Talking Culture: New Boundaries, New Rhetorics of Exclusion in Europe Author(s): Verena Stolcke Reviewed work(s): Source: Current , Vol. 36, No. 1, Special Issue: Ethnographic Authority and Cultural Explanation (Feb., 1995), pp. 1-24 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2744220 . Accessed: 20/01/2012 06:09

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(D.Phil.,I970). She conductedfield and archivalresearch in Cuba in I967-68 and in Sao Paulo, Brazil,between I973 and I979. She is the authorof Marriage, Class, and Colourin Nineteenth- SIDNEY W. MINTZ LECTURE CenturyCuba (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, I974, re- printedby the Universityof Michigan Press in i989), Planters, FOR I993 Workers,and Wives:Class Conflictand GenderRelations on SaioPaulo Plantations,i850-i980 (Oxford:St. Antony's/Macmil- lan, i988); "Women'sLabours: The Naturalisationof Social In- equalityand Women'sSubordination," in Of Marriageand the Market,edited by K. Young,C. Wolkowitz,and R. McCullagh (London:Routledge and KeganPaul, i98i), "New Reproductive Talking Culture Technologies-Old Fatherhood,"Reproductive and GeneticEngi- neeringI (i), and "Is Sex to Genderas Race Is to Ethnicity?"in GenderedAnthropology, edited by Teresadel Valle (London: Routledge,I993). The presentpaper was submittedin finalform New Boundaries,New Rhetorics I5 VI 94. of Exclusion in Europe'

Es gibt zwei Sortenvon Ratten, by Verena Stolcke die hungrigenund die satten; die Satten bleiben vergniigtzuhaus, die Hungrigenwandern aus . . . Oh weh, sie sind schon in der Ndh. HEINRICH HEINE In the contemporarydebate concerning European integration and the "problem"of Third World immigration no less thanin devel- and fromnow on as much in the soci- opmentsin anthropologyin the past decade,the boundedness of Everywhere, culturesand culturaldifference have gainednew prominence.An- ety of originas in the host society,[the immigrant] thropologyneeds not onlyto explorehow globalizationaffects calls fora completerethinking of the legitimate the discipline'sclassical subjectsbut also to paymore attention bases of citizenshipand of the relationshipbetween to the new waysin whichcultural differences and cleavagesare the state and the or .An absent conceptualizedat its source.In effect,the political right in Eu- ropehas in thepast decadedeveloped a politicalrhetoric of exclu- presence,he obliges us to question not only the reac- sion in whichThird World immigrants, who proceedin part tions of rejection which, takingthe state as an ex- fromits ex-colonies,are construedas posinga threatto thena- pression of the nation, are vindicated by claiming to tionalunity of the "host" countriesbecause theyare culturally base citizenshipon commonalityof language and different.This rhetoricof exclusionhas generallybeen identified culture(if not "race") but also the assimilationist as a new formof racism. I argue,instead, that, rather than as- sertingdifferent endowments of human races, it postulatesa pro- "generosity"that, confidentthat the state, armed pensityin humannature to rejectstrangers. This assumptionun- with education, will know how to reproducethe na- derliesa radicalopposition between nationals and immigrantsas tion, would seek to conceal a universalistchauvin- foreignersinformed by a reifiednotion of bounded and distinct, ism. localizednational- and heritagethat is employed to rationalizethe call forrestrictive immigration policies. Follow- PIERRE BOURDIEU inga systematiccomparison of the contrastingconceptual struc- turesof the two doctrines,I concludethat the contemporarycul- The uniqueness of European culture,which emerges turalfundamentalism of the politicalright is, withrespect to fromthe historyof the diversityof regional and na- traditionalracism, both old and new. It is old in thatit drawsfor tional constitutesthe basic prerequisitefor its argumentativeforce on theunresolved contradiction in the cultures, modernconception of the nation-statebetween an organicistand European union. a voluntaristidea ofbelonging. It is new in that,because racism COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES has becomediscredited politically, it attributesthe alleged incom- patibilitybetween different cultures to an incapacityof different As anthropologygradually outgrows postmodernist self- culturesto communicatethat is inherentin humannature. scrutinyand cultural self-examinationand moves back into the real world,neither the worldnor the discipline VERENA STOLCKE is professorof social anthropologyin the De- partamentode Historiade SociedadesPrecapitalistas y Antropo- is any longerthe same. Anthropologistshave leamed to logia Social ofthe UniversidadAut6noma de Barcelona.Born in be more sensitiveto the formidabledifficulties involved Germanyin I938, she was educatedat OxfordUniversity in making sense of cultural diversitywithout losing sightof sharedhumanity. At the same time,the notions of cultureand culturaldifference, anthropology's classi- i. This paperwas delivered,as the I993 SidneyW. MintzLecture to the Departmentof Anthropology of the JohnsHopkins Univer- cal stock-in-trade,have become ubiquitous in the popu- sityon Novemberi5, I993. It is based on researchconducted ir lar and political languagein which Westerngeopolitical i99i-92 whileI was a JeanMonnet fellow at theEuropean Univer conflictsand realignmentsare beingphrased. Anthropol- sityInstitute in Florence.I thankespecially my fellow fellows Mi ogists in recent years have paid heightenedcritical at- chael Harbsmeier,Eric Heilman,and Sol Picciottofor the many fruitfuldiscussions we had on thetopics I raiseand Ram6nVald6& tentionto the many ways in which Westerneconomic of the UniversidadAut6noma de Barcelonafor his commentsor and culturalhegemony has invadedthe restof the world an earlierversion. and to how "other" cultureshave resistedand reworked T 2 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

theseinsidious influences. How these "others"are being the slogan "ForeignersOut!" There is a growingsense politicallyand culturallyrethought by the West, where that Europeans need to develop a feelingof shared cul- the idea of cultural distinctnessis being endowed with tureand identityof purpose in orderto providethe ideo- new divisive force,has, however,attracted surprisingly logical support for European economic and political little interestamong anthropologists.I want to address union that will enable it to succeed. But the idea of a one major instance of contemporaryculture-bounded supranational culturally integratedEurope and how political rhetoric. much space is to be accorded to national and regional SidneyMintz has workedfor many years towardun- cultures and identities are matters of intense dispute coveringthe logic and power of racism in systems of because of the challenge to national sovereigntiesthey dominationand exclusion in the New World.It is surely are variously felt to pose (Gallo I989; Cassen I993; appropriateto focus my lecture in his honor on the re- Commissionof the EuropeanCommunities I987, I992). surgenceof essentialistideologies in the Old World.On By contrast,immigrants, in particularthose fromthe one of his tripsto Paris he himselfprophesied some of poorSouth (and,more recently,also fromthe East) who these developmentsmore than 2o yearsago, noting that, seek shelterin the wealthyNorth, have all overWestern whereas issues of race were absent fromFrench anthro- Europecome to be regardedas undesirable,threatening pology,in contrastwith the North American variety, strangers,aliens. The extracommunitarianimmigrants because of the differentpositions the discipline's sub- already"in our midst" are the targetsof mountinghos- jects (internallyor externallycolonial) occupied in rela- tilityand violence as politiciansof the rightand conser- tion to the respectivenational communities,France was vative governmentsfuel popular fears with a rhetoric beginningto experienceracism as ever-growingnumbers Dfexclusion that extols national identitypredicated on ofimmigrants arrived from its ex-colonies(Mintz I 97 I). zulturalexclusiveness. The alarmingspread of hostilityand violence in Eu- The social and political tensionsthat extracommuni- rope against immigrantsfrom the Third Worldhas pro- tarianimmigration has provokedin a contextof succes- voked much soul-searchingin the past decade over the 3ive economic crises have been accompanied by a resurgenceof the old demon of racism in a new guise. I heightenedconcern over national culturalidentities that want to propose,however, that a perceptibleshift in the has eroded the cosmopolitanhopes professedin the af- rhetoricof exclusion can now be detected.From what termathof the deadly horrorsof the Nazi race policies were once assertionsof the differingendowment of hu- f World War II. The demons of race and eugenics ap- man races therehas risen since the seventiesa rhetoric ?earedto have been politicallyif not scientificallyexor- of inclusion and exclusion that emphasizes the distinc- ,ised partlyby the work done by UNESCO and other tiveness of cultural identity,traditions, and heritage )odiesin defenseof human equalityin culturaldiversity amonggroups and assumes the closure of cultureby ter- Lnthe Boasian traditionafter I945 (Nye I993:669; Levi- ritory(Soysal I993). I intendfirst to examine the nature 5traussI978, I985; Haraway I988). Yet culturalidentity of this shift in the way in which European anti- md distinctiveness,ideas which until then seemed to immigrantsentiment is phrased. Then I will trace the )e a peculiar obsession only of anthropologists,have social and political roots and the implications of this iow come to occupy a centralplace in the way in which new rhetoric.The formationof liberal states and notions inti-immigrationsentiments and policies are being ra- of belonginghas, of course, been quite differentfrom ;ionalized. one WesternEuropean countryto another.History may There is a growingpropensity in the popularmood in explain the originsof these differentpolitical traditions, Europe to blame all the socioeconomic ills resulting but it is not the cause of their continuity;each period :rom the recession and capitalist readjustments- interpretshistory according to contemporaryneeds. anemployment,housing shortages, mounting delin- Therefore,I will conclude by contrastingthe ways in luency, deficienciesin social services-on immigrants which the national political repertoiresof Britainand xho lack "our" moral and cultural values, simply be- France have shaped and been employed to legitimate :ause they are there (see TaguieffI99I for a detailed mountinganimosity against immigrants. mnalysisand challenge of these imputationsin the case The buildingof Europe is a twofoldprocess. As intra- AfFrance.) The advocates of a halt to immigrationand Europeanborders become progressivelymore permeable, .ike-mindedpoliticians have added to the popular ani- externalboundaries are ever more tightlyclosed.2 Strin- nositytoward immigrants by artificiallyincreasing the gentlegal controlsare put in place to exclude what have 5cale of the "problem." Allusions to an "immigration come to be known as extracommunitarianimmigrants lood" and an "emigrationbomb" serve to intensifydif- as partiesof the rightappeal forelectoral supportwith use popularfears, thereby diverting spreading social dis- ,ontentfrom the truecauses of the economic recession. Dpponentsof immigrationoften add to this the conser- 2. One sign of the sense of urgencyover immigration control is iative demographicargument which attributesdeclin- theinformal intergovernmental bodies, such as theTrevi group of ng socioeconomic opportunitiesand povertyand the ministers,the Ad Hoc Groupon Immigration,and the Schengen Accord,set up sincethe midseventies. These organizations,which :onsequentdesire or need to emigrateto the " are not accountableto the EuropeanParliament, have served,al- )omb" ticking away in the Third World, which is most in secrecy,to harmonizepolicy amongmember countries )lamed on immigrants' own improvidence. They (Bunyan I99I, Ford I99I). ;herebymask the economic-politicalroots of modern STOLCKE Talking Culture| 3

povertyand insteadjustify aggressive population control immigrantcommunities and its call fora curbon immi- programswhose targetsare women in the poor South. grationhad anythingto do with racism (see Asad I990 Advocates of a halt to immigrationtalk of a "threshold on the idea of Britishness,constructed out of the values of tolerance," alluding to what ethologistshave called and sensibilitiesof the English dominantclass; see also the territorialimperative-the alleged factthat popula- Dodd I986). People "by nature" preferredto live among tions (note, among animals) tend to defendtheir terri- their"own kind" ratherthan in a multiculturalsociety, tory against "intruders"when these exceed a certain this attitudebeing, "afterall," a "natural," instinctive proportionestimated variously at 12-25 % because oth- reactionto the presence of people with a differentcul- erwisesevere social tensionsare bound to arise (Zungaro tureand origin.As AlfredSherman, director of the right- i992; Erdheimi992:i9). The mediaand politiciansal- wing Institutefor Policy Studies and one of the main lude to the threatof culturalestrangement or alienation theoreticiansof this doctrine,elaborated in I978, "Na- (Winkleri992, Kallscheueri992). In otherwords, the tional consciousnessis the sheet anchorfor the uncondi- "problem" is not "us" but "them." "We" are the mea- tional loyaltiesand acceptanceof duties and responsibil- sure of the good life which "they" are threateningto ities, based on personalidentification with the national undermine,and this is so because "they" are foreigners community,which underliecivic dutyand patriotism" and culturally"different." Although rising unemploy- (quotedin Barkeri98i:2o; see also I979). Immigrants ment,the housingshortage, and deficientsocial services in large numbers would destroythe "homogeneityof are obviously not the fault of immigrants,"they" are the nation." A multiracial(sic) societywould inevitably effectivelymade into the scapegoatsfor "our" socioeco- endangerthe "values" and "culture" ofthe whitemajor- nomic problems.This line of argumentis so persuasive ity and unleash social conflict.These were nonrational, because it appeals to the "national habitus," an exclusi- instinctualfears built aroundfeelings of loyaltyand be- vist notion of belonging and political and economic longing(Barker and Beezer I983: I25).3 As Enoch Powell rightsconveyed by the modernidea of the nation-state had arguedin I969, "an instinctto preservean identity (Elias I99I) centralto which is the assumptionthat for- and defenda territoryis one of the deepestand strongest eigners,strangers from without, are not entitledto share implantedin mankind . . . and . . . its beneficialeffects in "national" resources and wealth, especially when arenot exhausted" (quoted in Barkeri98i:22). these are apparentlybecoming scarce. It is conveniently Until the late seventies such nationalistclaims were forgotten,for example, that immigrants often do the jobs put forwardonly by a few (thoughvociferous) ideologues that natives won't. Similarlyoverlooked are the other- ofthe rightwho went out oftheir way to distancethem- wise much bemoaned consequences of the population selves fromthe overtracism ofthe National Front,mor- implosion in the wealthy North, that is, the very low ally discreditedby its associationwith Nazi ideology.By birthrates in an agingEurope, for the viabilityof indus- the eighties,with mountingeconomic difficultiesand trial and the welfarestate (Below-replacement growinganimosity against immigrants,in an effortto fertilityI986, BerquoI993). The questionwhy, if there gain electoralsupport the Tory partyhad adopted a dis- is shortageof work, intoleranceand aggressionare not course of exclusion which was similarlyinfused by ex- directedagainst one's fellow citizens is neverraised. pressionsof fear for the integrityof the nationalcommu- The meaning and nature of these rationalizationsof nity,way oflife, tradition, and loyaltyunder threat from animositytoward immigrants and the need to curb ex- immigrants(Barker I979). One symptomaticexample of tracommunitarianimmigration have been highlycon- this ideological alignment of the Tory partywith its troversial.I will here analyze the rightistrhetoric of ex- rightis MargaretThatcher's much-quotedstatement of clusion rather than examining the logic of popular I978 that "people are reallyrather afraid that this coun- anti-immigrantresentment. Popular reactions and senti- trymight be swampedby people with a differentculture. mentscannot simplybe extrapolatedfrom the discourse And, you know, the Britishcharacter has done so much of the political class. fordemocracy, for law, and done so much throughout the world, that if there is a fear that it might be swamped, people are going to react and be hostile to thosecoming in" (quotedin FitzpatrickI987:i2i). To Immigrants:A Threat to the Cultural protect"the nation" fromthe threatimmigrants with Integrityof the Nation alien cultures posed for social cohesion, their entry needed to be curbed. In the early eighties Dummett identifieda change in Britainin the idiom in which rejectionof immigrants when she drewattention to the ten- was beingexpressed 3. Barkersummed up the argumentof what he called "the new dencyto attributesocial tensionsto the presenceof im- racism"as follows:"Immigrants threaten to 'swamp'us withtheir migrants with alien cultures rather than to racism alien culture:and if theyare allowed in in largenumbers, they (Dummettand Martin i982:ioi, myemphasis; see also will destroythe 'homogeneityof the nation.'At the heartof this Dummett I973). As earlyas in the late sixties the right 'new racism'is the notionof cultureand tradition.A community is its culture,its way of lifeand its traditions.To breakthese is in Britainwas exalting "Britishculture" and the "na- to shatterthe community.These are non-rational(and indeed,in tional community,"distancing itself from racial catego- the fullyfledged version, instinctual), built around feelings of loy- ries and denyingwith insistencethat its hostilitytoward altyand belonging." 4 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

A similar shiftin the rhetoricof exclusion has also Cultural Fundamentalism:A New been identifiedwithin the French political right.Ta- Constructionof Exclusion guieff's(I98I) is probablythe most detailed,though con- troversial,analysis of ideological developmentsamong The emergenceof cultureas "the key semanticterrain" the various tendenciesof the Frenchright since the sev- (Benthalland Knight I993:2) ofpolitical discourse needs, enties. It is controversialbecause the author at once however,to be more carefullyexplored. I want to argue harshlycriticizes antiracistorganizations for invoking, that it is misleading to see in the contemporaryanti- in their defense of immigrants'"right to difference," immigrantrhetoric of the righta new formof racism or what he regardsas an equally essentialistconception of a racism in disguise.This is, of course,no mere quibble culturaldifference (see also Duranton-CrabolI988). The overwords. Not fora momentdo I want to trivializethe Frenchright began orchestratingits anti-immigrantof- sociopoliticalimport of this novel exaltationof cultural fensiveby espousingwhat Taguieffhas termeda "differ- difference,but to combat the beast we need to know ential racism,"a doctrinewhich exalts the essentialand what sort it is. To this end we need to do more than irreduciblecultural differenceof non-Europeanimmi- uncover the strategicmotives forthe right'sdisavowal grant communities whose presence is condemned for of racism and analyze the conceptual structureof this threateningthe "host" country'soriginal national iden- new political discourse and the repertoireof ideas on tity.A core element of this doctrineof exclusion is the which it draws. repudiationof "cultural miscegenation"for the sake of A substantiveconceptual shiftthat can be detected the unconditional preservationof one's own original among political rightistsand conservativestoward an purportedlybiocultural identity. By contrastwith earlier anti-immigrantrhetoric predicated on culturaldiversity "inegalitarianracism" (Taguieff'sterm), rather than in- and incommensurabilityis, in fact,informed by certain feriorizingthe "other" it exalts the absolute,irreducible assumptionsimplicit in the modernnotions of citizen- differenceof the "self" and the incommensurabilityof ship,national identity,and the nation-state.Even if this differentcultural identities.A key concept of this new celebrationof national-culturalintegrity instead of ap- rhetoricis the notion of enracinement(rootedness). To peals to racial purityis a political ploy, this does not preserveboth Frenchidentity and those of immigrants explain why the rightand conservatives,in theirefforts in their diversity,the latter ought to stay at home or to protect themselves from accusations of racism, returnthere. Collective identityis increasinglycon- should have resortedto theinvocation of national-cum- ceived in termsof ethnicity,culture, heritage, tradition, cultural identity and incommensurabilityto do this. memory,and difference,with onlyoccasional references This culturalistrhetoric is distinctfrom racism in that to "blood" and "race." As Taguieffhas argued,"differen- it reifiesculture conceived as a compact,bounded, local- tial racism" constitutes a strategydesigned by the ized, and historicallyrooted set of traditionsand values Frenchright to mask what has become a "clandestine transmittedthrough the generationsby drawingon an racism" (PP. 330-37). ideological repertoirethat dates back to the contradic- Notwithstandingthe insistentemphasis on cultural toryigth-century conception of the nation-state.4 identityand difference,scholars have tendedto identify Ratherthan assertingdifferent endowments of human a "new style of racism" in the anti-immigrantrhetoric races, contemporarycultural fundamentalism (as I have of the right(Barker I98I, I979; TaguieffI987; Solomos chosen to designate the contemporaryanti-immigrant I99I; Wieviorka I993). Several related reasons have rhetoricof the right)emphasizes differencesof cultural been adduced forthis. Analysts in France no less than heritageand theirincommensurability. The term"fun- in Britain attributethis culturalistdiscourse of exclu- damentalism"has conventionallybeen reservedfor de- sion to a sort of political dialectic between antiracists' scribing antimodern, neotraditionalistreligious phe- condemnationof racism for its association with Nazi nomena and movements interpretedas a reaction to race theories and the right'sattempts to gain political socioeconomic and culturalmodernization. As I will ar- respectabilityby masking the racist undertonesof its gue, however,the exaltationin the contemporarysecu- anti-immigrantprogram. Besides, ordering humans hier- lar cultural fundamentalismof the rightof primordial archicallyinto races has become indefensiblescientifi- national identities and loyalties is not premodern,for cally (BarkerI98I, TaguieffI987), and it is a mistake the assumptionson which it is based forma contradic- to suppose that racism developed historicallyonly as a torypart of modernity(Dubiel i992, Klingeri992). justificationof relations of domination and inequality There is somethinggenuinely distinct from traditional (BarkerI98I). Lastly, even when this new "theoryof racismin the conceptual structureof this new doctrine, " (Barker198I) does not employracial cate- whichhas to do with the apparentlyanachronistic resur- gories,the demand to exclude immigrantsby virtueof gence,in the modern,economically globalized world, of their being culturally different"aliens" is ratified a heightenedsense ofprimordial identity, cultural differ- throughappeals to basic human instincts,that is, in terms of a pseudobiological theory.Even though the term"race" may,therefore, be absentfrom 4. See Asad (i990) fora differentthematization of British identity thisrhetoric, thatattempts to reconcilea defenseof British cultural values with it is racism nonetheless,a "racism without race" (Rex tolerancefor cultural diversity in the aftermathof the Rushdie I973:I9I-9.2; Balibar I99I; Solomos i99i; GilroyI99I: affairreceived with approval by liberal opinion outside the Conser- I86-87). vativeparty. STOLCKE TalkingCulture I s

ence, and exclusiveness. What distinguishes conven- up yet anothercommittee of inquiry,this time into rac- tional racism fromthis sortof culturalfundamentalism ism and xenophobia.Its task was to assess the efficacy is the way in which those who allegedly threatenthe of the declarationand to update the informationon ex- social peace of the nation are perceived.The difference tra-Europeanimmigration in the light of the extension betweenthese two doctrinesresides, first, in the way in offreedom of movement within Europe to be introduced which those who are theirrespective targets are concep- in I992-93 (EuropeanParliament I990). The notionof tualized-whether theyare conceived as naturallyinfe- xenophobiawas thus incorporated,without any further riormembers or as strangers,aliens, to the polity,be it attemptto dispel its ambiguities,into European Parlia- a state,an empire,or a commonwealth.Cultural funda- ment parlance. The media and politicians have equally mentalism legitimates the exclusion of foreigners, picked up the idea, and it has captured the European strangers.Racism has usually provideda rationalization imaginationin general.It was this terminologicalinno- forclass prerogativesby naturalizingthe socioeconomic vation which firstmade me wonderwhether there was inferiorityof the underprivileged(to disarmthem politi- not something distinct to the rhetoric of exclusion cally)or claims ofnational supremacy(Blanckaert I988). wherebyanti-immigrant sentiment in WesternEurope Second, whereas both doctrines constituteideological is justified.5 themeswhich "naturalize" and therebyaim to neutral- "Xenophobia" literally means "hostility toward ize specificsociopolitical cleavages whose real roots are strangersand all that is foreign"(Le Petit Robert I967). economic-political,they do this in conceptuallydiffer- Cashmore, in his I984 Dictionary of Race and Ethnic ent ways. "Equality" and "difference"tend to be arrayed Relations, still dismissed the term as a "somewhat against each other in political discourse in both cases, vague psychologicalconcept describing a person'sdispo- but the "difference"which is invoked and the meaning sitionto fear(or abhor) other persons or groupsperceived with which it is endowed differ.There may be occa- as outsiders" because of its uncertain meaning and sional referencesto "blood" or "race," but thereis more hence its limited analyticalvalue in that it presupposes to this culturalist discourse than the idea of insur- underlyingcauses which it does not analyze; therefore, mountableessential culturaldifferences or a kindof bio- he thought(as it has turnedout, wrongly),"it has fallen logical culturalism(Lawrence I982:83), namely,the as- fromthe contemporaryrace and ethnicrelations vocabu- sumption that relations between differentcultures are lary" (P. 3I4). Eitherthe root causes of this attitudeare by "nature" hostile and mutuallydestructive because it not specifiedor it is takenfor granted that people have a is in human natureto be ethnocentric;different cultures "natural"propensity to fearand rejectoutsiders because ought,therefore, to be kept apartfor their own good. theyare different.6The right'sexplicit sympathy and the

Homo xenophobicus 5. Scholarshave notedincreasingly frequent reference to xenopho- bia. Becausehostility toward immigrants is, in practice,selective, Taguieff(i987:337, my translation),for example, has arguedfor A furthersupposition regardinghuman nature can, in the Frenchcase that "in sum, the xenophobicattitude indicates effect,be foundin political as well as popular discourse onlya limit;it nevermanifests itself in a strictsense (as therejec- on extracommunitarianimmigration in the eighties. tionof the foreigner as such)but results from a moreor less explicit Newspaper headlines, politicians, and scholars invoke hierarchyof rejected groups. It is nota rejectionof the 'other' which the term "xenophobia" along with racism to describe does not choose amongits 'others'and does not presupposea set ofvalues whichauthorize discrimination. Any xenophobia in this mountinganti-immigrant animosity. In I984, forexam- sense constitutesa latentracism, a nascentracism" (Enfin l'atti- ple, the European Parliamentconvened a committeeof tudex6nophobe n'indique qu'une limite,elle ne se manifesteja- inquiryto reporton the rise of fascism and racism in mais au sens strict(rejet de l'6trangercomme tel), mais proc6de Europein a firstattempt to assess the extentand mean- d'unehierarchie plus ou moinsexplicite des groupesrejet6s. Il n'est pas de rejectde "l'autre"qui ne s6lectionneparmi ses "autres,"et ing of anti-immigranthostility. In I985 the committee ne sous-entendeune 6chellede valeursautorisant la discrimina- concludedthat "a new typeof spectrenow hauntsEuro- tion.Toute x6nophobie est en ce sensun racismelatent, un racisme pean politics: xenophobophilia." The reportdescribed a l'6tatnaissant). Taguieff therefore also disagrees(pp. 8o-8 i) with xenophobiaas "a latent resentmentor 'feeling,'an atti- Levi-Strauss'scelebrated though controversial distinction between tude that goes beforefascism or racism and can prepare ethnocentrismas a universalattitude of culturalself-preservation and creativityand racismas a doctrinethat justifies oppression the groundfor them but, in itself,does not fall within and exploitation,which gained new prominencein theFrench de- the purview of the law and legal prevention(Evregenis bate over immigration.Others have also interpretedxenophobic i985:6o). The componentsof this more or less diffuse claims as a second-levelracist discourse (Langmuir I978:i82 and feelingand of increasingtensions between the national Delacampagne i983:42-43, cited by TaguieffI987:79-80, 5og). For and immigrantcommunities and theirassociation with a critiqueof Levi-Strauss'scultural relativism see Geertz(I986). More recently,Todorov (i989:8i-io9) has taken Levi-Strauss to a general sense of social malaise, it was argued,were task forradical relativism and extremecultural determinism. See admittedlydifficult to identify,but one element was also Levi-Strauss (I994:42o-26). "the time-honoureddistrust of strangers,fear of the fu- 6. B6jin (i986:306, my translation),for example, has asked in a ture combinedwith a self-defensivereflex" (p. 92). One critiqueof antiracists,"Why has this naturaland even healthy ethnocentrismwhich has beengenerated in Europein recentyears outcome of the committee's work was a Declaration producedexpressions of exasperation?It is the antiraciststhem- against Racism and Xenophobia made public in I986 selves who provideus withan adequate,even obviousanswer to (EuropeanParliament i986). In I989 the Parliamentset this questionwhen theyinsist that allegedly'racist' politicians 6 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995 affinityof its argumentwith key postulates of human This claim is as politically dangerousas it is scientifi- ethologyand sociobiologyhave been noted repeatedly cally debatable, for history,by contrast,for example, (BarkerI98I: chap. 5; Duranton-CrabolI988:44, 7 I-8I). with biology,is unable to prove human universals,at The scientificweaknesses of notions of human nature least as far as our contemporaryunderstanding of the based on biological principlessuch as the territorialim- human experience goes. Besides, it is not difficultto perativeand the tribalinstinct, according to which hu- come up with examples demonstratingthe fallacyof the mans no less than animals have a natural tendencyto idea that xenophobia is part of the human condition. formbounded social groups and for the sake of their The war in Bosnia providesprobably the most tragiccon- own survivalto differentiatethemselves from and to be temporaryinstance. Until Serbian radical nationalism hostile to outsidershave been reiterated(see, e.g., Sah- tore them apart,Muslims, Serbs, and Croats had lived lins I976, Rose, Lewontin, and Kamin I984, Gould togetheras neighborsin their acknowledgedreligious i98i). The point here is, however,to show why a belief and othercultural differences. in Homo xenophobicus has so much commonsenseap- Xenophobia, an attitude supposedly inherentin hu- peal. man nature,constitutes the ideological underpinningof Strikingin that it suggests that this assumption is cultural fundamentalismand accounts for people's al- not restrictedto the scientificor political rightis, for leged tendencyto value theirown culturesto the exclu- example, Cohn-Benditand Schmid's (I99I:5, my trans- sion of any other and thereforebe incapable of living lation)recent argument that "the indignationover xeno- side by side. Contemporarycultural fundamentalism is phobia (Fremdenhass),which suggestsas an antidotea based, then, on two conflatedassumptions: that differ- policy of open borders,is somehow false and dangerous. ent culturesare incommensurableand that,because hu- For if historyhas taughtus one thing,then it is this: in mans are inherentlyethnocentric, relations between no society has a civil intercoursewith foreignersbeen culturesare by "nature" hostile. Xenophobia is to cul- inbred.Much indicates that thereserve vis-a'-vis the for- eigner constitutes an anthropologicalconstant of the tat dieses Problemallgegenwartiger gemacht als zuvor.Wer dies species: and modernitywith its growingmobility has leugnet,arbeitet der Angst vor dem Fremdenund den aggressiven made this problem more general than it was before."7 Potentialen,die in ihrschlummern, nicht entgegen." Cohn-Bendit is the head of the Departmentof MulticulturalAffairs of the city ofFrankfurt, and Schmidis his assistant.This articlewas written in supportof a shiftin immigrationpolicy by the Greenstoward experiencean increasein theiraudiences under conditions and in a systemof immigration quotas (see also Cohn-Benditand Schmid regionswhere there is a strong,important, and, in the eventof i992 fora more careful argument).Enzensberger (I992:I3-I4, my apathyon thepart of the 'corps social,' irreversible influx of immi- translation,emphasis added) has similarlyargued that "every mi- grantsof extra-European origin. They thus acknowledge, I presume gration,independent of its causes,its aims,whether it be voluntary involuntarily,that this exasperationis a reactionof defenseby a or involuntary,and its magnitude,leads to conflicts.Group communitywhich senses that its identityis threatened,a reaction selfishnessand xenophobiaconstitute anthropological constants whichpresents analogies with the resistancethis or thatoccupa- which precede any rationalization.Their universalitysuggests tionby foreignarmed forces has provokedin the past. This rejec- thatthey are olderthan any known form of society. Ancient soci- tionmight even, if international tensions intensify, become more etiesinvented taboos and ritualsof hospitality in orderto contain profoundas immigrantsconcentrate, modifying in a moreirrevers- them,to preventrecurrent bloodbaths, to allow fora modicum ible way a country'sidentity than would occupation forces, which of exchangeand communicationbetween different , , do not intendto settle and reproduce"(Pourquoi cet ethnocen- ethnicities.These measuresdo not,however, eliminate the status trismenaturel et meme sain s'est-iltraduit, au coursdes ann6es of alien. On the contrary,they institutionalize it. The guestis r6centesen Europe,par des manifestationsd'exasp6ration? Ce sont sacredbut may not stay" (Jede Migration fuhrt zu Konflikten,unab- les antiracisteseux-memes qui nous donnentla r6ponsead6quate, hangigdavon, wodurch sie ausgelostwird, welche Absicht ihr zu- d'ailleurs6vidente, a cettequestion quand ils soulignentque les grundeliegt, ob sie freiwilligoder unfreiwilliggeschieht und politicienssuppos6s 'racistes' voient leur audience s'accroitre dans welchenUmfang sie annimmt.Gruppenegoismus und Fremden- les conjonctureset les r6gionsoii s'estproduit un brutal,important hass sindanthropologische Konstanten, die jederBegriindung vor- et-en cas d'apathiedu corpssocial-irr6versible afflux d'immi- ausgehen.Ihre universelle Verbreitung spricht dafiir, dass sie alter gr6sd'origine extra-europeenne. Ils reconnaissentainsi, involon- sind als alle bekanntenGesellschaftsformen. Um sie einzudam- tairementje suppose,que cetteexasp6ration est une reactionde men, um dauerndeBlutbader zu vermeiden,um uAberhauptein defensed'une communaut6qui percoitson identit6comme men- Minimumvon Austauschund Verkehrzwischen verschiedenen ac6e,r6action qui pr6sentedes analogiesavec la r6sistanceque telle Clans, Stammen,Ethnien zu ermoglichen,haben altertiumliche ou telle occupationpar des forcesarm6es 6trangeres a pu susciter Gesellschaftendie Tabus und Ritualeder Gastfreundschaft erfun- dansle pass6. Ce rejetpourrait meme, sui devaients'exacerber les den.Diese Vorkehrungenheben den Status des Fremdenaber nicht tensionsinternationales, s'averer plus profonddans la mesureoii auf.Sie schreibenihn ganz im Gegenteilfest. Der Gast ist heilig, des immigr6squi fontsouche modifientplus irr6mediablementaber er darfnicht bleiben.) Another way ofnaturalizing what can l'identit6d'un pays que des occupantsqui ne cherchentpas a s'y be shownto be historicallydetermined attitudes by universalizing enracineret s'y reproduire).A Britishwriter defines xenophobia themconsists in arguingthat racism is universal.Thus Todorov as "a dislike for foreignersor outsiders . . . an old and familiar (i989:I14, my translation) has argued that racism as a form of phenomenon in human societies" (Layton-HenryI99I:I69). behavior,as opposedto racialismas a pseudoscientificdoctrine, is 7. "Die Entrustunguber den Fremdenhass, die als Gegenmitteleine "an ancientbehavior and probablya universalone; racialismis a Politik der schrankenlosoffenen Grenzen empfiehlt, hat etwas currentof opinionborn in WesternEurope whose heyday extends scheinheiligesund Gefahrliches. Denn wenndie Geschichteirgend fromthe i 8thto themiddle of the 2oth century"(Le racismeest un etwas lehrt,dann dies: KeinerGesellschaft war je derzivile Um- comportementancien, et d'extensionprobablement universelle; le gangmit den Fremdenangeboren. Vieles sprichtdafuir, dass die racialismeest un mouvementd'id6es n6 en Europeoccidentale, Reserveihm gegeniuberzu den anthropologischenKonstanten der dontla grandep6riode va du milieu du XVIIIe au milieu du XXe Gattunggehort; und die Modernehat mitihrer steigenden Mobili- siecle). S T O L C K E Talkink Culture | 7

tural fundamentalismwhat the bio-moral concept of portunityfor all in the marketplaceand socioeconomic "race" is to racism,namely, the naturalistconstant that inequality-which, ratherthan being an anachronistic endows with truthvalue and legitimatesthe respective survivalof past times of slaveryand/or European colo- ideologies. nial expansion and the ascriptiveordering of society,is partand parcel of liberal capitalism (Stolcke I993, Fitz- patrickI987). Racism versus Cultural Fundamentalism At differentmoments in historysystems of inequality and oppressionhave been rationalizedin distinctways. A systematiccomparison of the conceptual structures Racist doctrines are only one variation of the same of traditionalracism and this cultural fundamentalism theme, namely, the endeavour to reconcile an idea of may renderclearer the distinctnessof what are alterna- shared humanity with existing forms of domination. tive doctrinesof exclusion.8They have in common that Earlymodern colonial encounterswith "primitives"in- theyaddress the contradictionbetween the modernuni- tensely exercised European minds. Initially it was not versalistnotion that all humans are naturallyequal and their "racial" differencewhich haunted the European freeand multipleforms of sociopolitical discrimination imagination but their religious-cum-moraldiversity and exclusion,but theydo so differently.Both doctrines which was feltto challenge Christianhegemony. How, derivetheir argumentative force from the same ideologi- if God had created "man" in his image, could therebe cal subterfuge,namely, the presentationof what is the humans who were not Christians?Nineteenth-century outcome of specificpolitico-economic relationships and scientificracism was a new way of justifyingdomina- conflictsof interestas natural and hence incontestable tion and inequality inspired by the search for natural because it, as it were, "comes naturally." laws thatwould account forthe orderin natureand soci- Modern Western racism rationalizes claims of na- ety. Strikingin the igth-centurydebate over the place tional superiorityor sociopolitical disqualificationand of humans in natureis the tensionbetween man's faith economic exploitationof groupsof individualswithin a in freewill unencumberedby naturalconstraints, in his polityby attributingto themcertain moral, intellectual, endeavouras a freeagent to masternature, and the ten- or social defectssupposedly grounded in their "racial" dency to naturalize social man. Social Darwinism, eu- endowmentwhich, by virtueof being innate,are inevi- genics, and criminologyprovided the pseudoscientific table. The markersinvoked to identifya "race" may be legitimationfor consolidating class inequality. Their phenotypicalor constructed.Racism thus operateswith targetswere the dangerouslaboring classes at home (see, a particularistic criterion of classification, namely, e.g., Chevalier I984). If the self-determiningindividual, "race," which challengesthe claim to equal humanness throughpersistent inferiority, seemed unable to make by dividinghumankind into inherentlydistinct groups the most of the opportunitiessociety purported to offer, orderedhierarchically, one groupmaking a claim to ex- it had to be because of some essential,inherent defect. clusive superiority.In this sense racistdoctrines are cat- The personor, better, his or hernatural endowment-be egorical, concealing the sociopolitical relationships it called racial, sexual, innate talent, or intelligence- whichgenerate the hierarchy."Race" is construedas the ratherthan the prevailingsocioeconomic or political or- necessaryand sufficientnatural cause of the unfitness derwas to be blamed forthis. This rationalefunctioned of "others" and hence of theirinferiority. Sociopolitical both as a powerfulincentive for individual effort and to inequalityand dominationare therebyattributed to the disarm social discontent.Physical anthropologyat the criterionof differentiationitself, namely, "their" lack of same time lent supportboth to claims of national su- worth,which is in "their" race. As a doctrineof asym- premacy among European nations and to the colonial metric classificationracism provokes counterconcepts enterpriseby establishinga hierarchyof bio-moral races that demean the "other" as the "other" could not de- (BlanckaertI988; Brubakeri992:98-io2). mean the "self." Mutual recognitionis denied precisely Cultural fundamentalism,by contrast,assumes a set because the "racial" defect,being relative,is not shared of symmetriccounterconcepts, that of the foreigner,the by the "self." And that is the point. By attributingun- stranger,the alien as opposed to the national, the citi- equal status and treatmentto its victim's own inherent zen. Humans by theirnature are bearersof culture.But shortcomings,this doctrinedenies the ideological char- humanityis composed of a multiplicityof distinctcul- acter of racism itself. tures which are incommensurable,the relations be- Of course, this raises the importantquestion of the tween theirrespective members being inherentlycon- place of an idea of social status inscribed in nature, flictivebecause it is in human natureto be xenophobic. ratherthan resultingfrom contract, in modernsociety, An alleged human universal-people's natural propen- otherwiseconceived of as composed of self-determining sityto rejectstrangers-accounts for cultural particular- individualsborn equal and free.Modern racism consti- ism. The apparentcontradiction, in the modernliberal tutes an ideological sleight-of-handfor reconciling the democraticethos, between the invocation of a shared irreconcilable-a liberal meritocraticethos of equal op- humanitywhich involves an idea of generalityso that no human being seems to be excluded and culturalpar- ticularismtranslated into national terms is overcome 8. I drawhere on Koselleck's(i985) importantanalysis of political ideologically:a cultural "other," the immigrantas for- counterconcepts. eigner. alien. and as such a notentin1 "enemv" who 8 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

threatens"our" national-cum-culturaluniqueness and prevailingsocioeconomic ills with the way in which im- integrity,is constructedout of a traitwhich is shared migrantsas foreignersare conceptualized. Ratherthan by the "self." In yet anotherideological twist,national being thematized directly,immigrants' socioeconomic identityand belonginginterpreted as culturalsingularity exclusion is a consequence of theirpolitical exclusion become an insurmountablebarrier to doingwhat comes (Le temps des exclusions I993). Opponentsof immigra- naturallyto humans,in principle,namely, communicat- tion on the rightmay object to grantingimmigrants the ing. social and political rightsinherent in citizenshipon eco- Instead of orderingdifferent cultures hierarchically, nomic grounds.The "problem" of immigrationis con- culturalfundamentalism segregates them spatially, each strued,however, as a political threatto nationalidentity culturein its place. The factthat nation-states are by no and integrityon account of immigrants'cultural diver- means culturallyuniform is ignored.Localized political sitybecause the nation-stateis conceived as foundedon communitiesare regardedby definitionas culturallyho- a bounded and distinctcommunity which mobilizes a mogeneous. Presumed inherentxenophobic propensi- shared sense of belongingand loyaltypredicated on a ties-though they challenge the supposed territorial common language,cultural traditions,and beliefs.In a rootingof culturalcommunities, since theyare directed context of economic recession and national retrench- against strangers"in our midst"-reterritorializecul- ment, appeals to primordial loyalties fall on fertile tures. Their targetsare uprooted strangerswho fail to groundbecause of the ordinarytaken-for-granted sense assimilate culturally. of national belonging that is the common idiom of Being symmetrical,these categoriesare logically re- contemporarypolitical self-understanding(Weber I976, versible-anynational is a foreignerto any othernation cited by Brubakeri992). in a world of nation-states,for to possess a nationality Immigrantsare seen as threateningto bringabout a is in the natureof things.This formalconceptual polar- "crisis of citizenship" (Leca I992:3I4)9 in both a juridi- ity-nationals as againstforeigners-is charged with po- cal and a politico-ideologicalsense. In the modernworld litical meaning.By manipulatingthe ambiguouslink be- nationalityas the preconditionfor citizenship is inher- tween national belonging and cultural identity,the entlybounded as an instrumentand an object of social notion of xenophobia infuses the relationshipbetween closure (Brubakeri992).10 In this respect,nationality is the two categorieswith a specificand substantivepoliti- not all that differentfrom the principlesthat cal content.Because the propensityto dislike strangers operatedin so-called primitivesocieties to definegroup is sharedby foreigners,it also becomes legitimateto fear membership.In the modernworld of nation-states,na- that the latter,by their disloyalty,might threaten the tionality,citizenship, cultural community, and state are national community.When the "problem"posed by ex- conflatedideologically (Beaud and Noiriel I99I:276) and tracommunitarianimmigration is conceptualized in endow immigrants'cultural distinctivenesswith sym- termsof self-evidentcultural difference and incommen- bolic and political meaning. surability,the root causes of immigration,namely, the It will, of course,be objected that not all immigrants deepening effectsof North-Southinequality, are ex- or foreignersare treatedwith animosity.This is obvi- plained away. ously true.But then,equality and differenceare not ab- Culturalfundamentalism invokes a conceptionof cul- solute categories.The politico-ideologicalrepertoire on turecontradictorily inspired both by the universalistEn- which the modernnation-state is built providesthe raw lightenmenttradition and by the German romanticism materialsfrom which cultural fundamentalismis con- that marked much of the igth-centurynationalist de- structed.Specific power relationships with the countries bate. Bybuilding its case forthe exclusion ofimmigrants from which extracommunitarianimmigrants proceed on a trait shared by all humans alike ratherthan on and the exploitationthey have undergoneexplain why an unfitnessallegedly intrinsic to extracommunitarians, "they" ratherthan, for example, North Americans are culturalfundamentalism, by contrastwith racist theo- the targetsin Europe of this rhetoricof exclusion. Hos- ries, has a certain openness which leaves room forre- tilityagainst extracommunitarian immigrants may have quiringimmigrants, if theywish to live in our midst,to racistovertones, and metaphorscan certainlybe mixed. assimilate culturally.And because of the other impor- Yet, as somebodyremarked to me recently,immigrants tant idea in modernWestern political culture,namely, carrytheir foreignnessin theirfaces. Phenotypetends thatall humans are equal and free,anti-immigrant rhet- now to be employed as a markerof immigrantorigin oric is polemical and open to challenge,which is why ratherthan "race's" being construedas the justification existingforms of exclusion, inequality,and oppression foranti-immigrant resentment. need to be rationalizedideologically. At the core of this ideology of collective exclusion predicatedon the idea of the "other" as a foreigner,a stranger,to the body politic is the assumptionthat for- 9. Leca distinguishestwo ways of defining nationality as a prerequi- mal political equality presupposescultural identity and site forcitizenship, namely, in "biological"and in "contractual" terms,but regrettably does not pursuethe politico-ideological im- hence culturalsameness is the essentialprerequisite for plicationsof these distinct modalities. access to citizenshiprights. One should not confusethe io. Brubakerrightly remarks on the surprisingabsence of studies useful social functionof immigrantsas scapegoats for ofthe modernconcept of citizenshipin the social sciences. STOLCKE Talking Culture I 9

FrenchRepublican Assimilation versus nalize a more or less exclusive idea of the nation and of BritishEthnic Integration citizenship.A comparisonof French and Britishpostwar experiencesand treatmentsof the immigration"prob- For the sake of clarityI have so farneglected major dif- lem" will serve to make this point (see Lapeyronnie ferencesin dealing with the immigration"problem" I993 fora differentinterpretation). amongEuropean countries which have been pointedout The Frenchdebate overimmigration since the sevent- repeatedly(Wieviorka I993; RoulandI993:I6-I7; La- ies reveals the ambivalence underlyingthe Republican peyronnieI993). "It is an almost universal activityof assimilationist conception of nationality and citizen- themodern state to regulatethe movementof the people ship. The firstgenuine Frenchnationality code was en- in I889, at a time when foreigners,predominantly across its national boundaries" (Evans I983:4), but this acted can be done in diverseways. The Dutch and the British of Belgian,Polish, Italian, and Portugueseorigin, had a governmentswere the firstto acknowledgethe presence large presence in the country,by contrastwith Ger- in theircountries of so-called ethnic minorities.By the many,and drew a sharpline betweennationals and for- eightiesall WesternEuropean states were curbingimmi- eigners.12It consecratedthe jus sanguinis, thatis, de- grationand attemptingto integrateimmigrants already scent froma Frenchfather (sic) and, in the case of an in theirmidst. Depending on theirpolitical culturesand illegitimatechild, from the mother,as the firstcriterion histories,different countries designed their immigration of access to French nationality,but simultaneouslyit policies differently.The Frenchmodel, informedby the reinforcedthe principleof jus soli, accordingto which traditionalRepublican formula of assimilationand civic childrenof foreigners born on Frenchsoil were automat- incorporation,contrasted sharply with the Anglo-Saxon icallyFrench (Brubaker I992:94-II3, I38-42; see also one, which leftroom forcultural diversity, although by Noiriel I988:8I-84). The relativeprominence given to the eightiesa confluencecould be detectedbetween the jus soli in the code has been interpretedas a "liberal," two countries' anti-immigrantrhetoric and restrictive inclusive solution (Noiriel I988:83; Brubakeri992). On policies. closer inspectionthis combinationof descentand birth- The entryand settlementof immigrantsin Europe place rules can also be interpreted,however, as a clever poses again the question ofwhat constitutesthe modern compromisestruck for military and ideological reasons nation-stateand what are conceived as the prerequisites (in the contextof the confrontationover Alsace-Lorraine foraccess to nationalityas the preconditionfor citizen- followingthe Frenchdefeat in the Franco-GermanWar ship. Three criteria-descent (jus sanguinis),birthplace and the establishmentof the German Empire)between (jus soli), and domicile combined with diverse proce- an organicist and a voluntarist conception which, duresof "naturalization"(note the term)-have usually thoughcontradictory, were intrinsicto the Frenchcon- been wielded to determineentitlement to nationalityin ception of the nation-state. the modernnation-states. [us sanguinis constitutesthe The nationality code of I889 did not apply to the most exclusive principle.The prioritygiven historically Frenchcolonies until French citizenshipwas extended to one or anothercriterion has dependednot only,how- to all colonial territoriesafter World War II (Werner ever, on demographic-economicand/or military cir- I935). As soon as Algeriagained its independence,how- cumstancesand interestsbut also on conceptionsof the ever,Algerians became foreigners,while inhabitantsof national communityand the substantialties of nation- the French overseas departmentsand territoriesre- hood. The classical opposition between the French mained fully French,with rightof entryinto France. Staatsnation and the German Kulturnation(Meinecke Those Algerianswho were living in France at indepen- I919; Guiomari99o:i26-3o) has oftenobscured the es- dence had to opt forFrench or Algeriancitizenship. For sentialist nationalism present also in i gth-century obvious political reasons most of them rejectedFrench Frenchthought and debate on nationhoodand national nationality,though their French-bornchildren contin- identityand hence the part played by the Republican ued to be definedas Frenchat birth,as were the French- formulaof assimilationin the Frenchconception of the born children of the large numbers of immigrantsto Republic." There has been almost fromthe starta ten- Francein the decade followingthe war of independence sion between a democratic,voluntarist, and an organi- (Weil i988). By the midseventies the regulation of cist conceptionof belonging in the continentalEuropean Frenchnationality and citizenshipbecame inseparable model-by contrastwith the Britishtradition-of the fromimmigration policy. As opinion grewmore hostile modernnation-state which, dependingon historicalcir- toward immigrants,especially fromNorth Africa,the cumstances,has been drawn on to formulateand ratio- jus soli came underincreasing attack fromthe rightfor turningforeigners into Frenchmenon paperwithout en-

i i. By distinguishingbetween "ethnic moments" (understood as racist)and "assimilationistmoments" in igth-centuryFrench for- I 2. The termetranger had alreadybeen introduced during the glori- mulationsof nationalitylaw, Brubaker(i992:esp. chap. 5), in his ous revolutionto designatepolitical enemies, traitors to therevolu- otherwiseinformative comparative study of citizenshipin France tionarycause-the Frenchnobility plotting against the patriotes and Germany,disregards the fundamentalist assumption on which and the Britishsuspected of conspiringto reimposeroyal rule in the assimilationistidea rests,namely, that formal legal equality Paris.This associationof the etranger with disloyalty to thenation amongcitizens presupposes cultural homogeneity. has been especiallypowerful in timesof war (WahnichI988). IO I CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

suringthat they were "Frenchat heart" (Brubakeri992: merelyaccidental connection to France as well as the I43). A controversialcitizenship law reformsubmitted will to belong and because of its expansivenessand feu- in I983 and designedto abolish the automatic acquisi- dal roots(Brubaker i992:90). Butthe meaning and con- tion of French nationalityby French-bornchildren of sequences ofjural normsdepend on theirhistorical con- immigrants,requiring an explicit declaration instead, text. The traditional British concept of subjecthood was neverthelessdefeated in I986 because of strongop- based on birthon Britishsoil, which establishedan indi- position to the traditionalFrench assimilationistcon- vidual verticalbond of allegiance to the crown and its ception by proimmigrantorganizations and the left.In parliament,unaltered until i962, allowed immigrants I993 the new conservative governmentfinally suc- fromthe colonies freeentry into the countryas British ceeded,however, in passing a reformto the same effect, subjectsregardless of theircultural and/or phenotypical which restrictsthe jus soli rule, therebygiving new difference.'7The Home Office(quoted by Segal i99i:9) prominenceto jus sanguinis.13 arguedin the I930S as follows: Until the mideightiesthe antiracistmovement and it is a matterof fundamentalimportance both for proimmigrantorganizations in France had advocated a the United Kingdomand forthe Empireas a whole, multiculturalistmodel of integrationbased on respect if thereis to be such an organizationat all based in cultural for immigrants' diversity,responding thus to the last resorton a common sentimentof cohesion the culturalfundamentalism. The heated right's debate which exists,but cannot be created,that all British to difference" over immigrants'"right was typically subjects should be treatedon the same basis in the French.'4Thereafter progressive opinion began to swing United Kingdom.... It is to the advantageof the around,calling for "a returnto the old republicantheme United Kingdomthat personsfrom all parts of the of to which in the integrationaccording membership Empireare attractedto it. nation is based not on an identitybut on citizenship, which consists in individualadherence to certainmini- Despite postwarconcerns over free and unrestrictedim- mal but precise universal values" (Dossier I99I:47- migration'slowering the quality of the Britishpeople 48).15The "republicanmodel of integration"which con- (Dummettand Nicol I990:I74), theBritish Nationality ditions citizenship on shared cultural values and Bill of I948 ruled that Britishsubjecthood was acquired demands became the progressive byvirtue of being a citizen of a countryof the Common- political alternativeto the right'scultural fundamental- wealth. Yet, as largenumbers of immigrants arrived and ism.16 demandsfor control increased, the CommonwealthIm- Britishimmigration debate and experiencedeveloped migrantsAct of i962 introducedthe firstspecial immi- quite differently.According to the traditionalnational- gration controls. It did not explicitly discriminate ity law of England,later extendedto Britain,every per- againstnonwhite immigrants, but it lefta largeamount son born within the domain of its king was a British of discretionfor immigrationofficers to select immi- subject. Nineteenth-centuryFrench advocates of jus grantsat a time when it went withoutsaying that Com- sanguinis had alreadyrejected as inappropriatethe Brit- monwealthimmigrants were not white (Dummett and ish unconditionaljus soli rule because forthem citizen- Nicol 1990:183-87; Segal i99i:9). In I98I, finally,the ship reflectedan enduringand substantialrather than Conservativegovernment passed the BritishNationality Act, which broughtnationality law in line with immi- and limitedthe ancientunconditional I 3. It should be noted that CharlesPasqua, the GaullistFrench grationpolicy jus ministerof the interior who draftedthe reform, was also a staunch soli, concluding the process of "alienation" of New opponentof the Maastricht agreement and Europeanpolitical inte- Commonwealthimmigrants by transformingthem into grationduring the campaignin Francefor its approvalby referen- aliens (EvansI983:46; Dummettand Nicol I990:238- dum. Pasqua explainedhis oppositionby arguingrevealingly, "In 5 '). Those who had been hostilizedearlier as "black sub- France,the rightto vote is inseparablefrom citizenship and this fromnationality. There are 5 millionforeigners here, I.5 million jects" are now excluded as "cultural aliens."''8 ofthem communitarians. Our communitarianguests are welcome, butwe arenot willing to shareour national sovereignty with them. Franceis an exceptionalpeople and not an amalgamof tribes" (El I 7. In thelate sixtiesthe former liberal Tory home secretary Regi- Pais, September I4, I992, P. 4). The Euro-sceptics in the British nald Mauldingrevealingly argued that "while one talkedalways Conservativeparty are similarlyconcerned with European integra- and rightlyabout the need to avoid discriminationbetween black tion'schallenging British sovereignty. and whiteit is a simplefact of human nature that for the British I4. Guillaumin (1i992:89) points to an importantpolitical distinc- people thereis a greatdifference between Australians and New tionbetween claiming " a rightto difference,"which implies an Zealanders,for example, who come ofBritish stock, and peopleof appealby immigrants for authorization by the state to be different Africa,the Caribbean,and the Indian Sub-Continentwho are fromnationals, by contrastwith postulating "the rightof differ- equallysubjects of the Queen and entitledto totalequality before ence,"which assumes a universal,inherent right. the law when establishedhere, but who in appearance,habits, I5. This dossierprovides extensive coverage of the Frenchdebate religionand culturewere totallydifferent from us. The problem on immigrationfrom an assimilationistperspective. See also of balancingthe moralprinciple of non-discriminationwith the "Quels discourssur l'immigration?"(i988) foran earlier,con- practicalfacts of human nature was not an easy one,and thedan- trastingview whichfocuses critically on thereform of French na- gersthat arise from mistakes of policy in thisfield were very real tionalitylaw in the eighties. indeed"(quoted by Evans i983:2I, my emphasis). i6. In I99I the socialistgovemment set up a Ministryof Social i8. In I969 EnochPowell was proposinga Ministryof Repatriation Affairsand ofIntegration and a StateSecretariat for Integration to andreferring to Commonwealthimmigrants as "aliens"in thecul- promote immigrants'assimilation (Perrotiand Th6paut i99i:io2). turalsense (Dummettand Nicol i990:i96). STOLCKE Talking Culture I i

Britain'scommon law traditionand the absence of a Immigrantchildren were to receive standardEnglish ed- code of citizenshiprights had providedspace forimmi- ucation,and uniformlegal treatmentwas to be accorded grantsubjects' culturalvalues and needs. Tolerance for them(Parekh I99i). Thus as Europeevolved into a su- culturaldiversity formed part of the historyof Britain, pranationalpolity, a continentalnation-state paradoxi- acknowledgedas a multiculturalpolity, until in the late cally emergedout of the ashes of the Britishmulticul- seventiesan English-centricreinvention of that history turalthough racist empire. began to prevail (Kearney i99I; Clark I99Ia, b). This does not mean thatBritain's postwar immigration expe- rience was not beset with social conflict. Anti- The Nation within the State immigrantsentiment was alive and aggressionswere frequent,but they were racist. Until the late seventies As I indicatedearlier, the debate overimmigrants' "right the controversyover immigrationwas predominantly to difference"unleashed singular passions in France. phrasedin racist terms.As Dummett and Nicol (I990: The characterand reasonsfor this controversytranscend 2I3)19 have pointed out, the polarized political climate over the immigration "problem." They express a historical tension inherent Justas the advocates of strictimmigration control in the Frenchuniversalist Republican conceptionof the were exclusivelyconcerned with non-whiteimmigra- modern nation-state.In a world of emergingnation- tion, so the supportersof liberalisationattacked ra- states, the early cosmopolitan revolutionaryspirit was cial discriminationfirst and foremostand perceived soon erodedby a crucial dilemma,namely, how to build immigrationpolicy as the drivingforce behind this a nation-stateendowed with a distinctand boundedciti- discrimination.It had become psychologicallyimpos- zenry.Ethnic groupdifferences were, in principle,alien sible forboth sides to thinkof "immigration"in any to the revolutionarydemocratic point of view. But, as sense, or any context,except as a verbal convention Hobsbawm(I990:I9, see also CranstonI988:IOI) has forreferring to the race situationin Britain. identifiedthe problem,

Legal provisions to combat discriminationtypically The equation nation = state = people, and espe- aimed at ensuringsubjects fromthe ex-colonies equal cially sovereignpeople, undoubtedlylinked nation opportunitiesindependent of their"race."20 As long as to territory,since structureand definitionof states immigrantsfrom the ex-colonies were Britishsubjects were now essentiallyterritorial. It also implied a theywere fellowcitizens, albeit consideredas ofan infe- multiplicityof nation-statesso constituted,and this riorkind. Anti-immigrantprejudice and discrimination was indeed a necessaryconsequence of popular self- were rationalizedin classical racist terms.Formal legal determination.... But it said little about what con- equality was not deemed incompatible with immi- stituted"the people." In particularthere was no logi- grants'different cultural traditions as long as thesetradi- cal connectionbetween a body of citizens of a tions did not infringebasic human rights.The right's territorialstate, on one hand, and the identification demandfor cultural assimilation constituted a minority of a "nation" on ethnic,linguistic or othergrounds opinion. Liberals defendedintegration with due respect or of othercharacteristics which allowed collective forcultural diversityand the particularneeds of "eth- recognitionof groupmembership. nic" minorities.A key instrumentof liberalintegration policy was multiculturaleducation. As I have shown The advocates of an idea of the "nation" based on a above, when the Tory governmenttook up the banner freelyentered contract among sovereign citizens usually of curbingimmigration it began to rationalizeit, invok- invoke Renan's celebratedmetaphor "The existence of ing,by contrastwith earlierracist arguments,national- a nationis a plebisciteof every day." Renan's "Qu'est-ce cum-culturalunity and callingfor the culturalassimila- qu'unenation?" (i992 [i882])21 is in factoften taken for tion of immigrant communities "in our midst" to the expressionof a conceptionof the nationparticularly safeguardthe British"nation" with its sharedvalues and well suitedto moderndemocratic individualism.22 They lifestyle.Immigrant communities needed to be broken tend to overlook,however, that Renan simultaneously up so that theirmembers, once isolated,would cease to uses another culturalist argumentto resolve the dif- pose a culturaland political threatto the Britishnation. ficulty of how to circumscribethe "population" or

I 9. The voluminousBritish literature on "racerelations" is another 2i. It is importantto notethat Renan wrote this essay at thetime indicationof the prominence of racism in relationto immigrants. of the Franco-Germanconflict over Alsace-Lorraine,claimed by 2o. To outlawracial discrimination in publicplaces, housing, and Germanyon thegrounds that its population was ofGerman culture employment,successive British governments passed a series of and spokethe Germanlanguage. Race RelationsActs in I965, I968, and I976 (Dummettand Nicol 22. It is worthnoting here that Louis Dumontis amongthose who I990, Layton-HenryI99I, Parekhi99i). The I976 Race Relations haveneglected the organicist elements in Renanwhen he contrasts Act repealedearlier laws and createdthe Commissionfor Racial thatscholar's writings with those of Herderand Fichteand goes Equality,an administrativebody responsible for implementing the on to establishan unwarrantedlysharp opposition between French equal opportunitiespolicies laid downin theact (LustgartenI980, voluntaristtheory and the Germanethnic conception (Dumont Jenkinsand Solomos I987, Walkerand RedmanI977). I979; also i99i). I1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

"people" entitled to partake in this plebiscite (i992 Conclusion L-QQQ1 A.c To conclude,let me now returnto the tasks and tribula- A nation is a soul, a spiritualprinciple. Two things tions of anthropology.Social and culturalanthropology which in realitymake up no more than one consti- have had a privilegedrelationship with cultureand cul- tute that soul, that spiritualprinciple. One is in the tural differences.The critical,self-reflexive turn in the past, the otherin the present.One is the sharedpos- past decade in anthropologyhas rightlycalled into ques- session of a rich heritageof memories;the otheris tion the political and theoretical implications of the the presentconsent, the desire to live together,the taken-for-grantedboundedness and isolation of cultures will to continue to sustain the heritageone has re- in classical ethnographicrealism. There is no longera ceived undivided.... The nation,the same as the in- generallyaccepted view of cultures as relativelyfixed dividual,is the realizationof an extendedpast of en- and integratedsystems of shared values and meanings. deavors,of sacrificeand of devotion.The cult of the Enhanced"postmodern" awareness of cultural complex- ancestorsis among all the most legitimate;the an- ities and cultural politics and of the situatedness of cestorshave made us what we are.... knowledge in poststructuralistanthropology entails, Two contradictorycriteria, one political (freeconsent) however, a paradox. Despite pronouncementsto the and one cultural (a shared past), are thus constitutive contrary,"culture critique," no less than the cultural ofthe "nation" (Todorov I989:I65-26i; NoirielI9:27- constructionistmode, by necessitypresupposes the sep- 28; see also Gellner i987:6-28 fora different,function- arateness of cultures and their boundedness (Kahn alist interpretationand, for a wittytake-off on French I989).24 Only because thereare "other" ways of making republicanmythology, Gatty I 99 3). Renan's difficultyin sense of the world can "we" pretendto relativize"our definingthe "nation" in purelycontractual, consensual own" cultural self-understandings.Similarly, when a termsis just one illustrationof a fundamentaldilemma systematicknowledge of "others" as much as of "our- thathas beset continentalEuropean state building.The selves" is deemed impossible,this is so because "we" no "principle of nationality,"which identifiedthe state, less than "others" are culture-bound.Thus, the present the people, and the law with an ideal vision of society culturalistmood in anthropologyends up by postulating as culturallyhomogeneous and integrated,became the a world of reifiedcultural differences(see Gupta and novel, though unstable, formof legitimationin igth- Fergusoni992, Keesing I994, TurnerI993). Parallelsbe- centurystruggles for state formation. tween this and culturalfundamentalism, as I have ana- Contemporarycultural fundamentalismunequivo- lyzed it above, should make us beware of the dangers, cally roots nationalityand citizenshipin a shared cul- forfurthering understanding between peoples, of a new tural heritage.Though new with regardto traditional sortof culturalrelativism. racism,it is also old, forit draws forits argumentative Not fora moment do I mean to deny differentways forceon this contradictoryigth-century conception of of organizingthe business of life and differentsystems the modernnation-state. The assumptionthat the terri- ofmeaning. Humans have, however,always been on the torialstate and its people are foundedon a culturalheri- move, and cultureshave provedfluid and flexible.The tage thatis bounded,compact, and distinctis a constitu- new global order,in which both old and new boundaries, tive part of this, but thereis also, as I have argued,an farfrom being dissolved,are becomingmore active and important conceptual difference.Nineteenth-century exclusive, poses formidablenew questions also foran- nationalismreceived enormous reinforcement from the thropology.A crucial issue that should concern us is, elaboration of one central concept of social theory, then,the circumstancesunder which cultureceases to "race." With heightenedenmity between nation-states, be somethingwe need forbeing human to become some- nationalism was often activated and ratifiedthrough thingthat impedes us fromcommunicating as human claims to racial superiorityof the national community. beings. It is not cultural diversityper se that should Because racistdoctrines have become politicallydiscred- interest anthropologistsbut the political meanings ited in the postwarperiod, cultural fundamentalism as with which specificpolitical contextsand relationships the contemporaryrhetoric of exclusion thematizes,in- endow cultural difference.Peoples become culturally stead, relations between cultures by reifyingcultural entrenchedand exclusive in contexts where there is boundariesand difference. domination and conflict. It is the configurationof sociopolitical structuresand relationshipsboth within and between groups that activates differencesand shapes possibilitiesand impossibilitiesof communicat- 23. "Une nationest une ame, un principespirituel. Deux choses qui, a vraidire n'en fontqu'un, constituent cette ame, ce principe ing. In order to make sense of contemporarycultural spirituel.L'une est dans le pass6,l'autre dans le pr6sent.L'une est politics in this interconnectedand unequal world, we la possessionen commund'un richelegs de souvenirs;l'autre est need transcendour sometimes self-servingrelativisms le consentementactuel, le d6sirde vivreensemble, la volont6de and methodological uncertaintiesand proceed to ex- continuer a faire valoir l'h6ritage qu'on a recu indivis. . . . La nation,comme l'individu, est l'aboutissantd'un long pass6 d'ef- forts,de sacrificeset de devouements.Le cultedes ancetresest de tous les plus 1egitime;ancetres nous ont faitsce que nous som- 24. Kahn,however, commits the errorI discussedearlier of inter- mes." pretingcultural essentialism as a formof racism. S T O L C K E Talking Culture I I 3

plore,in a creativedialogue with otherdisciplines, "the Stolcke's comparativeanalysis of the immigrationde- processesof production of difference"(Gupta and Fergu- bate in Britainand in Franceis useful,and she is original son I992:I3-I4). and,I think,accurate in notingthe recentrevival of "xe- Genuine tolerancefor cultural diversitycan flourish nophobia" as an explanatoryterm. She is also surely withoutentailing disadvantages only where societyand correctin declaringthat it has no scientificbasis. Minor polity are democraticand egalitarianenough to enable weaknesses in an otherwiseclosely arguedpaper emerge people to resistdiscrimination (whether as immigrants, in the claim that the "root causes" of immigrationare foreigners,women, blacks) and developdifferences with- the deepening"effects" of North-Southinequality (trac- out jeopardizingthemselves and solidarityamong them. ing the chain of causation back to an abstractionwhich I wonderwhether this is possible withinthe confinesof itselfneeds explanation)and in a somewhat limp con- the modernnation-state or, for that matter, of any state. clusion which appearsto imaginepolity without a state. To press Stolcke's argumenta little further,it would appear likely that steps taken to tryto reduce North- South inequalities-for instance,through any campaign Comments formore frugal living in the North-will have the effect of aggravatingeconomic recessionin the Northand con- sequent protectionism and xenophobia. There will JONATHAN BENTHALL surely be a dialectical relationshipbetween political Royal AnthropologicalInstitute, 5o FitzroySt., campaigns on behalf of the South and revivals of neo- London WIP 5HS, England. 2I vII 94 Poujadism. With regard to the nation-state,opposition to the I am delightedthat Stolcke finds anthropologyto be "cultural fundamentalism"diagnosed by Stolcke leads growingout of its estrangementfrom reality, for surely necessarilyto a critiqueof ethno-nationalism.But since the alternativewould have been seclusion in some twi- so few actual nation-statesare monoethnicand the con- lighthome. As Alex de Waal has recentlyput it, "An- sequences of breakingup multiethnicstates into small thropologydeals with issues of immediate importance, entities appear to be frequentlyso disastrous, many and its practitionershave a greaterrole than they may commentatorsconclude that large nation-statescan do realize"(de Waal I994:28). more good than harm,particularly in protectingthe se- Stolcke suggeststhat doctrinal racism, which posits a curityof minorities.The last seven words of Stolcke's hierarchyof merit, has been neutralized,but it has prob- lecture suggest that she wants all state power to be ablygone undergroundto appearin new forms.The con- weakened,which sounds utopian. cept ofgenetic distance, which appearsto put the people of Africaon a genealogicalbranch of theirown, has not yet surfacedin political discourse but could easily be PIETRO CLEMENTE thusabused. The growingtendency, too, ofsome anthro- Via Napoli 7, 53 IOO Siena,Italy. 30 vII 94 pologists (following through the intellectual conse- quences of Darwinism) to blur ratherthan sharpenthe Stolcke's essay is bold and stimulating.It covers many differencebetween human beings and other primates of anthropology'strouble spots and examines theirrela- could lead politicallynot only to more serious consider- tionship to currenttrends in contemporarythought. ation of the "rights" of chimpanzees and gorillas but While I do not concur with all aspects of her thesis, I also to an erosion of the concept of human rightsand a admire its ambition. I appreciate the essay's civil and return-such as the rightis always hankeringfor-to political passion and its anthropologicalapproach to the more traditionalloyalties of kin, ethnicity,and reli- macroscopic analytical objects. I stronglyapprove of gion. Again, an intra-Africanracist doctrine,the Hami- both the use of unusual sources (such as the reportsof tic hypothesis,was disseminatedthrough the republish- the European Communityand the political-judicialde- ing of old anthropologicaltexts in Britainwell into the bates on nationalityand citizenship)and the reconstruc- I970S and, according to de Waal, bears some indirect tion of Frenchand Britishtendencies in the past decade responsibilityfor the genocidein Rwanda. Constantpro- regardingnational identityand its relationshipto immi- fessionalvigilance is needed. gration. To go back in history,the consequences of nazi race- The theses of Taguieffand the Frenchdebate on "dif- science are known to all, but is it widely remembered ferentialracism" are well known in Italy. While many that anthropologicalknowledge is enshrinedin the Mu- share Taguieff'sviewpoint, I findit more appropriateto nich Agreementof I938 on the Sudetenlandissue? The focus on the workingsof "excess identity,"Stolcke's agreementstipulated that whereas the "predominantly "cultural fundamentalism."I do not, however, agree German"territory of Czechoslovakia was to be occupied about its alarmingpolitical implications.To beginwith, immediatelyby German troops,a commissionof repre- I have some difficultywith the depictionof so general- sentativesof the fourBig Powerswould arrangefor pleb- ized a left and a right.In addition,it seems unfairto iscites in the regions"where the ethnographicalcharac- attributerefined traditions of thoughtsuch as those of ter was in doubt"-a pledge that was never in fact Franz Boas and Hans-Georg Gadamer to a rightwing carriedout (ShirerIg64:s Ion). whose statementsare generallyrough and prosaic. My I4 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, February1995

own researchhas contributedto the rediscoveryof their use the proverb"The whole world is a town." Foreign- local and historical identityof people who had aban- ers' main limitationis lack of culturalidentity; simply doned rituals and customs in the confrontationwith put, they do not exist culturally,as in the model of advancing modernization.I myselfhave assessed the Christian sainthood: they are foreignersin this world cultural patrimony of craftsmen and country folk, because theyare partof anotherone. Having a "cultural defendingtheir tutelage in the name of the concept of homeland" as a place of memories, affection,roots, "culturalheritage." The currentdebate raises the ethical allows fora less abstractrendering of the notion of hu- question whetherthrough my work I have fosteredcul- mankind and of the individual in society,but there is tural fundamentalismin myselfand in others,on the no tradition,heritage, or memorythat does not admit one hand resistinganomie and the loss of identityand of intermixing.By oscillatingbetween these two poles historical memoryto the urbanized world but on the and learningby trialand error,one sees wherethe world other hand contributingto the creation of barriersto is going.In a vision of Utopia the "culturalhomeland" new culturalencounters. I believe I can say that every- and the universalists'"world of men" mightcoincide, one needs cultural "roots" of dialect, symbolic form, as in the beautifulanarchist song: "Our homelandis the identity,and that these are not what produces xeno- entireworld, our law is liberty."But these are not times phobia. fordreams. Italy is a nation crisscrossed throughoutby inter- nal territorialdifferentiation. Its strengthis more pro- nounced on the local than on the national level. The PETER FITZPATRICK theme of a "cultural homeland" was dear to our most Darwin College, Universityof Kent at Canterbury, noted postwarscholar, Ernesto De Martino,who linked Canterbury,Kent CT2 7NY, England. 3 VIII 94 it with the necessary"critical " of the an- thropologist(De Martino I977). The dean of our African Some supplements,not all of them dangerous,to Stol- studies,Bernardo Bernardi (I994), reproposesthe notion cke's rich and revelatoryaccount: For a start,the cul- of "ethnocentrism,"which, followingboth W. G. Sum- turalfundamentalism of European rhetorics of exclusion ner and De Martino,he considers the basis forunder- is inherentlyuntenable. It entails, as Stolcke indicates, standingof the collective workings of encounter,ex- an essential relationbetween being and cultureand an change, and cultural mixing. Stolcke would probably absolute incommensurabilitybetween cultures. To be object to the use of Italy as a case in point. Here the valid in theirown terms,these nostrumsof cultural fun- nationalistic platformof the rightis not very sophis- damentalismcan onlybe ofa culture.They cannotbe, as ticated: it has relaunched liberal modernism, its theyassert, of all cultures.Being bounded by a distinct Reaganismneeds no culturalistfinesse, and the rightist culture,we cannot know that we know or do not know tendenciesof the territorialleagues which seek to create othercultures-and, what is particularlydelicious, we a Republic of NorthernItaly bypass cultural issues in cannot know that people of othercultures do not know favorof financial ones. Criticism of the new cultural us. fundamentalismcould applyto regionalor ethnicmove- Then there may be possibilities of virtue in incom- ments (Occitanists, Sardists,Altoatestins, and others) mensurability.Not all notions of incommensurability and the new localisms which sometimes tend to build are foundedon the mutual hostilityand oppressionthat mythsof originand unmixed purity,but these are not typifycultural fundamentalism. The EuropeanEnlight- on the agenda in the political debatethat Stolcke is deal- enment and its Romantic aftermathwhich Stolcke ing with. evokes did have representatives,Diderot and Herder,for Stolcke's critique is also veryuseful forcertain spe- example,who advancedincommensurability as a benign cificfields of anthropologicalwork, for example, immi- counter to colonialism and slavery. And is there not grationresearch in urban areas. In this case it is helpful honorhere in anthropologyalso? to begin with the understandingthat the immigrantis Stolcke sees culturalfundamentalism as distinctand an individualwho oscillates between two worldsand is perhaps even taking over fromracism. In this, nation stimulatedto change. Contact with the values, rules, becomes the locus of culture.It seems difficultto me to and heritageof this ancientand oppressiveworld of ours make this claim withoutsaying more about the history is formany people ofunderpriviledged societies a libera- of racism-about its persistence and protean forms. tion and an opportunityto develop new configurations. There are many indications in the paper that cultural I have always liked FrantzFanon's expression"envision fundamentalismin its exclusion and oppressionof the the universethrough the particular."This "particular," strangermay be a formof racism,and thereare intima- in my opinion,is a matterof memoryand traditionand tions that racism exceeds Stolcke's subordinationof it not necessarilyone ofnation. Stolcke is essentiallycon- to a supportfor nationalism. cerned with national identity,and perhaps I approach As Stolcke recognises,not all strangersare equally the subjectfrom a differentposition. It may nevertheless strange.Indeed, the proponentsof cultural fundamental- be interestingto conclude with a model of an identity ism have little or no trouble acceptingthe representa- that oscillates between foreignerand "cultural patriot" tives of some cultures. Yet in Stolcke's argument,the (as De Martinowould put it). Being a foreignermay in- xenophobiathat founds cultural fundamentalism is, un- volve cosmopolitanism,moving in and out of cultures like racism, uniformand comprehensivein its opposi- exchangingand gainingenough experienceto be able to tion to all othercultures. In this scheme culturesrelate STOLCKE Talking Culture|I i5

to each otherin ways thatare non-hierarchicalor simply as the forcescreating and promotinga multilingualenvi- spatial.In the firstslice ofcultural fundamentalism that ronmentproduced a reaction fromthose who resented Stolckeprovides, however, Thatcher's evocation to such and contestedthe transformation. political effectof the threatof "swamping" by "people Stolcke compellinglyargues that the contemporary witha differentculture," what seems crucialis the exac- political movementon the rightthat rationalizes immi- titude,the territorialprecision, with which such people grationrestrictions on the basis ofcultural fundamental- are designatedin Thatcher's speech just beforethe part ism is racism in a new and differentgarb. It remains used by Stolcke: these potential swampersare "people racismbecause its targetsare the same, those commonly of the New Commonwealth" [thatis, "black" people] or glossed as "people of color." It is differentfrom racism, "Pakistan"-which countryhad to be specificallyadded however,in that its justificationis not biological but because it had leftthe Commonwealth.Such people so cultural. She concludes by beseeching anthropologists carefullyspecified are then counterposedto "the British not to committhe same logical and political erroras the character"which "has done so much fordemocracy, for culturalfundamentalists-not to submitto a fundamen- law, and done so much throughoutthe world." Divi- tal cultural relativism that reifies cultural difference sions of this kind, as Stolcke aptly notes, provide the ratherthan seeking even if incompletelyto understand "cultural" unityand uniformityof the nation, a nation and overcomeit. We anthropologistsshould reclaimcul- which in realitycontains a diversityof cultures.They tural studies fromnonanthropologists and incorporate "reterritorializecultures." Such divisions are racist the insightsof postmodernawareness of cultural com- ratherthan non-hierarchicalor simply spatial. It may plexities and politics to address issues of domination, helpto note,with Bhabha (I994:99-IOO), that"etymo- conflict,and culture. logically . . . 'territory'derives fromboth terra (earth) Contests over power and meaning expose the fragile and terrree(to frighten)whence territorium,'a place and superficialnature of cultural consensus and har- fromwhich people are frightenedoff."' Only some are mony.Cities undergoingrapid, integral reformations of- ostracized,degraded, murdered, or, in short,terrorized. ferinsights. Miami is one such city.In the early I98os, The claims of nation also extend beyond the non- those with power and influence,the local elite,were all hierarchicaland the simplyspatial, beyond being merely white Americans.They lived in a city that had quickly the locus of one culture among many. Nationalism in become heavilyLatino followingCastro's Cuban revolu- the igth centuryserved to markoff a collectivityof cer- tion and the subsequent U.S.-sponsored migrationof tain nations as exemplaryof the universal and as the nearlyio% of Cuba's population.Most immigrantsset- impetusof all that was becominguniversal. That eleva- tled in Miami and with the help of generousU.S. bene- tion was and still is effectedin racist terms. The ex- fits and the experience and capital they broughtwith cluded are now also invited as nations to come within them quickly established a successful immigranten- the realmof the universaland the exemplary.To accom- clave. Most white Americanswelcomed these primarily modate the ambivalent identitythat results fromthe white,middle-class, well-educated, state-sponsored im- call to be the same and the exclusion as different,na- migrantseven as they bemoaned the new immigrants' tions and culturesare stretchedbetween various polari- continuationof theircultural differences,their propen- ties-the developedand the underdeveloped,the normal sity to speak Spanish in public, and their right-wing, and the backward,the usual list. The excluded serve to sometimes violent politics. Yet, they expected that organiseand classifythe worldalong a spectrumranging these immigrantswould be like other,earlier white im- fromthe most "advanced" liberal democraciesto barely migrants in assimilating to American culture, soon coherentnations always about to slip into the abyss of speakingonly Englishin public, ignoringthe politics of ultimate alterity. theirhomeland in favorof those of theirnew locale, and buyingwhite-American products and services. Throughthe I98os, Cubans rapidlyascended to posi- ALEX STEPICK tions ofpower and influence.They became the majority Immigrationand EthnicityInstitute, Florida on the city council. They enteredthe state legislature. InternationalUniversity, Miami, Fla. 33 I99, U.S.A. They became top developers and builders. Soon the 28 VII 94 white Americansadmitted them to the most influential clubs and committees.Yet, the new immigrantshad not While those who studyimmigration in anthropologyare assimilated as quickly or as thoroughlyas the white increasinglycalling for a transnationalapproach (e.g., Americanelite had envisioned.Many still spoke Spanish Glick-Schillerand Basch i992, Glick-Schiller,Basch, in public, and these were not the parkinglot attendants and Szanton Blanc I994), the political rightinsists on but those whose cars were beingparked, not the busboys the opposite-the need for and alleged naturalness of and waitressesbut those orderingthe food,not the un- cultural,along withpolitical, boundaries. The contradic- skilled workersbut those who owned the companies. tion is not merely coincidental. Miami spawned the The Miami Herald played a key role in reflectingand contemporarybilingual-education movement in the shaping a profoundtransformation of dominantwhite mid-ig60s, and in I980 it spearheadedthe English-only American attitudes. Cultural concerns dominated its backlash that subsequentlyswept throughall the states discourse, but the rapid loss of subscriberswho no with significantSpanish-speaking minorities (Castro longerwanted an English-onlynewspaper also heavily 1992). A more distinctdialectic could not be imagined influencedthe Herald's position. During the mid- and 6 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, February1995

late i980s, the discourse of the Herald and prominent a phenomenonin itself.In one sense this is what anthro- whiteAmerican leaders changed. Rather than suggesting pologistshave always wanted-not the particularreifi- that Cubans would soon assimilate, white American cations, of course, which theyfeel theyhave outgrown leaders applauded the multiculturalmix that permitted (culturesas bounded,internally coherent wholes, etc.), Miami to become the capital of the Caribbeanand even but its objectification,that is, culture as an object of all of Latin America. Spanish-speakers,in this new vi- thought(their understanding of what gives identityand sion, were central to Miami's prosperityin that they distinctivenessto human lives). The openness of the providedsmooth business links to the region'sprimary concept of culture,as she points out, makes it disarm- tradingpartners (Portes and Stepick I993). Not all cul- ingly"friendly" to use, appealing to human universals turaldiversity was so championed.Black Haitian immi- in apparentlynon-exclusionary terms; after all, we "all" grantsnever received the welcome accordedwhite Cu- have culture.This is the benignsense in which anthro- bans. Instead, the U.S. governmentrepeatedly and pologistshave promotedit. The importanceof Stolcke's relentlesslysought to deter Haitians' arrival and per- historicalwork lies in elucidatingits role as an idiom of suade those in Miami to returnhome (Stepick i992). exclusion-the new possibilitiesit affordsfor what can Race and power,so inextricablymelded in the United be utteredin public. Culturehas become all too utterable. States and apparentlyin Europe, determinewhere the It is interestingthat along with the emphasis on the boundariesare drawn-who is welcomed as a member socially constructednature of loyaltiessubsumed under of the cultural and political communityand who is ex- appeals to culturegoes an emphasis on a primordialor cluded. Culture plays an independent,critical role in naturalstate of affairs.Far fromappearing as contradic- both discourse and action. Cubans were conceived as toryor opposed, both "nature" and "culture"carry weight differentand treated differentlybecause they spoke in theway thenew exclusionsare framed. It is thecongru- Spanish and much of their political attentionwas di- ence or conflationof these thatgives culturalfundamen- rected to their homeland. Yet, those differenceswere talism such power-a demonstrationthat in turngives toleratedat firstbecause the U.S. federalgovernment powerto Stolcke'sargument. This is a brilliantexposition providedresources to amelioratethe costs of addressing and,as one would expectfrom the author, an anthropolog- them and later because those whose economic base re- ical projectdirected towards a pressingsocial issue. Its mained in South Florida had no choice but to accept significanceis not to be underestimated. them. Those who could not do so eitherfled or resisted The only comment to make is that if the strengthof by foundingthe English Only movement.Black immi- the paper lies in its social contextualization(Stolcke is grants,in contrast,could never obtain sufficientpower ascribingthese ideas not to some vague "culture" but to effecttheir incorporation into the local community. to specificpolicies and practices)one would not want Much like the native AfricanAmericans, they remain to be carried(reassured?) by the idea that culturalfunda- marginal,appealing to the American ideologyof equal mentalism is a right-wingplot. It may be veryuseful treatmentregardless of race and succeeding enough to forright-wing political language,but such politics also permitthe formationof a Haitian communitybut not draws on usages more generallycurrent. Although one enough to provideit with the firm,powerful base that should not underplaythe differencesbetween European Cubans enjoy. governmentsthat she sketches,dogmas of culturaldif- Thus, culture and power determinethe evolution of ference(and she makes this apparent)suit a whole spec- community-who is included or excluded.The shallow trumof positions. Thus, as we mightexpect to findin the historyof South Florida and of all the United States Ig80s/I990s, theysuit both right-wingand left-wing comparedwith Europe precludes a deeply organiccon- platforms.While immigrationpolicies may offerparticu- ception of the nation-state.Cultural markersmust be lar evidence of right-wingpolitical thinking,they hold used, and theycan easily be extendedor withdrawnand waterprecisely because oftheir saliency. Indeed, cultural are always contestedin responseto the emergingpower fundamentalismis too flexiblea conceptby farfor com- ofnew groups.Yet, race remainsforemost. While racism fort.As she says,it is new and old at the same time,as it may be discreditedpolitically and no longeradmissible gathersto itselfboth social constructionisttheories and in public discourse,it continuesto guide the policies of ideas about naturalbonds and universalhuman traitsand people. facilitates ideologies of assimilation and integration alike. Differentpolitical regimesspeak in its common language.Anthropologists have had theirhand in this: MARILYN STRATHERN Stolcke's demonstrationis bothedifying and disturbing. Departmentof Social Anthropology,University of Cambridge,Cambridge CB2 3RF, England. 3 vIII 94 rERENCE TURNER This is an importantpaper. By her carefulhistorical exe- Departmentof Anthropology,University of Chicago, gesis, Stolcke makes it verydifficult for the anthropolo- Chicago,Ill. 60637, U.S.A. 23 vIII 94 gist to dismiss what she so aptly calls "cultural funda- mentalism" as no more than a misguidedmanifestation Stolcke's article makes importantpoints about the na- of racist thinking.On the contrary,she points out all tureof the culturalnationalism currently being champi- the ways in which cultural discriminationhas become :ned by the European right.I think she is rightto em- S T O L C K E Talking Culture I I 7

phasize the differencesbetween the new "cultural a right-wingpopulist idiom ofprotest by lower-classand fundamentalism"and racism while recognizingthat marginalelements of European national societies,an of- both reflect,in differentways, the contradictionin ear- ten equally fundamentalistmulticulturalism is becom- lier formsof liberal nationalismbetween universalistic ing the preferredidiom in which minorityethnic and values and the need to limit the nation to its territorial racial groupsare assertingtheir right to a full and equal boundaries.I also agree with her that it is essential for rolein the same societies. These groupsand movements anthropologyto take account of the ways in which the overtlyassert their cultural, ethnic, and/or national new political movementsand conditionsto which she "identities"as the legitimizingbasis of claims to inclu- refersare changingthe meaning of "culture" and to re- sion on an equal footingin multiethnicnational societ- flect on the implications of these changes for its own ies (or,in extremecases, claims to separateexistence as theoreticalconcept of culture.In this connection,she is independentnations) ratherthan as calls forthe exclu- correct,in myview, to stressthat recent anthropological sion of culturallydifferent groups. Rightist exclusionist formulationsin the postmodernist"culture-critique" cultural nationalism and left-orientedinclusionist vein only recastin differentterms and do not transcend mnulticulturalism,I suggest, should be understood as the reificationof culturaldifference typical of older an- complementaryrefractions of the same conjunctureof thropologicalapproaches to cultures as bounded iso- social and political-economicforces. lates. There are two fundamentalreasons thatcultural iden- While Stolcke's discussion contains importantin- tityhas emergedas the idiom of choice forexpessions sightsinto the new cultural nationalism,she does not ofsocial discontentby marginalizedor downwardlymo- claim to presentan exhaustiveaccount of the phenome- bile elements of national . The firstis that non or an analysis ofits political and social causes. Tak- it is virtuallythe only aspect of their relation to the ing her stimulatingtreatment as a point of departure,I national society that they still own and control-the would suggestthat a fulleranalysis would addressissues only one, by the same token,beyond the controlof na- such as the following: tional political and cultural elites. The second is the First,cultural nationalism is not merelyor even pri- politicalpotency of the conceptionof national identity marilyexclusionary and xenophobic,and the foreignim- intrinsicto modernEuropean nationalismfrom its ori- migrantsand Gastarbeitertowards whom it is ostensi- gins in the i8th and igth centuries.As Stolcke points bly directed are not its primarytargets. It is a claim out,both the liberalrepublican (French) and reactionary forinclusion and integrationon more favorablesocial, culturalist(German) formsof nationalism rested on a political, and economic terms directed at dominant conceptionof national identityas the expressionof a political and technobureaucraticgroups by relatively distinctive historical and cultural heritage shared disenfranchised,dominated elements of the national zqually by all individualmembers of the national com- population. This is why the new cultural nationalist munity.The result has been to legitimize a cultural movementscannot simplybe understoodas expressions 3ense of national identitynot only as an inalienable of the political right,even thoughit is the rightthat has propertyof everyindividual, and hence beyondthe con- effectivelyco-opted them. What must also be accounted trolof elites, but also as the justificationfor political foris theirpopulist characteras the social and political Alaimsmade in the name of the nation and the unifor- protestsof subordinatesocial strata against the domi- mityof its legal norms or social mores. nantpolitical-economic and culturalorder that excludes What is now happeningis that subordinateand mar- themfrom full participationin the national life.In this 3-inalelements of the national societies of Europe are wider perspective the implicit ultimate end of these not for the first time) picking up this ideological movementsis not the "culturalcleansing" ofthe nation weaponand using it againstthe hegemonicliberal estab- throughthe expulsion of foreignersbut theirown fuller Lishmentsand state governmentsthat have presided integrationinto and more equitable participationin the wverthe erosion of theireconomic and social condition social and economic life of the nation. Opposition to n the recentperiod of the consolidationof transnational foreignersand immigrantsis an apt means to this end :apitalism.The responsesof national establishmentsto because foreignmigrants and guest-workersare the most -heprotests of the "cultural fundamentalists"have of- visible,accessible, and vulnerableextension of the hege- -enironically reflected the assertionsof the protesters, monic political and technoeconomic system that the is when multiculturalistclaims are resistedby cultural protestersfeel oppressesand excludes them. Calling for iuthoritiesin the name of the need forcultural unifor- the exclusion offoreign elements on nationalistgrounds nity as the basis of national political integration. is a convenient way of stressingthe common ground In the past, similarmovements of nationalist"funda- the protestersshare with the dominantelements of the nentalism," such as fascism,have seized upon race or nationalsociety-the bureaucracyand thepolitical lead- )therissues as the specificvehicles oftheir causes. Stol- ership-and thus gainingmoral leverage over them to ,ke is correctto stress the relative uniqueness of the compel them to take more account of the protestersand ,urrentwave of "culturalist" movements in this re- theirdemands. ;pect. The question is why "culture" in the contempo- Any attemptto understandthe new formsof cultural ary sense of a common "identity" or universe of dis- and must account forthe fact that ,ourse and social standardsrather than "race" or even while xenophobiccultural fundamentalism is becoming SYemeinschaftin the older German sense of a historic 8 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

folk communityhas now become the focus of the new genuinelycritical perspectiveon "culture" capable of movements.The answeris to be foundin the dominant revealingthe continuityand interdependenceof forms socioeconomic conditions of the historical period in of social consciousness and the materialsocial relations which the new movementshave emerged. that give rise to them. As the governmentsof nation-statesare increasingly redefinedas local committees of an ever more power- fullyorganized transnational capitalist system of finan- WALTER P. ZENNER cial institutions,labor movements,circulating capital, Departmentof Anthropology,State Universityof New and commodityflows, their political and economic in- Yorkat Albany,Albany, N.Y. I2222, U.S.A. I I VII 94 stitutionsbecome increasinglyinaccessible to influence by the mass of their populations. As the traditional In her interestinganalysis of the new "rhetoricsof ex- meaning of political citizenship withers away under clusion" in WesternEurope, Stolcke limits herself to the these circumstances,the ability of national regimesto responseof respectableconservative political leaders to guaranteetheir citizens access to commodityconsump- the new "extracommunitarianimmigration" rather tion on a scale commensuratewith theirsocial aspira- than dealing with "popular reactions and sentiments." tions has become theirprimary basis of political legiti- She also links these ideological changes to the ways in mation. Consumption of commodities has thus which Britain and France in particularhave absorbed supplantedthe exerciseof the traditionalpolitical func- immigrantsin the past four decades and to the view tions of citizenshipas the main mode of the construc- of the "nation" in the two countries.The authoritative tion-and thus control-of personal identity.The indi- appeal to "culturaldifference" rather than to race recalls vidualisticform of this identityconstruction, however, a similar response by post-World War II imperialists. is limited and orientedby the social values of the na- The late Melville J. Herskovitsin his lecturesreferred tional society;it thus constitutesa culturalform of par- to this as "culturalism,"but Stolcke's "cultural funda- ticipation in the national identity,the formthat now mentalism" is a more stylishrubric. provides the most immediate and satisfyingsense of While the notion of "new rhetoricsof exclusion" can power over the terms of personal and social existence. to some extentbe appliedto the United States,this must Cultural identityand national cultural identityas its be done carefully.Stolcke's political referenceto the most fundamental,socially shared aspect thus become rightand to conservativeliberals is limited to a Euro- the most politicallyfraught idiom of solidarityand pro- pean context.The so-called rightin the United States is test alike in contemporarycapitalist societies. split along several lines, includingthe "Christianright" What are the implicationsof these developmentsfor and ex-liberal "neoconservatives." The latter include the anthropologicalconcept of culture?First and most "environmentaloptimists" like JulianSimon and Ben obvious,"culture" cannotbe theorizedin isolationfrom Wattenbergwho tend to favoropen immigration.Those the social conditionsin which it arises and vice versa. on the leftmay employa "rhetoricof exclusion" oftheir Secondly,the attemptto do so, characteristicof most own. Slogans of class conflictare an example of this, anthropologicaltheorizing about culture fromthe Bo- and Anglophobiaand anti-Americanismare xenophobic asians to the contemporaryproponents of anthropology views which have been used by both the left and the as ethnographicwriting, should be recognizedas a con- right. tinuationof the fundamentalideological mystification While I tendto agreewith Stolckethat we should take centralto the originsof the cultureconcept in German the "nonracist"rhetoric of these "culturists"seriously, Romanticnationalism. "Culture" as nationalisticideol- we must do so with care. Unlike anthropologists,politi- ogy servedto sever consciousness of the unequal social cians and ideologues have no all-embracingtheory of roots of the new orderof bourgeoispolitical-economic culture.How do people acquire the "national conscious- dominationby projectingit as an expressionof universal ness" that theyenvision? Is it by earlysocialization, as ideal principlesof liberty,equality, and fraternityor, al- the Boasians believe, or is acquisitionpractically biolog- ternatively,of volkische Gemeinschaft,even as it ex- ical? The formermight be accomplishedthrough limited plicitlyopposed the idealized concept of the new order immigrationand assimilationisteducation, but the lat- to the obsolete social orderof monarchicalfeudalism. ter would simply be racist. We should rememberthat The abstractionof ideal principlesas culturalrepresen- manytheorists have not internalizedFranz Boas's gener- tations of uniformlyshared social qualities frommate- alization that there is no one-to-onerelationship be- rial social relationsand conditionsand an almost Man- tween race, language,and culture.Racists like Sombart ichaean opposition of the formerto the latter thus gavecultural as well as biologicalexplanations for differ- became a foundationalprinciple of modernsocial con- ences between ethnic groupsand nations. It is not hard sciousness, including nationalism and anthropological to imaginethat modern culturists do not exclude biolog- conceptsof cultureamong its variantforms. The fright- ical explanationsbut simply do not bringthem to the eningresurgence of right-wingmovements, both in Eu- fore. rope and in America,based on formsof culturalfunda- Of greaterweight are two omissions by Stolcke. Her mentalism that mystifythe real social causes of the decision not to discuss popular anti-immigrationsenti- discontenton which theyfeed should promptanthropol- mentis unfortunate,since one can assume thatpolitical ogists to recognizethe urgencyof the need to develop a leadersfind immigration a veryfruitful issue to exploit. STOLCKE Talking Culture I

The interactionbetween the political class and other forma paradoxical part of modernityrather than being classes on immigrationfeeds the resentmentof immi- an anachronismin modernsociety or a residue of their grants.It is also a test of a theoreticalexplanation of the slave past-a point I have stressed since my early re- importanceof certainframes of economic problems. search on Igth-centuryCuba (II974). As Goldberg Stolcke tends to dismiss the social scientificstudy of (I993:4) has persuasivelyput it, "This is a centralpara- ethnocentrism(xenophobia) by viewing it primarilyas dox, the ironyperhaps, of modernity:The more explic- a componentof a conservativeideology. She does not itlyuniversal modernity's commitments, the moreopen differentiatebetween the two. The factthat human be- it is to and the more determinedit is by the likes of ings may love and hate "other peoples" differentially racial specificityand racial exclusivity." Less clear, and serially seems to prove that ethnocentrismis not however,is the specificcharacter of these new attitudes a human universal. In this regard,her dismissal of the and rhetoricof exclusion and theirroots, partly perhaps Bosnian case is particularlyshallow. She refersto the because of a certaindifficulty in overcomingestablished fact that up to the present wars the various ethnic notionsof modernsociety, culture, identity, and racism groupsof that unfortunateland had good neighborlyre- itself. lations, without considerationof the long and compli- In view ofthe noveltyand complexityof the phenom- cated historyof the Yugoslav lands. She also does not enon,I have advisedlychosen to focuson onlyone mani- referto sophisticatedsocial scientificstudies of xeno- festation,namely, right-wingrhetorics of exclusion phobia such as that conductedby Donald T. Campbell, whose targetsare extracommunitarianimmigrants. The RobertA. LeVine, and theirassociates, in which hypoth- comments on my paper are not only most helpful in eses derivedfrom the Spencer-Sumnerformulation of a clarifyingmy definitionsbut also raise a numberof per- universal syndromeof ethnocentrismwere developed tinentquestions that,by goingbeyond the limitedaims and tested cross-culturally.While the study was too of my analysis, are useful forexpanding anthropology's broad to summarizehere and too incompleteto support researchagenda regardingthe political and theoretical finalconclusions, it is worthnoting that ethnocentrism challenges posed by the new global disorderand espe- in this view beginswith high self-regard,which in fairly cially its ideological "overpinnings." intricateways is tied to fearand hatredof some outsid- I fully agree with Fitzpatrick'ssubstantive observa- ers (LeVine and Campbell I972, Brewerand Campbell tion that cultural fundamentalists'postulated incom- I976). mensurabilityof cultures is, in the end, nonsensical- I agreewith Stolcke that we should tryto understand thoughperhaps no less so than some of the postmodern thefluidity and flexibilityof human ways oflife and that radical-relativistethnographic endeavours. Yet, ideolog- the political meanings of culturaldifferences should be ical postulates do not have to have cognitivecoherence a major focus of our work. It is easy to forget,however, to be politically effective.The integrationiststrand in thatmany of our professionalforebears understood this. Cuban and Brazilian political racism which sustained a For instance,Herskovits, who was known as a principal hierarchyof races but advocated miscegenationto over- proponentof culturalrelativism, also showed how peo- come potential sociopolitical conflicts between the ples of differentbackground borrow and transform "races'' could also be considereduntenable in a strict elements of each other's culture (Herskovits I964: sense. In addition,it is no noveltythat a notion,in this i59-2i2). Edward Spicer (i980:287-362), as a result case incommensurabilitybetween cultures,may be put of his lifelong work on the Yaqui and the western to differentuses and have differentmeanings and conse- U.S.-Mexican borderlands,showed how some ethnic quences depending on socio-historicalcontexts. Cul- boundariesare preservedin spite ofgreat changes in cul- tural relativism,when it was firstdefended by Boas ture.The persistenceof ethnicidentity, in fact,is often againstracist and otherethnocentric determinisms, was inverselycorrelated with changes in culture. I thank progressivein the colonial context.In the contemporary Stolckefor challenging us to reconsiderthese questions. crisis-riddenpostcolonial world, radical culturalrelativ- ism spells exclusion. As Taguieffhas shown,moreover, the new rightin France adopted the idea of incommen- surabilityinstead of orderingcultures hierarchically to Reply avoid the negative inegalitarianconnotation of the lat- ter. In practice,cultural fundamentalismof course op- pressesimmigrants economically and socially,is applied VERENA STOLCKE onlyto subalternstrangers, and producesand reproduces Barcelona, Spain. 26 IX94 inequality.Yet, as I argue,socioeconomic exclusion and inequalityare now a consequence of immigrationcon- The resurgenceof "racism" in contemporaryEurope has trols defendedand implementedby conservativesand generateda wealth ofresearch that has enrichedbut also the rightrather than being thematizedin theirrhetoric challengedtraditional notions of racism.The categories of exclusion. In theory,and again forthe sake of argu- applied to its classical period have proved insufficient mentativecoherence, the targetis any extracommuni- to account forthese new essentialistdoctrines of exclu- tarianimmigrant, but in practiceit is the Third World sion. Central to this revision of earliertheorizations of poor whose exclusion is legitimatedbecause it is they "racism" is the gradual awareness that such doctrines ratherthan, forexample, an Arab oil magnate who are .201 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

seen as threateningsocial orderin the context of eco- duce new contradictionsand tensions. Liberal capital- nomic recession. Stepick's observations on the con- ism is inherentlyincapable of making everyonehappy. trastingexperience of Cuban and Haitian immigrantsin Turner and Zenner regretthat I have not discussed Florida,though referringto the specificcontext of the popular attitudesvis-a-vis immigrants. Turner's obser- United States,provide a suggestiveexample of the com- vations qualifyingand extendingmy analysis are espe- plex intersectionbetween economic power and essen- cially valuable. Of course, any theoryof exclusion has tialist differentiation. its obverse,although it is oftennot recognizedthat iden- Thatcher's famous statement is admittedly less tity,be it ethnic,cultural, national, political, and/orof clearlyculturalist than I have wanted to make out, but gender,is a relationshipand logically always implies a the fact that the "people of the New Commonwealth" contrastingother. Nationality rules, for example, at first and of Pakistan,who are its targets,are phenotypically sight are about the prerequisitesfor acquiring citizen- nonwhiteis not sufficientreason to extrapolateracism ship,that is, inclusion,in a statebut implicitlyof course fromit. Instead of supposingthat classical racism is at also definewho are noncitizens. Explicit emphases on work every time those who are discriminatedagainst exclusion or inclusion depend,however, on the "prob- are phenotypicallydifferent, we now need seriouslyto lem" posed. Recent researchon citizenshipin relation ask ourselves what is in a face nowadays. What does it to human rights,for example, in Latin America, has mean, forexample, that foreignersof NorthAfrican ori- tendedto be inward-looking,neglecting the conceptual- gin are systematicallystopped by the French police ization ofnationality as its precondition.The alarmover searchingfor illegal immigrantsbecause theyhave "the extracommunitarianimmigration in contemporaryEu- wrongface" (Dubet I989, cited by SilvermanI992: I36)? rope,by contrast,has enhanced the visibilityof the for- There is, indeed,a growingawareness among scholars eign "other" and the debate over politics of exclusion that contemporaryEuropean politics and policies of ex- while, nonetheless, revitalizingcommonsense under- clusion are informedby claims of nation. Nineteenth- standingsof national belonging,identity, and citizen- centurynationalism and late-2oth-centurycultural fun- ship rights.The postwar welfare state in Europe cer- damentalism,as I have analyzed it, share the conflation tainly reinforcedthe populations' ideas of national of people-nation-territory.By contrast with igth- entitlementwhich are now being eroded by economic century typically hierarchical racist nationalism, recession. The ensuing frustrationsare often but not however, contemporarycultural fundamentalism,by necessarilyalways and by everyonedirected against ex- emphasizing cultural-national incommensurability, tracommunitarianimmigrants. Particular national his- fragmentsthe planet into separateuniverses rather than tories complicate the picture. In the case of Spain, for explicitly invoking underdevelopmenton account of example, the experience of emigrationto France and backwardnessto deny that "we" have anythingto do Germanyin the sixties of almost 3 million labouring with the ever-growinginequality between "us" and men and women often serves as an antidote to anti- "them" so as not to be takenfor racists. Perhaps it needs immigrantsentiments. One immigrantfrom Andalucia stressing once more that to challenge racist reduc- recentlyinsisted to me, however, that he was not an tionisms in contemporaryanalyses of anti-immigrant immigrantbut a forastero(roughly, "stranger," though rhetoricis in no way to minimize the horrorsthat this the termprecisely lacks the national connotation),obvi- implies for"them." The extentto which racist catego- ously seeking to distance himself from the stigma ries continueto shape people's attitudeseven ifthey are attached to extracommunitarianimmigrants, although not publicly admitted(Stepick) is a matterfor research until veryrecently Andalucian immigrantswere called which above all must pay carefulattention to argumen- and called themselvessimply "immigrants." tativestructures in particularcontexts and political tra- Much more complicated is, however, the way in ditions. which rhetoricsof political elites interactwith under- Benthallrightly points to the absence in my paper of standingsof the dominatedmajority of the population. an explanationof the North-Southinequality that I cite The political success of the anti-immigrantplatforms as the "root cause" of cultural fundamentalism.But of the political right-to the extentthat not only con- then,I suggesta more complicatedset of dialecticinter- servativebut also social-democraticgovernments have actions betweenideological constructsand materialrea- adopted an exclusionaryrhetoric and policies-and the sons ratherthan a single "cause"-a dialectic between hostilityand recurrentaggression against immigrants on sociopoliticaltensions generated by the economic reces- the part of "ordinarypeople" provide ample evidence sion in advanced capitalistEurope and ideologicalscape- that neitherare the politicians preachingin the desert goatingof extracommunitarianimmigrants which is in- nor is cultural fundamentalismmerely a perversefig- formedby new and old ideas of national entitlement, mentof the imaginationof small extremistgroups as, in inclusion,and exclusion in the guise, forreasons of po- fact,early reports on the resurgenceof racism in Europe litical expediency,of a radicallyrelativist culturalist id- maintained.It is also well known that the production iom. These times of economic crisisare evidentlyaverse ofan externalenemy and threatgenerates internal socio- to progressiveprograms of change,but it seems equally economic cohesion. The power of patriotism,especially evident that any piecemeal reformwithin prevailing duringWorld War I, in bridgingclass divisions is only structuresof power and inequality will inevitablypro- one example. Contemporaryculture talk has, as Strath- STOLCKE Talking Culture 2i2

ernrecently observed, contributed to obscuringsociety. replacementof the idea of "race" in differentialdis- To understandthe politics of cultural fundamentalism course by the obviously ambivalent term "ethnicity" we requiremuch more detailedresearch on popularself- andlately by "culture" (Barkan i992, StolckeI993). The understandingsregarding political-national and cultural issue is not, however,only one of words but, as I have identityand identifications.Central in this respect is attemptedto show, one of the assumptionsand concep- a properhistorical perspective that pays due attention tual structuresof new culturalistrhetorics. preciselyto the "dialogue" betweenideologues and sub- The idea that humans are inherentlyethnocentric is, alternsectors and to the economic contextwithin which as I argue,the naturalisticand hence universalistideo- culturalfundamentalism flourishes. My hope is thatmy logical assumption on which contemporaryEuropean paper may stimulate investigationsof this kind. The cultural fundamentalismis built. This does not mean vast literatureon the socioeconomic circumstancesthat that,as Zenner seems to think,I dismiss the studyby gave rise to fascismmay providevaluable insightshere, the social sciences of ethnocentrismand xenophobia- but again one should beware of easy reductionisms. nota bene, as historical phenomena. Anthropologists Turnerand Stratherndraw attention to the wide polit- have traditionallyinvestigated communities, peoples, or ical spectrumthat nowadays endorsesor is receptiveto culturesas isolates. They may thereforebe ill-equipped cultural fundamentalistideas in Europe of the kind I to offerinsights into interrelationshipsbetween cul- discuss, and Clemente rightlyinsists on the need to tures,but we need urgentlyto incorporatea relational identifyin more detail the tendencieswithin the right approach,not least to interrogateearlier social science and the left.Multiculturalism is an importantcase in formulationsof a "universal syndromeof ethnocen- point, as are certain strands of defensive ethno- trism"which, forreasons I have spelled out, I regardas nationalismon the left.For example,in Catalunya,anti- highlysuspect. statistnationalists of the extremeleft may be heardve- Finally,on the nation-stateand its prospects:Benthall hemently defendingnational cultural identityas the mentionsthe widespreadidea among scholarsthat large onlyeffective source ofsocial cohesion in the contempo- nation-statesmay be less oppressivefor minorities, but raryaggressively individualist world; hence, theyargue, again this depends on the context.The United States, extracommunitarianimmigrants must assimilate.They forexample, does not appear to me to excel in its toler- entirelydisregard, however, the factthat neoliberal capi- ance with regardto its multiple "minorities."There are talist consumer society, by reinforcingindividualism, those who argue that transnationalcapitalism, by de- fragmentssociety and the consequences of this, as privingit ofits traditionaleconomic-political functions, pointedout by Turner,and the factthat cultural identity spells doom forthe nation-state.The EuropeanCommu- and oppressionare producedhistorically. nity is celebratedas one outstandingexample of this. An argued critique of contemporarycultural funda- Yet, while capital and commoditiesnowadays know no mentalism,I believe, does not (as Clemente seems to national frontiers,the movementof people is quite an- think)preclude anthropological research into particular othermatter. One crucial functionof the nation-state, cultural processes and reinventionsas long as this is namely,controlling the movementof people across bor- not done (again, as Turner observes) in isolation from ders,has been revitalizedby the restructuringof indus- historicalsociopolitical conditions.Of course, cultural trial production. Industries may organize production identitydoes not producexenophobia but ratherthe re- across borders,seeking to reduce productioncosts and verse. That "everyoneneeds cultural 'roots"' is, how- increase profits.But structuralunemployment, espe- ever,far too generala statementand prejudgesthe cru- cially in the North, and its political consequences are cial issues regardingthe prerequisitesof identityand of deepeningnational divisionsrather than dissolvingbor- the productionof differencewhich anthropologistsur- ders. Not even the foundationaldocument of the new gentlyneed to investigate. democratic postwar world order,the United Nations I have limitedmyself to comparingFrance and Britain Universal Declaration of Human Rights, consecrates because I am aware of how importantspecific historical people's rightto free choice of their residence. While and contextualconditions and relationsare in endowing "everyonehas the rightof freedomof movement and sociopoliticalprocesses with meaning.In this sense Italy residencewithin the bordersof each state," movement strikesme as especially interestingconsidering its re- betweenstates is limitedto the rightto leave any coun- cent political history.Stepick and Zenner offerinterest- try,including one's own, and returnto one's country. ing comments from the vantage point of the United Nowadays, European citizens as workerscannot move States. I would, however,be veryhesitant to extendthe completelyfreely within the EuropeanCommunity. Yet notion of cultural fundamentalismwithout qualifica- even those rightsenjoyed by Europeansare denied alto- tion to NorthAmerica, not least because ofits historical getherto long-settledresidents who happen to be third- past in slavery and postemancipationracism. Boasian countrynationals. Analyses oftentend to pay attention cultural anthropologywas a momentous reaction to to the flow of capital and goods to the neglectof that of this. The opposition to nazism during World War II people. Despite radically changed economic circum- shaped in a dramaticfashion the refutationof racism as stances,the problemposed by the formationof the mod- a legitimateintellectual and political stance. The civil ernnation-state in the earlyigth century,how to bound rightsstruggles of the sixties contributedfurther to the the citizenry,remains with us. 2 | CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995

My conclusion is admittedlyutopian, but then, as I99 Ib. Sovereignty:The Britishexperience. Times Liter- Goya showed so powerfullyin his caprichos,"Phantasy arySupplement, November 29, pp. I5-I6. abandoned by reason produces impossible monsters: COHN-BENDIT, DANIEL, AND THOMAS SCHMID. i99i. Wenn united derWesten unwiderstehlich wird. Die Zeit, November22, p. 5. with reason it is the motherof the arts and the 1I992.Heimat Babylon:Das Wagnisder multikulturellen originof marvels." Demokratie.Hoffman und Campe. COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES. i987. A freshboost for culture in theEuropean Community. Communi- cation,December I4. 1I992.New prospectsfor community cultural action. ReferencesCited Communication,April 29. CRANSTON, MAURICE. I988. "The sovereigntyand the na- ASAD, TALAL. I990. Multiculturalismand Britishidentity in tion,"in The FrenchRevolution and the creationof modern the wake ofthe Rushdieaffair. 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JamesChandler, Arnold I. Davidson,and Harry Harootunian, editors Surprisinglylittle attention has been directedtoward the central concern of what constitutesevidence in researchand scholarship.Questions of Evidence seeks to fillthat gap by bringingtogether thirteen major essays by leadingscholars and researchersin multiplefields across the sciences and humanities.Each essay (originallypublished in CriticalInquiry) is accompaniedby a never-before- publishedcritical response and a rejoinderby theauthor of theoriginal essay. Contributorsinclude Lauren Berlant, Teffy Castle, James Chandler, Jean Comaroff, Lorraine Daston,Arnold I. Davidson,Carlo Ginzburg, Ian Hacking, Harry Harootunian, Elizabeth Helsinger,Thomas C. Holt,Mark Kelman, R. C. Lewontin,Fran9oise Meltzer, Mary Poovey, DonaldPreziosi, Robert Richards, Lawrence Rothfield, Simon Schaffer, Joan W. Scott,Eve KosofskySedgwick, Barbara Herrnstein Smith, Joel Snyder, Cass R. Sunstein,Pierre Vidal-Naquet,and William Wimsatt. 1994 512 p. (est.) ISBN: 0-226-10082-0 Cloth $42.00 ISBN: 0-226-10083-9 Paper $19.95

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