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Toward a Framework of Black Historical Consciousness

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Toward a Framework of Black Historical Consciousness Social Education 84(6) , pp. 335–341 ©2020 National Council for the Social Studies Research & Practice “Research & Practice” features educational research that is directly relevant to the work of classroom teachers. Here, I invited LaGarrett J. King to share his research on teaching Black histories. He dismantles the notion of “Black history as American history” and offers instead a conceptualization of teaching Black histories through Black historical consciousness principles. —Patricia G. Avery, “Research & Practice” Editor, University of Minnesota Black History is Not American History: Toward a Framework of Black Historical Consciousness LaGarrett J. King “Black history is American history,” is a popular phrase used by a multitude of people is a non-controversial, palatable, and seeking to legitimate Black history to the general population.1 Notable personalities whitewashed discourse that maintains such as award-winning journalist and creator of the New York Times’ 1619 project the status quo and interferes with truly Nicole Hannah Jones, civil rights activist and poet Maya Angelou, actor Morgan improving Black history education. It is Freeman, and the “Father of Black history,” Carter G. Woodson, have communicated a feel-good phrase because it celebrates versions of this slogan to emphasize that Black people’s histories are deeply rooted and identifies the country’s diversity within the America story. and supposed inclusive mission as a democratic nation. Most problematic The motto is usually a two-fold on history is far-reaching and is is that the phrase insinuates a sort of response to concerns about the disregard deeply etched in the social fab- shared historical legacy between white of Black history. First, “Black history ric of America. We cannot talk and Black people, which is not entirely is American history” is used to criti- about American history without accurate. cize (and in some cases educate) Black talking about African American In general, I have argued elsewhere History Month’s utility. The slogan is history. These two stories are that what is historically significant to used as a reminder that Black history intrinsically intertwined. African white people may not be historically education should be a yearly project, not Americans have made significant significant to Black people.3 For exam- a novelty taught only during February. contributions to every field of ple, July 4, 1776, is insignificant to the Second, the phrase is used to discour- the human endeavor, including majority of Black Americans who are age plans for separate K-12 Black his- science, technology, engineer- descendants of enslaved people. Yet July tory courses in schools. If segregated, a ing, mathematics, theology, arts, 4th is considered U.S. Independence Black history course may be perceived as literature, athletics, politics, Day despite the reality that around less important than the required history and especially to the American 20 percent of the population was still classes. Plus, many believe that the only economy. In every facet of the enslaved. The official social studies way Black history should be taught is to American experience lies the curriculum rarely explores historically seamlessly infuse Black history within story of African Americans.2 important Black independence days the general American history narrative. such as Juneteenth, National Freedom Dr. Herron Keon Gaston captures the While the sentiment, “Black his- Day, and the many Emancipation days essence of the phrase when he states: tory is American history,” is factual, celebrated throughout the Americas.4 we cannot tell America’s story with- The exclusion of these histories The fact of the matter is—Black out the story of Black America; in (whether innocuous or not) leaves history is American history. practice, the axiom can be problem- the idea that Black history, and more The African American impact atic. While well intended, the saying specifically Black independence and November/December 2020 335 Thirty-one people gather at a Juneteenth Celebration in Emancipation Park in Houston's Fourth Ward in 1880. (Houston Public Library Digital Archives/Wikimedia Commons) traditions, are insignificant to the and Black students had to integrate with American history” promotes a singular American story and not worthy of white students who attended superior historical consciousness, which centers studying. schools.6 white people as the main protagonists When we say Black history is Research, however, has shown that and Black people and other non-Blacks American history, we ignore a multitude predominantly Black schools were not as outliers of the American narrative. of historical experiences and perspec- academically inferior to white schools.7 How we have taught Black history is tives. History education continues to be In fact, oral histories reveal that many through European contact or white peo- largely Eurocentric, where diversifying African Americans believed their ple’s importance. In other words, we have the subject has been cosmetic and based schools were equal to or even superior mostly only taught about Black history on quantitative measurement. Vasquez, to the integrated schools they then had and not through Black history. Teaching Brown, and Brown have called this to attend. While the NAACP’s legal about Black history and people means phenomenon an “illusion of inclusion,” strategies proved effective, many Black that our knowledge of Black history in which Black historical actors and community members disagreed with comes from the perspectives of white events might be present in the narra- the organization’s tactics, as they simply people, not Black people. Teaching tive but, qualitatively, their voices and wanted equitably funded schools, not about Black history sends a message experiences are ignored. For example, integration. Additionally, integration that Black histories are defined through the narratives about Brown v. Board of was one-sided—where Black students oppression and liberation. Education celebrate aspects of integra- were inconvenienced and bused to white The oppression and liberation para- tion yet fail to explore Black counter- schools. Most importantly, Black teach- digm is represented through the three narratives.5 ers and administrators lost their jobs or major topics that have traditionally The curriculum teaches us that the were demoted, an issue that continues to defined Black history: first, enslavement; U.S. Supreme Court case was important plague us today.8 secondly, the trials and tribulations of because it helped force integration and Independence Day observances and the post-Civil War and Reconstruction end segregation, which was immoral Brown v. Board are just two examples periods; and finally, the 1960s civil rights and unequal. We learn of the complic- of ways the history curriculum presents movement. Through these narratives, we ity of “all deliberate speed” and how Black histories only if the narratives learn three aspects about Black history. many states and school districts moved closely align, or can be manufactured First, we “learn” that Black people as a slowly to comply with the federal law. to align, with the attitudes, dispositions, whole, beginning with their kidnappers Yet the Brown narratives imply that pre- and characteristics of white-centered in West and Central Africa, were essen- dominantly Black schools were deficient, historical narratives. “Black history is tially passive, powerless, and ultimately 336 accepted their oppression. Second, we historical consciousness is to alter our traditional official history curriculum learn that only certain Black people (or ideology and redefine Black history. It is because our Black history derives from what some scholars termed “Black mes- to seek alternative principles that effec- a Black epistemic knowledge. siahs”) are acceptable Black people to tively explore Black people’s humanity learn about and study. Third, we learn and dismantle the white epistemic histor- Black Historical Consciousness little about Black agency or how Black ical logic that has long dominated much Principles people fought for their liberation, but of K-12 official social studies policy. How do we teach and come to concep- when we do, Black agency is contingent White epistemic logic is the rationaliza- tualize a Black historical consciousness on a certain way to fight for liberation tion of Black historical experiences and within Black histories in classroom and typically includes behaviors that ways of knowing/doing through tradi- spaces? A Black historical consciousness favor non-violence.9 These themes are tional Western European perspectives. approach to Black history is to develop largely predicated on how white people The concept allows Black agency in his- and learn Black history as its own genre wish to see or imagine Black people to tory to be partnered with whiteness or of historical thought that is indepen- be through history education. They rep- narratives that highlight Black historical dent of Western knowledge. Redefining resent an effort to sanitize the ugliness, actors who appease whiteness.11 Black history is to explore Black identity diminish achievements and contribution, White epistemic logic situates history through complex and nuanced narratives ignore the diversity of Blackness, and as just that: history, and not the multiple that attempt to get at the full humanity pigeonhole Black people as monolithic histories that help develop a historical of Black people. I
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