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Print This Article Historein Vol. 13, 2013 Review of N. Diamantouros, Th. Dragonas and F. Birtek (eds), Ελλάδα και Τουρκία: Εκσυγχρονιστικές γεωγραφίες και χωρικές αντιλήψεις του έθνους [Spatial conceptions of the nation: modernising geographies in Greece and Turkey] Kanner Efi University of Athens https://doi.org/10.12681/historein.203 Copyright © 2014 Efi Kanner To cite this article: Kanner, E. (2013). Review of N. Diamantouros, Th. Dragonas and F. Birtek (eds), Ελλάδα και Τουρκία: Εκσυγχρονιστικές γεωγραφίες και χωρικές αντιλήψεις του έθνους [Spatial conceptions of the nation: modernising geographies in Greece and Turkey]. Historein, 13, 123-126. doi:https://doi.org/10.12681/historein.203 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 11:03:40 | HISTOREIN VOLUME 13 (2013) Nikiforos Diamantouros, Thalia The authors’ main argument is that its inter- Dragonas, Faruk Birtek (eds) nal cohesion derives rather from its mythical than its “real” elements (28). The Megali Idea Ελλάδα και Τουρκία: is then examined as a multisemic notion com- Εκσυγχρονιστικές γεωγραφίες και prising four components: irredentism, cultur- χωρικές αντιλήψεις του έθνους al westernisation, Greek-Orthodox ethnore- ligious identity and the imperial vision of the [Spatial conceptions of the nation: regeneration of the Byzantine Empire. What modernising geographies in Greece all these actually constituted were the ingredi- and Turkey] ents of the utopian dream of the Greater Hel- lenic state (Megali Ellada) – hence the lack of Athens: Alexandria, 2012, 446 pp. precise geographic limitations of the imagi- nary Greek nation and state. Through a se- By Efi Kanner ries of spatial representations of the Hellenic University of Athens state, from the Rigas Feraios map to the map of Greater Greece in 1920, the authors point This book is the third in a series of collective out its blurred spatial figure, as it was imag- volumes edited in the context of an interdis- ined by the followers of the Megali Idea. This is ciplinary dialogue among Greek and Turk- attributed to the very utopian character of the ish social scientists about the development latter, to its belonging to a “nonspatial” real- processes of their countries. Both previous ity, something that permitted it to be constant- volumes treated the subject of the transition ly reformulated according to the various po- from the multiethnic Ottoman Empire to the litical imperatives of the period between 1844 Greek and Turkish nation-states.1 The first and 1922, when Greece was defeated in Asia volume focused on state building and citizen- Minor, and even beyond. ship in Greece and Turkey, whereas the sec- ond examined the ways modernity and Euro- Yonca Köksal examines the construction of peanness were perceived in each case. This new social spaces during the Ottoman Tanz- third volume, which is divided into three parts, imat (reform) era, in order to assess the co- treats the delicate topic of spatial conceptions existence, at a local level, of Ottomanism and of the Greek and Turkish nations. separatist Balkan nationalisms. She asserts that state interventions during the Tanzimat The first part examines the hard path of transi- period created new spatial arrangements es- tion from imperial to national spatial concep- pecially in the port cities (avenues, squares, tions. It was an uncertain and uneven transi- places of leisure, etc), that enabled interaction tion, something that becomes obvious from between people of various ethnoreligious or- the fact that imperial visions inspired spatial igins. This interaction corroborated Ottoman- conceptions of both the Greek and Turkish na- ism, the loyalty to the empire and the sultan, tion-states. which was the main objective of Ottoman re- formers. On the other hand, the non-Muslim Anastasia Stouraitis and Andreas Kazamias local elites who backed those interventions treat the Greek Great Idea (Megali Idea), the also played a crucial role within their own mil- major expression of Greek nationalism from lets. They created institutions (mainly educa- the nineteenth century until 1922, as a utopia. tional) that reinforced ethnoreligious identities. 123 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 11:03:40 | Book Reviews Most of those identities challenged Ottoman- nationalist discourse as a whole (120–121). ism and were transformed, in due course, into The final solution of the problem, i.e. the par- national ones. tial ecclesiastical affiliation of the new lands to the Greek church and the maintenance of the Yannis Tsiomis refers to the new geography patriarchate’s spiritual authority over them, that legislation enacted during the regency at- constituted a victory of the nation-state logic. tempted to impose on the newborn Greek state. It was in fact an incomplete victory that cre- This intervention, through a 1834 act, made a ated the complicated ecclesiastical status break with the Ottoman spatial arrangement of the new lands. This status, along with the and comprised the following: a clear division complexities caused by the Eastern bloc’s col- between unproductive mountainous areas and lapse, is the root of the conflict that broke out productive lowland regions; the country’s ad- between patriarchate and the Greek church in ministrative division into prefectures, provinc- 2004. es and municipalities; a modernisation stim- ulus for agriculture and industrialisation; the M. Asım Karaömerlioğlu sees “Anatolianism” creation of new lowland and port cities; plans (Anadoluculuk) as a version of Turkish nation- for a population transfer from mountainous alism that followed the demise of Ottoman- areas to valleys. Those path-breaking meas- ism. Unlike Pan-turanism, Anatolianism views ures were part and parcel of the modernisa- Anatolia, and not the central Asian valleys, as tion project to which the regency was totally the cradle of the Turks. According to this the- committed. Their implementation collided with ory, the year 1071, the starting point of Seljuk “local realities” and thus failed. rule in Anatolia, marks the beginning of Turk- ish history. This theory confers a prominent Anastassios Anastassiadis treats the very place to Islam and agrarian culture as parts delicate issue of the complicated negotiations of Turkish identity. Agrarianism led Nurettin over the ecclesiastical status of the regions Topçu, an emblematic figure of this trend of that were integrated in Greece after the Balkan thought, to adopt a position combining antilib- wars. It was actually a power game involving eralism, anticosmopolitism, anticommunism three parts: the Constantinople patriarchate, and of course antisemitism. Though Topçu the Orthodox church of Greece and the Greek never held any public office, he decisively influ- state. Complications derived from the fact that enced rightwing thought in Turkey, especially the expansion of the Greek church’s jurisdic- the Turkish–Islamic synthesis theory. tion over the so-called “new lands” would re- strict the already diminished patriarchate’s Nur Yalman examines the construction of pub- domains. On the other hand, the patriarchate’s lic space and political debates in contemporary authority over the churches of the new lands Turkey in accordance with the stance vis-à- would undermine the Greek church’s posi- vis the Ottoman past. The ways the Ottoman tion as the unique ecclesiastical authority in past is imagined determines the visions of the the Greek nation-state and also the control of Turkish nation, in diverse areas, from architec- the latter over the religious institutions func- ture to foreign policy. He grosso modo distin- tioning within its borders. Anastassiadis very guishes four basic problematics: the Kemal- succinctly follows these negotiations using the ist one; the one expressed by the governing Foucauldian concept of “power micromechan- Justice and Development Party (AKP), which ics” to show that peripheral conflicts shape the “nourishes a nostalgia for an imaginary Otto- 124 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 24/09/2021 11:03:40 | HISTOREIN VOLUME 13 (2013) man past” (194); the once concerning ethnic The third part discusses versions of identity identities in Turkey, an issue tightly linked with that, inscribed in the locality, have been alter- the Kurdish one; the debate on the character natives to (though not incompatible with) the of Islam in Turkey, i.e. on the compatibility of national one since the nineteenth century. secularism and the Sunni state institutions or the existence of Sufi orders. Paraskevas Konortas uses the case study of Thrace to point out the “war of identities” in the In the second part of the book, two examples region from the nineteenth century to 1923. concerning modern Cyprus are presented, Thrace was, along with Macedonia, the bone showing the endeavours of Greek and Turkish of contention between the Constantinople pa- nationalisms to Hellenise and Turkify, respec- triarchate and the Bulgarian exarchate, a con- tively, the island’s space. flict that was given a “national” character by the representatives of Greek and Bulgarian Yael Navaro-Yashin describes the way that nationalism. Konortas successfully describes the Turkish occupation since 1974 has trans- the variety of identities attributed to the Ortho- formed the landscape in northern Cyprus. Sov- dox populations of the region by the patriar- ereignty is confirmed by the changing of place chate, exarchate, Greek kingdom, Bulgarian names in the region, the redistribution of land state and Ottoman authorities. This provoked property and the display of Turkish identi- a battle of jurisdictions, with the Greek Ortho- ty symbols all over the place. It is an overtly dox elites of Istanbul, local communal authori- political intervention led by the new, self-de- ties, as well as Greek or Bulgarian agents, at- clared state’s mapping agency, land registry tempting to attach them to different and often and armed forces. The parallels with similar conflicting causes/identities. Education, armed Israeli interventions in Palestine, as well as the force as well as mapping and statistics equally emphasis on the colonial roots of such prac- constituted weapons in this “identity war”.
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