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Fighting for the Farms: Structural Violence, Race and Resistance In © COPYRIGHT by Kalfani Nyerere Turè 2016 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED FIGHTING FOR THE FARMS: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE, RACE AND RESISTANCE IN WASHINGTON, D.C. BY Kalfani Nyerere Turè ABSTRACT The goal of this dissertation research is to understand structural violence in the Barry Farm Public Dwellings, a public housing community in the District of Columbia (Washington, DC). The dissertation argues that a local urban renewal program called the New Communities Initiative (NCI), which is intended to end racialized urban ghettos in the District of Columbia, is a form of structural violence that instead continues inequality. The dissertation proposes an original explanatory framework based on a sociospatial binary of Western Superior Culture (WSC) and Non-Western Inferior Others/Truly “Truly” Disadvantaged Others (NWIO/TTDO). Poor African Americans represent the NWIO and the TTDO, its subset of increasingly vulnerable public housing residents. The dissertation argues that the elite WSC group dispenses structural violence to manufacture the NWIO/TTDO as an inferior status group and their environment as an African American urban ghetto (AAUG) and to maintain the NWIO/TTDO’s function as an antithetical reference group. I examine the Farms community both historically and in the contemporary moment to (1) discover structural violence’s real but hidden perpetrators; (2) to demystify structural violence by making sense of its perpetrators’ motivations; and (3) to understand the nature of its victims’ agency. Between 2007 and 2013, I utilized windshield tours, participant observation, interviews, archival research, and oral histories to collect ethnographic data. This dissertation’s analysis suggests that continuous structural violence has produced a fragmented community where history and cultural heritage are being lost and collective agency is difficult to form. ii The dissertation focuses on the lived experiences and mobilization efforts of Farms Public Dwellings community residents that distort and threaten the binary relationship between the WSC and the NWIO/TTDO. I argue that the NCI program is intended to maintain the WSC– NWIO/TTDO binary by relocating the NWIO/TTDO spatially. This spatial reformation represents the expansion of privilege space and the ritualization of White supremacy. By ritualization, I mean White Supremacy on the one hand manufactures AAUG as problem communities and then assume the sole responsibility to reform and displace these problem sites to confirm their own superior status. To counterbalance the hegemonic narratives that accompany and justify the Farms Public Dwellings community residents’ displacement, the dissertation documents residents’ pain, adaptive and agentive struggles. As the Farms residents struggle to survive, this dissertation intends to amplify their cries for justice and their demands for a quality of life befitting citizens of the District of Columbia and America. iii PREFACE The United States is truly a nation of extremes: on the one hand, there are those who enjoy an abundance of material wealth, while on the other, there are those who suffer an abject experience of smothering scarcity—a scarcity of some of the most basic life-sustaining resources. Affordable, adequate housing is one of those basic resources. This dissertation attends to those who are precariously tied to or denied decent housing, namely public housing residents. I focus on the impact of structural violence on the lived experiences of people residing in the District of Columbia’s eighth ward (Ward 8) in a community east of the Anacostia River called Barry Farm Public Dwellings (hereafter referred to by the local appellation “Farms Public Dwellings”). I examine the effects of the accumulated application of structural violence over time on the residents who live in this community. I understand structural violence as subtle or flagrant forms of violence dispensed by privileged society members via myths, public policies, and social practices that intend to diminish the life opportunities of its targeted victims.1 Structural violence is historically, materially, and spatially manifest. In other words, privileged people dispense structural violence against defenseless victims and the places these victims occupy. This dissertation, however, does more than describe the perpetration of structural violence on Farms Public Dwellings residents, which produces their inferior and ghettoized status. It also seeks to understand how it is dispensed over time and space and who dispenses it and for what reasons, and how their victims respond strategically to mitigate structural violence’s impact. Additionally, it explores promising, consciousness-raising exercises that might lead to the residents’ collective 1. Cultural myths and rituals are understood by anthropologists as routinized patterns of behaviors that confer intergroup distinction, intragroup cohesion, and social identity to constituent members against nonbelonging others (Hendry and Hendry 2008). iv empowerment. Mere documentation of structural violence and victims’ responses, while important for supporting social justice strategies intended to restore victims’ human dignity, obscures the impact of structural violence unless it also examines who it benefits and why. To assume that structural violence is in play, as I argue is the case in this research, one also assumes that it is dispensed according to rational intentionality, meaning that there are sociocultural explanations that should bring to light the perpetrators’ goals and reasoning. This dissertation demystifies structural violence by addressing the questions of “who benefits and why” and by examining the Farms residents’ experiences through an original theoretical framework of a sociocultural binary between Western Superior Culture (WSC) and the Non-Western Inferior Other (NWIO) and its subset, the Truly “Truly” Disadvantaged Other (TTDO). This framework should not be interpreted as a denial of salient racism. In fact, the WSC–NWIO/TTDO binary better accounts for the increasingly diverse group of WSC participants in the District of Columbia and the multiethnic/multiracial defenders of the TTDOs, particularly those that are Farms Public Dwellings residents, than does a simple racial binary. In this so-called postracial moment, the dominant, privileged elite uses categories of culture to draw contradistinctions between the WSC group (themselves) and the NWIO/TTDO groups (others). While African American residents in the Farms Public Dwellings are certainly Western in their experiences and outlooks, they are nevertheless construed and fashioned culturally as non-Western interlopers. Furthermore, structural violence is deployed consistently to maintain an optimal spatial boundary between the two constituent groups in the WSC– NWIO/TTDO binary. When social practices, public policies, and/or laws distort the WSC– NWIO/TTDO binary, structural violence is then amplified to restore the binary to optimal v functioning to benefit the WSC.2 This dissertation thus attempts to keep pace with the dynamic and protean nature of White supremacy that reserves value for the White Western majority, while excluding non-Western others and categorizing them as dangerous trespassers.3 I conducted my research in the Farms Public Dwellings community over a period of five years. From the summer of 2007 to the summer of 2012, I interacted with government officials, police officers, social justice activists, developers, artists, historians/historical preservationists, nonprofit service sector providers, recreational staff, and Farms Public Dwellings community residents. Through these interactions, and along with a genuine desire to give a full account of structural violence, I came to understand how the federal and local governments in the District of Columbia caused many manifestations of structural violence to accumulate in the larger Barry Farms community. (Barry Farms designates a larger neighborhood than that of the footprint of the Farms Public Dwellings and is hereafter referred to as “the Farms” or “the Farms neighborhood”) The Farms neighborhood and the Farms Public Dwellings community are currently being subjected to a local urban redevelopment program called the New Communities Initiative (NCI).4 2. I attend to the concepts of structural violence and the social binary that exists between WSC groups and NWIO/TTDO groups in detail in chapter 1. By structural violence I am referring to policy(s) and practice(s) that create environments where the life chances of a people are truncated to such a degree that it is a struggle for them to survive at the most basic level. In addition, I lay out an original theoretical perspective that transmutes a racial binary into a sociocultural one that operates in the current moment. At times the reader may desire immediate evidence to support the theoretical claims. I ask for patience, as I will provide detailed data to support my theoretical framework in subsequent chapters. 3. Even though the term does not describe a nation, I capitalize the word “White” when referring to the demographic group to emphasize that the collective interest of White people carries as much power as that of traditional or Western nations. 4. Susan Greenbaum, who investigated urban redevelopment in Tampa, Florida’s public housing communities, first called attention to the operation of structural violence in a new era of urban redevelopment initiated by the HOPE VI antipoverty policy of the 1990s. She concluded that urban restructuring
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