FIRE vious issues of LIBERA­ TION. by L BERNSTEIN Dimitrov, van der Lubbe, Goering. These are the characters, the main characters of the Reichstag fire trial. Goering the Nazi Minister; van der Lubbe, the scapegoat hireling; Dimitrov, the Communist revolutionary. Of the others there is little to say. They were accused, and they were defended. Dimitrov did not defend" himself; he attacked. Repeatedly, until the very end of the triel he demanded his right to bring counsel from abroad to appear on his behalf. To the end, his demands were refused by the court. In his last summing up to the court, he applied again, and failed again. , "I have no personal mistrust of Dr. Teicher" said Dimitrov of the German lawyer who assisted him in the preparation of his defence, "but in the present conditions in Germany I cannot have the necessary confidence in his official defence. For this rea­ son I am attempting to defend myself ... I do not wish to offend my party comrade Torgler, particularly as, in my opinion, his defending counsel has already offended him enough, but as far as I am concerned, I woidd sooner be sentenced to death by this court though innocent, than be acquitted by the sort of defence put forward by Dr. Sack (for Torgler.)" This statement is more than just the measure of the man; it is the spirit in which his defence was conducted.
    [Show full text]
  • South Dakota State University
    South Dakota State University POLS 165: Political Ideologies Concepts addressed: Political, economic systems & ideologies: Capitalism, socialism, communism, Marxism, Fascism, representative democracy, Democracy versus authoritarian systems Different: Fascism & Democracy • Democracy • Dignity of individual • Toleration of opposing ideas, parties • Protect individual rights • Equality before the law • Fascism • Statism • No toleration of opposing ideas, parties • No individual rights • No equality is advocated M-L Communism v Democracy • Dignity of individual; sense of morality & justice • Tolerate opposing parties • Individual rights: speech, press, religion, property rights • Only “morality”: what advances proletariat class • Not tolerate opposing parties • No individual rights; only class What Is Right or Left? • Degree of egalitarianism • Degree of change or stability often less important in recent century Main Ideas of Fascism • Irrationalism & use of myths, will rather than reason/philosophy) (M. 153) • Nationalism & violence; opposition to international law & order (M.151) • Authoritarianism, elitism, principle of leadership: Der Führer, Il Duce • Social Darwinism (struggle among humans & survival of fittest) • Repudiate parliamentary liberalism & bourgeois mentality • Group mind, volkgeist (spirit or will of people), escape from freedom • Corporatism (economy; organic society) Differences: Com & Fascism • M-L Comm • Class struggle divides society • State is mere superstructure • Egalitarian • Party as vanguard • Fascism • Unity,
    [Show full text]
  • At the Threshold with Simone Weil: a Political Theory of Migration and Refuge
    At the Threshold with Simone Weil: A Political Theory of Migration and Refuge by David L. G. Rice Department of Political Science Duke University Date: _____________ Approved: _______________________ Ruth W. Grant, Supervisor _______________________ Romand Coles _______________________ J. Peter Euben _______________________ Stanley Hauerwas _______________________ Thomas Spragens Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of Duke University 2012 ABSTRACT At the Threshold with Simone Weil: A Political Theory of Migration and Refuge by David L. G. Rice Department of Political Science Duke University Date: _____________ Approved: _______________________ Ruth W. Grant, Supervisor _______________________ Romand Coles _______________________ J. Peter Euben _______________________ Stanley Hauerwas _______________________ Thomas Spragens An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of Duke University 2012 Copyright by David Laurence Gonzalez Rice 2012 Abstract The persistent presence of refugees challenges political theorists to rethink our approaches to citizenship and national sovereignty. I look to philosopher Simone Weil (1909-1943), who brings to the Western tradition her insight as a refugee who attended to other refugees. Deploying the tropes of Threshold, Refuge, and Attention (which I garner and elaborate from her writings) I read Weil as an eminently political theorist whose practice of befriending political strangers maintains the urgent, interrogative insight of the refugee while tempering certain “temptations of exile.” On my reading, Weil’s body of theory travels physically and conceptually among plural, intersecting, and conflicting bodies politic, finding in each a source of limited, imperfect, and precious Refuge.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reichstag Fire
    THE REICHSTAG FIRE By L BERNSTEIN • THE FIRST OF TWO ARTICLES RECALLING A N IMPORTANT CHAPTER OF MODERN HISTORY. Tt is the period of the "desperate thirties/1 Throughout the world, the **• most bitter economic crisis of all time creeps like a blight, unseating governments, overturning thrones, bankrupting financiers and closing tho doors of factories. Hunger and starvation stalk the streets of the world'* capitals.. Unemployed men and women in millions tread the pavements, hopelessly looking for work that is not there. Nowhere is the crisis deeper than in Germany. By the beginnings of the thirties, three million workers are unemployed. Weekly wages have fallen from an average of 45 marks the year before to 37 marks. But the , . "The mechanism for the creation of divisions in the working class ... ceases to function; the working class moves in the direction of Com­ munism, and the capitalist rule approaches the emergency stage of military dictatorship . • The only safeguard from this acute stage is if the division and holding back of the working class . is carried out by other and more direct means. In this lie the posi­ tive opportunities and tasks of National Socialism." Statement by the Union of Germany Industry, August 1932. end is not in sight. By 1931, the number of workless has risen to six million, and average wages have dropped by another 10 marks; by 1932, nine million, and the numbers of the unemployed growing every day, swelled by uncounted thousands of shopkeepers and peasants forced into bankruptcy. It is a period of desperation; in every strata of society there is a feeling that changes must be made; things can not go on they way they are.
    [Show full text]
  • The Enabling Act of 23 March 1933 the Political Situation in the Final Stages of the Weimar Republic Was Confusing and Unstable
    HISTORICAL EXHIBITION PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Enabling Act of 23 March 1933 The political situation in the final stages of the Weimar Republic was confusing and unstable. Changing cabinets and coalitions and political, social and economic crises were the order of the day. Paul von Hindenburg, President of the Reich, was resorting more and more frequently to emergency decrees and dissolved the Reichstag twice in 1932. The prevailing political conditions facilitated the transition of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) from a radical splinter group to a party of government. In the two elections to the Reichstag in 1932 and in the election of 1933, which was free only on paper, the NSDAP won the largest share of the vote by far. On 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler was appointed Chancellor of the Reich by President Hindenburg. Hitler was thus placed at the head of a cabinet comprising non-attached Conservative ministers, members of the NSDAP and representatives of the German National People’s Party (DNVP). The direction in which the political situation would develop under Hitler became clear only shortly after he took office. The Reichstag Fire Decree (Reichstagsbrandverordnung), enacted only one day after the fire in the Reichstag building on 27 February 1933, severely curtailed fundamental rights, subjected the police largely to the control of the national government and thereby created all sorts of opportunities for the persecution and elimination of political opponents, which the police and the so- called auxiliary police forces formed by SA and SS troops exploited to the full. The next step towards the ‘Führer state’ was the abolition of parliamentary democracy and the rule of law.
    [Show full text]
  • Images of the Worker in John Heartfield's Pro-Soviet Photomontages a Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School A
    Images of the Worker in John Heartfield’s Pro-Soviet Photomontages A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of Missouri-Columbia In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by DANA SZCZECINA Dr. James van Dyke, Thesis Supervisor DECEMBER 2020 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the thesis entitled IMAGES OF THE WORKER IN JOHN HEARTFIELD’S PRO=SOVIET PHOTOMONTAGES Presented by Dana Szczecina, a candidate for the degree of master of the arts , and hereby certify that in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. Professor James van Dyke Professor Seth Howes Professor Anne Stanton ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am deeply grateful for the guidance and support of my thesis adviser Dr. van Dyke, without whom I could not have completed this project. I am also indebted to Dr, Seth Howes and Dr. Anne Stanton, the other two members of my thesis committee who provided me with much needed and valuable feedback. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………ii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS……………………………………………………………………………….iv ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………..vii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………1 Chapter One……………………………………………………………………………………………...11 Chapter Two……………………………………………………………………………………………25 Chapter Three……………………………………………………………………………………………45 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...68 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………………….71 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Film und Foto, Installation shot, Room 3, 1929. Photograph by Arthur Ohler. (Akademie der Künste, Berlin, Archiv Bildende Kunst.)…………………………….1 2. John Heartfield, Five Fingers Has the Hand, 1928 (Art Institute Chicago)…………………………………………………………………..1 3. John Heartfield, Little German Christmas Tree, 1934 (Akademie der Künste)…………………………………………………………………3 4. Gustav Klutsis, All Men and Women Workers: To the Election of the Soviets, 1930 (Art Institute Chicago)……………………………………………………………6 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Nber Working Paper Series Austerity and the Rise Of
    NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES AUSTERITY AND THE RISE OF THE NAZI PARTY Gregori Galofré-Vilà Christopher M. Meissner Martin McKee David Stuckler Working Paper 24106 http://www.nber.org/papers/w24106 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 December 2017 Earlier versions of this paper were presented at Oxford, UC Davis, UC Berkeley, Michigan, New York University, UCLA, University of Groningen, University of Bocconi, Australian National University, and UC Irvine. We thank seminar participants at those institutions. We would also like to thank Philipp Ager, Barbara Biasi, Víctor Durà-Vilà, Barry Eichengreen, Peter Lindert, Petra Moser, Burkhard Schipper, Veronica Toffolutti, Nico Voigtländer, Tamás Vonyó, Hans- Joachim Voth, and Noam Yuchtman, for a series of constructive suggestions and assistance. We acknowledge Maja Adena, Ruben Enikolopov, Hans-Joachim Voth and Nico Voigtländer for sharing data. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. At least one co-author has disclosed a financial relationship of potential relevance for this research. Further information is available online at http://www.nber.org/papers/w24106.ack NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2017 by Gregori Galofré-Vilà, Christopher M. Meissner, Martin McKee, and David Stuckler. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source.
    [Show full text]
  • The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building
    The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building 6 Foreword by the President of the German Bundestag, Wolfgang Schäuble Hans Wilderotter 9 “Here beats the heart of democracy” Structure and function of the Bundestag 10 The ‘forum of the nation’: the Bundestag at the heart of the German Constitution 14 “Representatives of the whole people”: the Members of Parliament 22 “The President shall represent the Bundestag”: the President of the Bundestag, the Presidium and the Council of Elders 32 “Permanent subdivisions of the Bundestag”: the parliamentary groups 40 “Microcosms of the Chamber”: the committees 48 Strategy and scrutiny: study commissions, committees of inquiry, the Parliamentary Oversight Panel and the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Armed Forces 54 “The visible hub of parliamentary business”: the plenary chamber 62 “Federal laws shall be adopted by the Bundestag”: legislation and legislative processes 76 “Establishing a united Europe”: Bundestag participation in the process of European integration Content Hans Wilderotter 83 The long road to democracy Milestones in Germany’s parliamentary history 84 “... the real school of Vormärz liberalism”: parliaments in Germany before 1848 88 “We will create a constitution for Germany”: the German National Assembly in St Paul’s Church, Frankfurt am Main 106 A “written document as the Constitution of the Prussian Kingdom”: the constituent National Assembly and the Prussian House of Representatives in Berlin 122 Democracy without parliamentarianism:
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchy and the Nation: German Anarchism, Nationalism, and Revolution in Spain, 1933-1937 Matthew Alh L University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
    University of Wisconsin Milwaukee UWM Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations May 2014 Anarchy and the Nation: German Anarchism, Nationalism, and Revolution in Spain, 1933-1937 Matthew alH l University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.uwm.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Hall, Matthew, "Anarchy and the Nation: German Anarchism, Nationalism, and Revolution in Spain, 1933-1937" (2014). Theses and Dissertations. 405. https://dc.uwm.edu/etd/405 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by UWM Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UWM Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ANARCHY AND THE NATION: GERMAN ANARCHISM, NATIONALISM, AND REVOLUTION IN SPAIN, 1933-1937 by Matthew Hall A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee May 2014 ABSTRACT ANARCHY AND THE NATION: GERMAN ANARCHISM, NATIONALISM, AND REVOLUTION IN SPAIN, 1933-1937 by Matthew Hall The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2014 Under the Supervision of Professor Winson Chu The relationship between anarchism and nationalism is poorly articulated in the scholarly literature and heavily contested within the modern anarchist movement. Between 1933 and 1937, a group of German anarchists, living in Spain and caught in that country’s civil war and revolution in 1936, dealt with this question in their time in exile in Barcelona. Never explicitly confronting the issue of nationalism within their ranks, the Gruppe Deutsche Anarchosyndikalisten im Auslands (Gruppe DAS) nevertheless used nationally motivating iconography, discourse, and institutions to strengthen their constituencies and attract new ones.
    [Show full text]