The Downfall of Beria the June Uprising of East
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Conspiracy of Peace: the Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956
The London School of Economics and Political Science Conspiracy of Peace: The Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956 Vladimir Dobrenko A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2015 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 90,957 words. Statement of conjoint work I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by John Clifton of www.proofreading247.co.uk/ I have followed the Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition, for referencing. 2 Abstract This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee. -
19Th Presidium of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union March 5Th
19th Presidium of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union March 5th, 1953 Honorable Comrades members of the Soviet Presidium, It is with the deepest regret that I announce you the death of our beloved Comrade and Leader Joseph Stalin. At the age of 74, our Comrade Stalin was found dead in the Kuntsevo Dacha after suffering a stroke. With his departure, our Union mourns for the loss of the greatest of our men, however we must act quickly and consistently as the governing body over the nation. We have several tasks that we must tackle to ensure the continuity of our great nation among which the most important one is establishing a legitimate successor that will consolidate the power of the Union and advance our principles throughout the globe. We must also organize the funeral for the farewell of our great compatriot and address the current situation of fear that our citizens live in. Remember, Stalin had his reasons for the spread of fear, however is upon you to decide the course of the Union’s domestic and foreign policy from this day on. Comrades, remember that history is for you to write in the next session of our Presidium. Best of luck, Dietwin Smoli Chairman of the Historical Crisis Committee Background of the Presidium: The Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the highest policy-making government authority of the Soviet Union. It was formally established in October 1917, and refounded in March 1919, at the 8th Congress of the Bolshevik Party. It was known as the Presidium from 1952 to 1966. -
From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe. -
Review Article: Mao's Soviet Policies John W. Garver
Review Article: Mao’s Soviet Policies John W. Garver Shi nian lunzhan, 1956–1966, Zhong Su guanxi huiyilu (Ten-Year War of Words, 1956–1966, a Memoir of Sino-Soviet Relations). By WU LENGXI. [Beijing: Zhongyang wenxian chubanshe, 1999. Two vol- umes. 940 pp.] This is the most detailed account to date of Chinese decision-making during the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations from 1956 to 1966. Wu Lengxi was head of Xinhua news agency from 1952 to 1966 and general editor of Renmin ribao from 1957 to the start of the Cultural Revolution. Wu joined the Party in 1938 at the age of 19, and attended Yennan’s anti-Japan resistance university before being assigned to propaganda and then news work.1 He was also the CCP’s designated record-keeper on Sino-Soviet relations during the crucial decade between the 20th Con- gress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1956 and the final collapse of Sino-Soviet relations in 1965. In his capacity as record-keeper, Wu personally attended most of the international and CCP Politburo meetings involved in Sino-Soviet relations during this crucial period. He was one of only a few people (and perhaps the only person) authorized to take notes at these meetings. When meetings were con- vened which he did not attend, or delegations of which he had not been a part returned from abroad, he was allowed to debrief the CCP leaders who had participated in those delegations or read reports of the proceed- ings. Wu thus offers a virtually meeting-by-meeting account of Chinese decision-making, often listing the participants of those meetings and reprising decisions reached. -
May 30, 1955 from the Journal of Ambassador Pavel Yudin: Memorandum of Conversation with Mao Zedong on 30 May 1955
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified May 30, 1955 From the Journal of Ambassador Pavel Yudin: Memorandum of Conversation with Mao Zedong on 30 May 1955 Citation: “From the Journal of Ambassador Pavel Yudin: Memorandum of Conversation with Mao Zedong on 30 May 1955,” May 30, 1955, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVPRF), f. 0100 opis 48, papka 393, delo 9. Obtained by Paul Wingrove and translated by Gary Goldberg. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111373 Summary: A conversation held between Soviet Ambassador to China Pavel Yudin and Mao Zedong. The discussion primarily concerned the activity of the peasantry in China joining collective farms, the development of the agricultural sector of the economy, and Chinese food aid to India and Burma. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document ["Declassified" stamp] from the journal of P. F. YUDIN TOP SECRET Copy Nº 1 17 July 10 1955 [Translator's note: the month was crossed out] Nº 807 [Faded stamp: 02794-?if? 20.x.[[195]]5] [MFA Far East Dept. stamp: Nº 397/s 21.8.1955] RECORD OF A CONVERSATION with Cde. MAO ZEDONG 30 May 1955 [Translator's note: brackets have been placed in the text where they are handwritten on the document] Today [I visited Cde. Mao Zedong and passed him the CPSU CC letter and the comments about the draft of the first PRC five-year plan. Cde. Mao Zedong expressed gratitude to the CPSU CC and the Soviet government for this. He agreed with the opinion of the CPSU CC about the inadvisability of determining the level and rates of growth of production cooperatives in the five-year plan, noting that the annual determination of the growth plan for agricultural cooperatives and other measures in this area are the most correct. -
Between Moscow and Baku: National Literatures at the 1934 Congress of Soviet Writers
Between Moscow and Baku: National Literatures at the 1934 Congress of Soviet Writers by Kathryn Douglas Schild A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Slavic Languages and Literatures in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Harsha Ram, Chair Professor Irina Paperno Professor Yuri Slezkine Fall 2010 ABSTRACT Between Moscow and Baku: National Literatures at the 1934 Congress of Soviet Writers by Kathryn Douglas Schild Doctor of Philosophy in Slavic Languages and Literatures University of California, Berkeley Professor Harsha Ram, Chair The breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 reminded many that “Soviet” and “Russian” were not synonymous, but this distinction continues to be overlooked when discussing Soviet literature. Like the Soviet Union, Soviet literature was a consciously multinational, multiethnic project. This dissertation approaches Soviet literature in its broadest sense – as a cultural field incorporating texts, institutions, theories, and practices such as writing, editing, reading, canonization, education, performance, and translation. It uses archival materials to analyze how Soviet literary institutions combined Russia’s literary heritage, the doctrine of socialist realism, and nationalities policy to conceptualize the national literatures, a term used to define the literatures of the non-Russian peripheries. It then explores how such conceptions functioned in practice in the early 1930s, in both Moscow and Baku, the capital of Soviet Azerbaijan. Although the debates over national literatures started well before the Revolution, this study focuses on 1932-34 as the period when they crystallized under the leadership of the Union of Soviet Writers. -
Soviet Science Fiction Movies in the Mirror of Film Criticism and Viewers’ Opinions
Alexander Fedorov Soviet science fiction movies in the mirror of film criticism and viewers’ opinions Moscow, 2021 Fedorov A.V. Soviet science fiction movies in the mirror of film criticism and viewers’ opinions. Moscow: Information for all, 2021. 162 p. The monograph provides a wide panorama of the opinions of film critics and viewers about Soviet movies of the fantastic genre of different years. For university students, graduate students, teachers, teachers, a wide audience interested in science fiction. Reviewer: Professor M.P. Tselysh. © Alexander Fedorov, 2021. 1 Table of Contents Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………3 1. Soviet science fiction in the mirror of the opinions of film critics and viewers ………………………… 4 2. "The Mystery of Two Oceans": a novel and its adaptation ………………………………………………….. 117 3. "Amphibian Man": a novel and its adaptation ………………………………………………………………….. 122 3. "Hyperboloid of Engineer Garin": a novel and its adaptation …………………………………………….. 126 4. Soviet science fiction at the turn of the 1950s — 1960s and its American screen transformations……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 130 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….… 136 Filmography (Soviet fiction Sc-Fi films: 1919—1991) ……………………………………………………………. 138 About the author …………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 150 References……………………………………………………………….……………………………………………………….. 155 2 Introduction This monograph attempts to provide a broad panorama of Soviet science fiction films (including television ones) in the mirror of -
International Corporations, Labor Aristocracies and Economic
3 International Corporations, Labor Aristocracies, and Economic Development in Tropical Africa Giovanni Arrigbi The emergence of the large-scale corporation as the typical unit of pro- duction in advanced capitalist economies has had momentous implica- tions for the process of development in the still underdeveloped lands. Implicitly or explicitly, this is generally acknowledged by all but those who continue to base their theories on the competitive model, thus as- suming away the problem. It is also agreed that such implications are, on balance, negative. There is no agreement, however, concerning the na- ture of the relationship between the growth of oligopoly in the advanced capitalist countries and the permanence of underdevelopment. All theories that emphasize- the size of the market and its growth and/or technological discontinuities as important factors in hampering development are, to some extent, implying the relevance of the in- creased scale of capitalist production and of oligopolistic behavior.! However, this relationship between oligopoly and underdevelopment is ofcen seen in purely technological terms, that is, as having little to do with the political-economic systems obtaining in the advanced and un- derdeveloped economies. Perroux has made the point explicitly: The organization of nations on a one-by-one and separate basis goes against techniCa1 and economic requirements which do not depend on de- mocracy or dictatorship, communism or capitalism, but which are the. di- rect and unavoidable consequence of techniques used in industry in the twentieth century. The conflict between the exigencies of the political and territorial or- This essay was written in 1967. It was first published in Robert I. -
Revolution and Culture: the Bogdanov-Lenin Controversy (Cornell, 1988) Library of Congress Cataloging-In-Publication Data Sochor, Zenovia A
A. A. Bogdanov, 1873-1928 REVOLUTION AND CULTURE The Bogdanov-Lenin Controversy ZENOVIA A. SOCHOR Studies of the Harriman Institute CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS Ithaca and London Copyright © 1988 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Pres~, 124 Roberts Place, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 1988 by Cornell University Press. • International Standard Book Number 0-8014-2088-1 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 87-25063 Printed in the United States of America Librarians: Library of Congress cataloging information appears on the last page of the book. The paper in this book is acid-free and meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. To my parents, Joseph and Maria Sochor STUDIES OF THE HARRIMAN INSTITUTE Columbia University The W. Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union, Columbia University, sponsors the Studies of the Harriman Institute in the belief that their publication contributes to scholarly research and public understanding. In this way the Institute, while not necessarily endorsing their conclusions, is pleased to make available the results of some of the research conducted under its auspices. A list of the Studies appears at the back of the book. Contents Preface ix Part I Points of Departure 1. The Bogdanov-Lenin Controversy 3 2. Cultural Prerequisites of Revolution 21 3. Bogdanovism 42 Part II After October: Which Way to Socialism? 4. -
July 31, 1958 First Conversation Between N.S. Khrushchev and Mao Zedong, Hall of Huaizhentan [Beijing]
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified July 31, 1958 First Conversation between N.S. Khrushchev and Mao Zedong, Hall of Huaizhentan [Beijing] Citation: “First Conversation between N.S. Khrushchev and Mao Zedong, Hall of Huaizhentan [Beijing],” July 31, 1958, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Archive of the President of the Russian Federation (APRF), fond 52, opis 1, delo 498, ll. 44-477, copy in Dmitry Volkogonov Collection, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. Translated by Vladislav M. Zubok. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/112080 Summary: Mao Zedong and N.S. Khrushchev discuss a joint navy, use of China’s coastline and advisers in both countries. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation FIRST TALK Of N.S. KHRUSHCHEV with MAO ZEDONG 31 July 1958 in Huairen Hall [in Zhongnanhai, the Chinese leadership compound] Present at the meeting: Cdes. B.N. Ponomarev, Deng Xiaoping. N.S. Khrushchev passes on greetings and best wishes from the members of the Presidium of the C[entral] C[ommittee of the] CPSU. Mao Zedong thanks him. He says that cooperation between the leaders of the two parties facilitates decision- making on world problems. N.S. Khrushchev agrees. Mao Zedong: Without making forecasts for a longer time, one can say that our cooperation is assured for 10,000 years. N.S. Khrushchev: In such a case we could meet again in 9,999 years in order to agree on cooperation for the next 10,000 years. Mao Zedong: We have, however, certain differences of opinion. Such differences on specific questions were, are, and will be the case. -
Neutralizing Indochina the 1954 Geneva Conference and China's
Neutralizing Indochina The 1954 Geneva Conference and China’s Efforts to Isolate the United States ✣ Tao Wang The Geneva Conference from April to July 1954 ended the war between France and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), which to a great extent was a proxy war between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the United States. As active participants in the Indochina War, both China and the United States played significant roles in the conference, which led to the Geneva Agreements on Indochina. Yet few works have analyzed the conference from the perspective of U.S.-Chinese relations. Based on declassified documents and memoirs from the PRC, Russia, and Vietnam, as well as sources from the United States and Great Britain, this ar- ticle interprets China’s actions at the Geneva talks in relation to the United States from a multilateral perspective. The article places China’s diplomacy in the broader context of Chinese relations with Western countries and explains the PRC’s policy in the context of its relations with its Communist allies, the Soviet Union and the DRV. The article elucidates Chinese leaders’ goals in Geneva, the tactics they adopted there to realize their objectives, the percep- tions among Chinese officials of U.S. policy toward the conference, and the impact all of this had on Chinese policymaking. The article shows that the PRC aimed to neutralize Indochina to forestall direct U.S. intervention there, which would endanger China’s southwestern flank. Chinese leaders sought to exploit the differences between the United States and its allies the United Kingdom and France, to pressure U.S. -
The Labor Aristocracy and the International Communist Movement
MIM(Prisons) Study Pack The Labor Aristocracy and the International Communist Movement Theoretical Origins in the Comintern This pamphlet contains the main theoretical article from MIM Theory #10, “Lessons from the Comintern: Continuity in Methods and Theory, Changes in Theory and Conditions,” placing the question of the imperialist country working class in the context of the historical origins of the importance of this analysis to the international communist movement. The contents of this pam- phlet are reprinted from MIIM Theory #10, with study questions added by MIM(Prisons). MIM Theory was the official theoretical journal of the Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140 www.prisoncensorship.info Created April 2013 MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons. We uphold the revolutionary com- munist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and work from the vantage point of the Third World proletariat. Our ideology is based in dialectical materialism, which means we work from objective reality to direct change rather than making decisions based on our subjective feelings about things. Defining our organization as a cell means that we are independent of other organizations, but see ourselves as part of a greater Maoist movement within the United $tates and globally. Imperialism is the number one enemy of the majority of the world’s people; we cannot achieve our goal of ending all op- pression without overthrowing imperialism. History has shown that the imperialists will wage war before they will allow an end to oppression. Revolution will become a reality within the United $tates as the military becomes over-extended in the government’s attempts to maintain world hegemony.