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Summer 2012 INDIANS AND EMPIRES CULTURAL CHANGE AMONG THE OMAHA AND PAWNEE, FROM CONTACT TO 1808 Kurt E. Kinbacher Falls Community College

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Kinbacher, Kurt E., "INDIANS AND EMPIRES CULTURAL CHANGE AMONG THE OMAHA AND PAWNEE, FROM CONTACT TO 1808" (2012). Great Plains Quarterly. 2803. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/2803

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. INDIANS AND EMPIRES CULTURAL CHANGE AMONG THE OMAHA AND PAWNEE, FROM CONTACT TO 1808

KURT E. KINBACHER

The Great Plains is in the middle of every­ vast territories and created dynamic cultures. where. It has been crossed and recrossed for Among these peoples were the Omaha, tens of thousands of years. Because of its cen­ who settled on the River, and the tral location, the region served as a historical Pawnee, who lived in the Platte Valley. Four laboratory where people were "forever imagin­ empires-, , Great Britain, and ing new environments and trying to muscle the United States-also forced their way into them into being."l In what is now the state of the Great Plains beginning in the sixteenth Nebraska-the very center of the middle­ century. They saw the region as a geopolitical divergent groups of Native claimed buffer zone and a potential source of wealth. Their worldviews of the region would have been very hard for the Omaha or the Pawnee to understand. While three of the empires claimed to own Nebraska, in reality, before Key Words: an, Chief , Dhegfha, the nineteenth century, it was Indian ter­ diplomacy, , trade ritory. The collision of Indian and European cul­ tures created new relationships all across the Kurt E. Kinbacher is a History Instructor at Spokane Great Plains. Native peoples responded to the Falls Community College in Spokane, Washington. He teaches the US Survey sequence, Native American European presence by redefining their world­ History, East Asian History, World History, and the views to include outside ideas and materials. Pacific Northwest. He earned his PhD in the History Many tribes not only survived the early impact of the North American West from the University of but also managed to thrive as the result of it. Nebraska-Lincoln in 2006. His research interests Initially, both the Omaha and Pawnee peoples include the movements of diverse groups of people into and around the Great Plains. reimagined their own potentials and expanded their horizons and spheres of influence. As time progressed, however, they encountered fluctu­ [GPQ 32 (Summer 2012): 207-21] ating power structures and wholesale assaults

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FIG. 1. Omaha Nation and Pawnee Nation, 1715-1808. Map prepared by Brent M. Rogers, University of Nebraska-Lincoln.

on the "Indian way." Ultimately, between first NATIVE AMERICAN ORIGINS AND contact and 1808, both cultures experienced TRADITIONS profound economic, political, social, and demographic upheavals that irrevocably trans­ Indian societies were never static, and both formed their traditional customs and ways of the Omaha and Pawnee migrated to their living. home territories within the last 600 years. Indian Nations were never passive play­ By the time the European empires began his­ ers in their own dispossession; instead, they torical narratives of the region, the Omaha actively confronted outside pressures and Nation was defined internally as a territory made accommodations to forward their from the Platte to the Niobrara and from the own agendas. The experience of some large Missouri to the headwaters of the Elkhorn Plains Nations-including the and River. (See Fig. 1.) Tribal members traveled Lakota-have been well documented, in part, for food and trade as far east as the Mississippi because they created empires of their own River, as far south as the River, and to compete with Europeans, Americans, and as far west as the Rocky Mountains. Prior to other Indian peoples. Those with smaller pop­ claiming this country, the Omaha (Um6nhon, ulations and territories-such as the Omaha meaning "upstream people") were part of the and Pawnee-were no less proactive in their greater Dhegfha group. United by a common efforts. Although their economic reaches may Siouan dialect and shared traditions, they were not have constituted empires, both Nations once joined with the ("downstream became major regional players during the people"), the Osage, the Kansa, and the Ponca, tumultuous eighteenth century. They were who remained with the Omaha as late as 1715. only forced to relinquish these newfound roles These five cognates divided as they spread after the United States gained full title to the across present-day Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, region. and .2

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Gulf of

FIG. 2. Greater , 1714-1808. Map prepared by Brent M. Rogers, University of Nebraska-Lincoln.

There is some debate about Dhegfha origins. home, scholars more frequently argue that the The Omaha creation story states that the "people Dhegfha organized in the Great Lakes region lived near a large body of water, in a wooded and migrated along the Ohio, Mississippi, Des country where there was game.'" Material cul­ Moines, and Missouri Rivers. (See Fig. 2.) The ture-single-ply moccasin soles and bandoleer­ archaeological record traces seventeenth-century style game bags-supports the idea of an eastern Omaha movement from the Pipestone region of woodlands genesis. While some historians sug­ Minnesota to a large village on the Big gest that the Virginia Piedmont was their original River in southeastern .4

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The Omaha and Ponca appear to have chiefs-the lower levels being a sort of meritoc­ arrived in Nebraska just before their split. racy-real social order was vested in a Council By 1775 the Omaha alone founded their "Big of Seven. The council members came from the Village" on Omaha Creek seven miles from the seven who carried the appropriate pipes. while the Ponca retired farther The three remaining clans had duties, such as up the main stream. The creek's floodplain making war, that made the responsibilities of was lined with cottonwoods and willows, a civil government undesirable. Vacancies in the convenient source of fuel and materials for council-originally hereditary but later com­ construction of earth and timber lodges. It was petitive-were filled upon death.8 Peace and also prime horticultural soil, and the Omaha order within the were the prime consid­ boasted a 483-acre garden. Here the women erations, and slow deliberation and consensus cultivated "mother" corn, beans, melon, and were the norm. squash in "grandmother" earth.s The traditional economy was based on This reverence for soil and was indic­ subsistence hunting and horticulture There is ative of a society that was intimately connected clear evidence of intertribal trade, but in the to all aspects of the natural world through their pre-European era, it revolved less around profit belief in a called Wak6nda. This deity and more around the concept of gift reciproc­ represented "the mysterious life power perme­ ity. Exchanging offerings created fictive kin­ ating all natural forms and forces and all phases ship ties among the participants.9 Production of man's conscious life."6 The cohesion of the of trade goods was limited by transportation Omaha and their communal lifestyle depended difficulties and a reliance on stone, bone, on the ceremonial activities designed to keep wood, leather, and pottery as the primary tools. Wak6nda favorably inclined toward them. Omaha society was patriarchal, and gender The ceremonial nature of society was roles were specifically defined. The men were employed in its fullest during the journey warriors, hunters, and priests. The women of their traditional economy known as the raised children in accordance with tribal ritu­ "Omaha round." The cycle began in May when als, tended the crops, and prepared food and the corn was planted. After tending the crop clothing. The tribe's population was never until its establishment in June or July, almost great. Estimates of its numbers prior to 1800 the entire village-save the infirm and a hand­ range from 2,500 to 3,200, although figures of ful of guardians-left for the summer buffalo the early explorers should not be considered hunt. Living in that could be moved daily, accurate.1° some of the tribe's most important rituals were In contrast, the Pawnee were a large tribe of performed away from their "permanent" home. perhaps 6,000 to 10,000 souls, although once They returned to the Big Village in time for a again these numbers are approximations.Jl September harvest and rested through October. They called themselves Pani, a word that prob­ November and December were spent in small ably referred to the distinct hornlike scalp lock bands hunting deer and fowl in the river bot­ worn by warriors.1 2 Members of the Caddo an toms. The tribe reassembled in January and language family, they were one of the first hunted buffalo again through March. In April, modern tribes to move into the Plains. they returned to the village to start the cycle For centuries, the distantly related Caddo an again.? peoples lived in a swath of territory run­ Before their arrival in Nebraska, the Omaha ning from modern Texas to South Dakota and their cognates demonstrated a tendency where they remained relatively isolated from toward political disintegration. By the time European encroachment. As late as 1834, the they founded the Big Village, however, the Pawnee had "less intercourse with whites than tribe had adopted a more structured form of any tribe east of the [Rocky] mountains.,,13 As government. While there were four levels of a result of their geographic circumstances, their

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln INDIANS AND EMPIRES 211 political structure tended to be fairly decen­ in diameter after the horse was introduced as tralized. They divided themselves into four a draft animaU8 They too relied on material separate tribes and settled in as many as forty­ goods produced of bone, stone, clay, wood, and five villages. Skiri (), or Wolf Pawnee, leather. moved into Nebraska between 1400 and 1600, Gender roles were well defined in Pawnee presumably from the south. By historical times, society. Men were hunters, warriors, healers, their oral accounts contained no references of and priests; all rituals, except the corn plant­ having lived elsewhere. The remaining three ing ceremony, revolved around men's work. tribes-Chawi or Grand Pawnee, Kitahahki Women were solely responsible for horticul­ or Republican Pawnee, and Pitahawirata or ture, dressing the skins, drying and storing Tappage Pawnee-migrated into Nebraska the meat, sewing the tents, and preparing (also from the south) around 1600. Although buffalo robes for domestic use and for market. these groups were cognizant of past migration, Additionally they did the cooking, cut the their identities were firmly entrenched in the wood, and built the fires. Europeans frequently central Great Plains.l4 commented on the slavelike condition of these In concert, the Pawnee claimed a large ter­ women, but these remarks ignored cultural ritory bounded by the Rocky Mountains in context. Pawnee women maintained property the west, the Missouri River in the east, the rights unheard of in the European empires, in the north, and the and they certainly worked hard to maintain River in the south. Despite this huge expanse, their possessions. Women owned the lodges, they generally confined their villages and most and upon matrimony the husband joined the of their activities to the Platte, Loup, and wife's family. Following a matrilineal pattern, valleys. Here they found ample the hereditary office of chief devolved not to supplies of timber and water, as well as choke­ the headman's son but to his wife's nephew.l9 berries, wild plums, wild grapes, wild potatoes, Pawnee religious beliefs revolved around and turnips-all gathered as foodstuffs.l5 Tirawa, an intangible creator who gave knowl­ Always settling close to fertile Loess Plains, edge to all living things. They believed that the Pawnee were successful and renowned "mankind was born of celestial gods." Their gardeners. The Omaha word for the American creation story explains that the first female was robin is ptihthin wazhflga, or Pawnee bird. This the daughter of the morning star and evening moniker is sometimes attributed to a shared star; the first male, the child of the sun and tendency to dig in the earth. moon. Consequently, paid close noted that the tribe grew "large quantities of attention to the heavens and their movements. corn, beans, and pumpkins," enough to "afford Skiri custom even dictated human sacrifice to a little thickening of their soup during the the morning star to ensure the well-being of year."16 The diet was rounded out by meat sup­ the tribe.2o All Pawnee celebrated a fifteen­ plied by skilled hunters. Game species included to twenty-day harvest festival in September. beaver, elk, deer, bear, wolves, wildcats, rabbits, Ceremonial concerns addressed fertility and opossums, raccoons, squirrels, water fowl, and harmony with the cosmos. most importantly, bisonP These food sources fostered an annual cycle CONFRONTATIONS WITH EUROPEAN AND of hunting and farming similar to the Omaha AMERICAN EMPIRES round. Also like the Omaha, the Pawnee lived in earth lodges while in their "permanent" For decades after contact, both the Omaha villages. These lodges were twelve to four­ and Pawnee incorporated aspects of European teen feet long and housed several families. material culture into their own traditions. As While on the hunt, they lived in the familiar a result, they became stronger, at least for a buffalo-skin tipis that could be eighteen feet time. Persistent cultural change and gradual

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territorial encroachment were the ultimate tribes at peace in order to promote trade. By consequences of contact. In the interim, Spain, the 1740s the Illinois governor granted a fur­ France, Britain, and the United States wrangled trading monopoly, stipulating that a string of over who would control the region. Although forts be built to carry out fair commerce with the Great Plains intrigued them, these empires the Indians. By 1763 the traders had pen­ seldom had enough resources to spend on its etrated as far as the . 25 Although vast expanses. Still, greater Louisiana-an ill­ the French empire soon withdrew, Frenchmen defined swath of territory between the Rocky remained important in carrying out commerce Mountains in the west, the Mississippi River in in Spanish Louisiana. the east, the Gulf of Mexico in the south, and Spain once again made efforts to incorpo­ the forty-ninth parallel in the north-quietly rate the central Plains into its empire, but it was changed hands among the Spanish, French, ultimately unsuccessful. World war changed the and finally, the Americans. geopolitical map of colonial North America, For 150 years, Spain's activities in the region and the Treaty of Fontainebleau gave Spain were exemplified by glory-seeking adventur­ control of Louisiana west of the Mississippi in ers-men like Coronado and Onate. By the 1762. A year later France abandoned nearly all end of the seventeenth century, Spanish the rest of its claims via the Treaty of Paris that forays into the Plains had a new mission, to settled the Seven Years' War.26 It took almost buffer from the perceived threats thirty years to regain the initiative, but the of colonial rivals. Both the and Spanish empire slowly entered the burgeoning Comanche had other plans and generally kept , hoping to create Indian alliances the Spanish empire's forces close to the Rio and to stop the advancement of the British Grande. In 1720 the ill-fated Villasur expedi­ and Americans.27 To this end, the Missouri tion was sent to dislodge a French, Pawnee, and Company was founded in 1792. With imperial confederation perceived as hostile to the orders in hand, agent J. B. Truteau began a colonial government in Santa Fe. While the journey intended to take Spain from St. Louis French force was nonexistent, an overwhelm­ to the Pacific via the Missouri River. He was ing Pawnee victory kept the Spanish off the instructed to "establish peace everywhere" and central Plains for another half century.21 to make a thorough list of all the nations he The French claimed all territory between encountered. Ordered to "fix a high price on the Appalachians and the Rocky Mountains everything," Truteau was foiled by the efforts prior to 1762 and briefly regained the tract of Omaha and Ponca agents who walked off west of the Mississippi at the beginning of the with most of his trade goods and supplies.28 nineteenth century. The French agenda was Scotsman John MacKay tried again in 1796 twofold: keep rival empires out of Louisiana and met a similar fate. With their interest in and get rich on the fur trade. French trad­ the region waning, the Spanish then offered a ers trickled into the Plains by the 1680s and bounty of $3,000 for the of a Pacific were welcomed by many Pawnee.22 Despite a route, but the reward went unclaimed. Even Spanish presence, the French were preferred after ceding Louisiana back to France with the trading partners throughout the Plains because Treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800, Spain-from they "followed their usual policy of barter­ its outpost in New Mexico-defended the ing guns, lead, and powder to the Indians for Plains against American encroachment and pelts."23 As a matter of security, the Spanish continued sending missionaries and traders outlawed the gun trade.24 among the Pawnee as late as 1810.29 In 1714 Natchez became the focus of the While the British never held a solid claim peltry trade, and the Mississippi and Missouri to territory on the central Great Plains, they watersheds were opened for business. (See Fig. maintained distinct commercial interests in 2.) The French policy was to keep all Indian the region. They wandered into the prairies

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln INDIANS AND EMPIRES 213 as early as 1749 as a "conspiracy against the tions, but they had no legal claim to the region, French,"3o and in the process deliberately and they lacked the military ability to halt undercut their commercial rivals and armed American expansion. After the War of 1812, tribes hostile to the Spanish. Unlike the other all European claims to the Great Plains had European empires, they granted no monopo­ been extinguished, and the indigenous nations' lies and allowed their agents to operate freely. claims would soon be quashed as well. Using the Big Sioux and Des Moines Rivers as transportation routes, traders connected their OMAHA NATION REIMAGINED posts on the Minnesota River and at Prairie du Chien to the hinterland.3! The British goods The Omaha remained sovereign over their were generally of superior quality, and many own territory throughout the French and Missouri River Indians, including the Omaha, Spanish eras. Their history holds that the first became their staunch allies. Spanish traders in encounter with Europeans culminated when the 1790s bemoaned that "they have already the tribe "befriended" the strangers. Found indoctrinated the savages so well that one can "in a starving condition," they were allowed to no longer go to the Mahas [Omahas], Hotos trade iron implements for corn. Although the [], and ."32 By 1796 the British date of first contact can only be approximated, trade reached into the Platte River valley.33 French records indicate they traded with the While the Spanish, French, and British tribe on the Missouri in 1724 and at Lake greatly altered the lives of the Plains tribes, it Winnipeg in 1737.36 was the young United States that eventually The Omaha recognized the four empires as detached them from many of their traditional distinct entities. They called the French waxe ways. At the turn of the nineteenth century, ukethin ("white men who are not strange") only the most astute Indian could have sus­ because of the fur traders' practice of marrying pected this. It took a generation after its inde­ Indian women and living in Native fashion. The pendence for the young republic to even reach Spanish were known as hespayuna-a bastard­ the Plains. The Spanish were concerned about ization of what they called themselves. Despite American encroachment as early as 1796 when Spanish "ownership" of Omaha territory, the they reluctantly allowed American boatmen tribe became familiar with the British, who they to navigate the Mississippi. To halt any move­ called monh1'rl t6nga, or "big knives." This name ment farther west, the crown's forts and the was probably borrowed from the Winnebago and entire Missouri River were closed to foreigners. was later applied to the Americans as well. The Despite the ban, American mills were noted Omaha generally maintained good relations near Omaha territory by 1798.34 with the mo%f1 t6nga and largely rejected the The ban on Americans prompted Thomas Spanish agenda.37 Jefferson in 1803 to purchase from France a While the Omaha were changed remarkably still ill-defined Louisiana Territory, which was by direct contact with the empires, European slowly incorporated into the American realm influence may have been felt indirectly long in a manner no other empire had truly consid­ before the two peoples ever came face to face. ered. The harbingers of this movement were The move from the eastern woodlands to and , who in the Plains could easily have been the result 1804 were dispatched to the territory to prepare of a power shift east of their ancestral home. Native Americans to increase their commerce Furthermore, the entire Dhegfha group may with the United States and to accept American have been put in motion as other tribes made sovereignty.35 Zebulon Pike continued this contact and acquired new technologies. It is work in 1806, traveling overland to Pawnee reasonable to speculate that the most isolated territory just south of the Platte River. The nations were forced out of familiar environs by Spanish sent troops to intercept both expedi- other Indians.38

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Once in the Plains, the Omaha demon­ through shrewd commerce, and the influence strated their propensity to borrow from other of his riches heightened his status within the cultures. While they forced the Caddoan­ tribe. His ambition and willingness to main­ speaking Nation north and west, tain power by all means, including poisoning they included this nation's in opponents, cemented this position.41 their own culture. Oral history indicates that Blackbird interacted with Europeans from they received corn from these people as well. a position of commercial power and often Although known to the European empires played one empire off another regardless of as a river people, the Omaha Nation took strained relationships. He made frequent trips advantage of an indigenous equestrian tradi­ to Prairie du Chien in the 1780s to conduct tion. Plains tribes were generally unaware that business with the monhz11 t6nga. (See Fig. 2.) the horse originated in . Omaha When the Spanish returned to the region in history vaguely suggests that the animal came 1793 Blackbird was eager to play their "interests to them from the Southwest, but the tribe against the British." To the Spanish, Blackbird probably obtained their ponies from their and his people represented 20,000 livres cognate and neighbor, the Ponca. Ponca tradi­ (roughly $80,000 today) of trade and a possible tion suggests the horse came from Comanche ally against the British.42 To Blackbird, "White traders. Whatever the origin, the Omaha were men are like dogs."43 This philosophy guided his involved in a brisk horse trade with the Pawnee relations with the Spanish as they attempted to by 1775. Access to these animals allowed both navigate the river. Truteau described Blackbird nations to increase their effective buffalo­ as the "greatest rascal of all the nations who hunting range. Never owned by Omaha hunt­ inhabit the Missouri" and warned traders to ers in abundance, most horses were trained avoid the Omaha at all costs.44 Knowing that specifically for this purpose. Fewer than 300 the river-bound traders could not evade him, were kept as beasts of burden.39 Blackbird demanded a six-inch medal-a Although additions to Omaha material symbol of power-and took one-third of all culture trickled in slowly from indirect sources, Truteau's trade goods. Other members of the direct contact with the empires had the great­ tribe followed suit as they "robbed, maltreated, est social and political impacts. Indeed, the and ridiculed" the Spanish party.45 Omaha Nation rose to its apogee between 1775 Blackbird's behaviors were indicative of and 1800 as a result of its relationships with great changes in Omaha society. Before con­ European powers. Strategically located on a tact with Europeans, commercial bartering for major waterway, the tribe served as brokers personal profit was unknown in their world. in the Missouri River fur trade. Ultimately, Trade had spiritual significance and carried Omaha power, wealth, and prestige in the great responsibilities. The Spanish would not region increased dramatically during this era.40 have received such rough treatment in earlier The fur trade's power to change tradi­ times. Additionally, the acceptance of trade for tional mechanisms was demonstrated by material gain greatly increased the authority of developments in the Omaha political system. hunters and traders while it detracted from the Interaction with the European empires left the traditional power structure.46 nation with two categories of chiefs-those The Omaha experienced an increase in who ruled according to tribal custom and those aggressive warfare as a byproduct of the new who obtained their office as a result of influence hierarchy. While they were always a society of with Europeans. Firmly in the latter category, warriors, under the guidance of the Council Chief Blackbird gained almost despotic control of Seven they tended to fight defensively. over his people while becoming "the dominant Blackbird's skill at negotiating guns from the on the Missouri in the final years of British and the increased importance of main­ the eighteenth century." He gained his wealth taining personal wealth changed the Omaha

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warriors' intentions-war now meant profit. of the tribe became "excessively attached to Ultimately, contact with the empires altered this destructive liquor.,,53 Disease was even the power structure all across the Great Plains. more devastating and uncontrollable; the Omaha warriors frequently raided Pawnee vil­ main culprit was . Having no natural lages and other tribes for horses, and in turn immunity, tribes across the continent were the Omaha were raided in revenge. They were wasted. For the Omaha Nation, the most seri­ even powerful enough to wage war on the ous outbreak occurred in 1801. It may have Comanche and pursue them all the way to the been Blackbird himself who brought the virus Sandhills of Nebraska in the 1780s.47 to the Big Village after trading horses with the Peace was not the only victim of the new Pawnee. In any event, it cost the chief his life economy. Ultimately, the profit motive was and perhaps one-third of his tribe as well. "not consonant with the old religious ideas or This outbreak greatly reduced Omaha customs.'>48 Even the need for labor to dress population and power. In 1804 Lewis and pelts and robes for market became culturally Clark noted, "The ravages of the Small Pox disruptive. As more hands were needed, the (which Swept off [about four years ago] 400 Omaha turned increasingly to polygamy and men & womin & children in perpoportion) even to .49 The labor focused on increas­ has reduced this nation not exceeding 300 ing production of pelts, and whole segments men and left them to the insults of their of the traditional economy and entire occupa­ weaker neighbours, which before was glad to tions fell into disuse. While traditional manu­ be on friendly terms with them."54 When the facturing was sanctified by ritual and legend, expedition came to the Omaha village they trade goods were not. found Blackbird's grave and the nation "not Trade goods revolutionized the economy home." The "terror of their neighbors," the of the Omaha, and Native artifacts gradually Omaha were abandoned by the traders around disappeared. Change in material culture was this time, although "they are well disposed noted as early as the tribe's sojourn on the Big towards whites, and are good hunters."55 For Sioux. Archaeologists have unearthed glass the next several years, conditions continued beads, brass kettles, gun parts, traps, and iron to deteriorate as the Omaha were in danger of axes from this time. There were some tradi­ being exterminated by Lakota forces.56 Their tional pottery items, but this skill was already period of greatness had passed, but the changes on the wane. By the time the Omaha reached in their culture remained as a tribute to contact the Big Village site, their material culture was with the European empires. already permanently altered.50 Despite tradi­ tion, activities like creating "stone implements PAWNEE NATION REIMAGINED yielded to those of iron and the chipping of stone became a lost art."51 Changes also Unlike the Omaha, the Pawnee were isolated appeared in apparel. Cotton and woolen cloth from the main arteries of European expansion was introduced to the Omaha in the latter part into the Great Plains. Their villages were at of the eighteenth century, and it revolution­ least 150 miles from the Missouri River, and ized their clothing choices, especially in the the Platte River was rarely navigable. They summer. Glass beads replaced quills for decora­ were also a hard twelve to twenty-five days on tion. Vivid red, blue, and yellow paints became a little-used overland route to the Spanish in available. Traditional decorations and patterns Santa Fe. (See Fig. 2.) As a result, European took on a whole new vibrancy.52 contact with this nation came late. Pawnee Along with the colors, tools, and political archaeological sites are distinctly lacking in power, the Omaha also acquired items from trade goods from before 1750.57 Contact, how­ the European empires that proved immedi­ ever, was noticeable long before the foreign ately disruptive. For instance, many members empires stumbled into the Platte River valley.

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The first agents of change were other Native the early 1800s, Pawnee herds numbered 6,000 Americans put into motion by Europeans. to 8,000 ponies; some families owned twenty or Demands for labor made the Pawnee, who more horses. By the time of American contact, lived in decentralized villages and relied on Pawnee horsemanship and animal husbandry stone and bone weaponry, vulnerable to attack skills were renowned. They kept special ponies and enslavement. By the seventeenth century, for the hunt, and Pike observed their practice Plains -already in possession of guns of keeping breeding mares that bore no burdens and horses-made frequent raids on the tribe. for the tribe other than reproducing.61 As a result, Pawnee slaves became a common While the horse did not change the tradi­ feature in New Mexico. Although Caddoan tional hunting and farming economy, it did speakers were probably confused with each allow the Pawnee a greater range to pursue the other, it may have been a few Pawnee that told buffalo. The tribe not only took full advan­ the Spanish those strange tales of the wealth in tage of greater mobility but also improved the northeast.58 their hunting techniques. Formerly forced to The Pawnee were also known to the French drive the into surrounds and kill them long before their traders and missionaries "dis­ almost indiscriminately, Pawnee on horseback covered" the Platte. Early explorers-includ­ became more efficient and selective in their ing Marquette in 1673, LaSalle in 1682, and slaughter. As male buffalo were only palatable Hennepin in 1687-commented that enslaved two months out of the year, they would target members of the tribe were common along young or female animals and cull them out of the Mississippi. A thriving flesh trade con­ the herd with their specially trained horses. trolled by the powerful provided Hunters rode right next to the bison and dis­ cheap labor for French agricultural ventures patched them with bow and arrow. Pawnee at Kaskaskia and Cahokia in the . The hunters preferred traditional weapons for hunt­ Pawnee were among the preferred victims of ing, as more shots could be fired with greater the trade and the "very word 'Pani' came to accuracy in close quarters.62 Pike observed mean a slave taken from the plains."59 As late Pawnee hunting elk on horseback and recalled, as 1749, a French priest described "miserable" "I saw animals slaughtered by the true savages, Pawnee slaves in the Great Lakes region and with their original weapons, bows and arrow; bemoaned that they were "to all appearances they buried the arrow up to the plume in the influenced by the English."6o animal."63 While the Indian slave trade was eventu­ Despite the impressive benefits that horses ally outlawed by the Spanish, the Pawnee provided the tribe, these animals also cre­ themselves aggressively reduced their odds of ated new stresses. As successful hunters capture and sale by acquiring European weap­ and warriors amassed large personal herds, ons and horses. The gradual inclusion of the divisions in wealth became more apparent. horse into Pawnee culture was so empowering Environmentally, the ever increasing number that it allowed the tribe to reimagine their of grass-fed animals competed for the limited status in the Plains. The Spanish reported forage in the village's range. Forage issues were seeing mounted Pawnee warriors by 1700, but exacerbated because the Pawnee lived north of the tribe maintained only small herds as late the 's "ecological and institu­ as 1724 because they relied on trade with the tional fault line.,,64 Livestock survival was often Comanche to obtain the animals. At first, the problematic in the Platte basin as cold, long horse fit into the Pawnee worldview as a super winters could hamper the pony herds' health. dog that slowly replaced canines for hauling. As a result, the Pawnee learned to manage Rituals associated with the dog culture began prairie fires in order to help regenerate neces­ to decline by 1750, which indicates that massive sary fodder. Additionally, raiding of neigh­ change must have occurred before that date. By boring tribes increased to maintain enough

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valuable animals for gift exchange and hunt­ facturing declined, these Pawnee spent more ing. Increased raiding caused more frequent and more time hunting to produce the furs and intertribal war, and although the Pawnee in buffalo robes that were increasingly necessary concert were disorganized, they were still fairly to fuel the new economy. successful. They eventually pushed the Apache Competitive trade with the four empires off the Plains and by 1785 incorporated their decreased the region's isolation and brought territory.65 They became so famous for their other social and political changes to the raids that some anthropologists contend that Pawnee. Diplomatic efforts among tribes were the Omaha's pahthin wazh~ga referred to the increasingly motivated by profit. Spanish offi­ simultaneous spring arrival of the robin and cials noted in 1795 that the Pawnee had made Pawnee raiding parties.66 peace with the Comanche in order to carryon Augmenting the power of the horse, the this lucrative trade.1l Ironically, competition Pawnee began trading pelts for French guns and for dwindling resources would increase warfare powder in the mid-1700s. By 1771 they became in the near future. Additionally, a new Creole even more formidable as they turned to the population emerged as French fur traders mar­ British, who were anxious to arm all possible ried Pawnee women. Their bicultural offspring enemies of Spain. Still, the gun and the horse would become elite denizens of the region in were generally used in separate spheres. Most the early decades of the nineteenth century. Pawnee hunted on horseback with traditional As successful hunters, the Pawnee were weapons and fought on foot with guns-when courted by the four European empires to bring they could obtain them.67 Zebulon Pike noted their "resources, land, and labor into the that by the nineteenth century, "The Pawnees market."n In turn, the tribe skillfully played have much advantage of their enemies in the the suitors off one another to create the great­ point of arms, having at least one half fire est economic advantage. This was best illus­ arms, whilst their opponents have only bows, trated by the competition between Spanish arrows, lances, shields, and slings."68 With and Americans. Although the Spanish viewed their weapons and ponies, the Pawnee became Pawnee as "cowards and poor hunters," they a dominant force in the Plains.69 adopted the habit of giving them monetary The Pawnee traded their furs to the four gifts to grease the wheels of trade in the European empires for more than just guns and 1790s.13 They also gave medals depicting the horses. In fact, a marked change in material Spanish monarch to any Pawnee of status to culture occurred. European trade goods­ encourage loyalty. Distributing medals with almost absent in 1750-became commonplace. American presidents' likenesses, Lewis and An archaeological excavation of a Pawnee vil­ Clark employed similar tactics to gain favor. lage abandoned in 1810 contained glass beads, These explorers called the Pawnee "Mild and iron and copper hoes, gun parts, axes, chisels, Well disposed" and encouraged profitable bridles, stirrups, and knives. With the increase interaction. They even suggested that the in trade goods, there was a marked decline in United States "pay great respect and deference traditional pottery, stonecraft, and woodcraft. to their traders, with whom they are punctual Eventually, traditional occupations were lost in payment of their debts."74 as copper kettles replaced pottery, for instance, The European empires' intended goals of and stoneworking became unnecessary. Brass commercial monopoly were rarely realized, as and copper trade goods were refashioned by Pawnee traders had their own agendas-con­ Pawnee craftsman to make more efficient trol of the land and control of the fur trade. In weapons. Ultimately, "filing, cutting, and cold 1805 the tribe was still receiving Spanish gifts hammering" replaced the earlier skills, and while trading directly with the Americans.15 some Pawnee men became refashioners rather The encountered the Pawnee than neolithic creators.1o As traditional manu- in September 1806 and found chiefs wearing

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln 218 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 2012 medals of George Washington and the Spanish to 4,800 total Pawnee. In any event, the nation king at the same time. Pike believed they favored was swept by waves of epidemics, leaving Spain over America despite equal distance behind only a fraction of the population first between the nations,76 Seemingly oblivious to encountered by European agents. 85 favoritism, Pawnee warriors raided expeditions regardless of nationality. In 1797 a beleaguered CONCLUSIONS Spanish agent bemoaned, "I'm sorry to find that the horses are fallen into the hands of the Direct and indirect Indian contact with Pawnee-they could not have gone to a worse the European empires allowed the Omaha place."77 True to form, the Pawnee also harassed and Pawnee to reimagine their societies. The Pike by stealing horses, earning themselves the resulting changes to their economic, political, labels "lawless banditi" and "rascals."78 and social structures had long-lasting ramifica­ Increased contact with the Europeans tions for both nations. Contact brought some forced increased social cohesion. To the important benefits. Material culture allowed Spanish in the 1790s, the Pawnee were one the Indians greater ease and leisure in their unit, not four nations,79 This is partly due to work. Iron axes and hoes, for instance, were the commercial dominance of the Chawi, who more efficient than their stone and bone coun­ controlled the trade of the cognates by their terparts. Additionally, personal decoration geographic position. Because they were closest and ritual practice took on a new vibrancy, as to the Missouri River, the other bands were beads, paint, metal ornaments, and cloth were compelled to trade through their main village. introduced and accepted. Additionally, increased Spanish and American Contact also brought power. As the Omaha traffic coupled with the migration of the pow­ and Pawnee employed new materials-horses, erful and Lakota Nations made the guns, and metal implements-they greatly Plains a "dangerous place to live.,,8o The pat­ expanded their ranges of influence. No longer tern of living in decentralized villages ceased. victims of stronger Native neighbors, they In 1804 there were four villages; in 1806, just became respected and even feared by other three.8! peoples and the European empires alike. The As the people centralized, so did their gov­ new commercial economy that brought them ernment. A nineteenth-century botanist and their trade goods tended to centralize author­ geologist noted that the Pawnee "live in great ity and population, and this in turn helped the harmony amongst themselves, owing probably nations' political expansion. to their having but two chiefs."82 Pike encoun­ Changes in the economy and political struc­ tered just two chiefs-Sharitarish (White ture brought important modifications to their Wolf) and Iskatappe (Rich Man)-among the social systems as well. As a subsistence econ­ Kitahahki in 1806, who reportedly spoke for omy gave way to a commercial one, conven­ the entire nation.83 Certainly, this was a far cry tional occupations-potter and stoneworker, from the forty odd villages and multiple head­ for example-disappeared. Because these work men of 1750. patterns were endowed by both Wak6nda and Another major player in the centralization Tirawa, the very spirituality of the people process was European disease, again mainly living in the new economy was threatened. smallpox. The death of perhaps 50 percent As traditional norms and mores changed, the of the aggregate population forced survivors practice of decision making by consensus was to abandon many villages. Lewis and Clark threatened by a new individualistic and com­ found the Chawi living in one village with mercial spirit. Additionally, the common life 1,600 citizens, the Skiri in one village of 1,000 force given to all living things was ignored, as souls, and the Kitahahki in another with 1,200 fur-bearing species and even the buffalo began residents.84 Other estimates range from 3,500 to be hunted to near extinction.

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In 1808 the land around the Missouri still 10. Janis C. Thorne, "Blackbird, King of the belonged to the Omaha and the territory Mahars: Autocrat, Big Man, Chief," Ethnohistory 40 (Summer 1993): 417; Governor Kerlrec on December around the Platte to the Pawnee. Generally, 12,1785, in A. P. Nasatir, ed., Before Lewis and Clark: both nations maintained the ceremonial Documents Illustrating the History of the Missouri, structures of their communities. The fabric 1785-1804 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, of society, however, was stretched taut as 1952), 1:52; O'Shea and Ludwickson, their cultures had already been substantially and Ethnohistory, 20; Ross, "The ," 19. 11. George E. Hyde, Pawnee Indians (Denver: altered. Both nations deviated from the University of Denver Press, 1951), 292-93; Douglas "Indian way." According to the Omaha, this R. Parks and Waldo R. Wedel, "Pawnee Geography: mysterious path was "like walking on the Historical and Sacred," Great Plains Quarterly, 5 edge of a knife." Individuals-and even entire (Summer 1985): 141; James Wilkinson to Henry nations-went straight and true or fell and Dearborn, November 26, 1805, in Donald Jackson, ed., The Journals of Zebulon Montgomery Pike: With hurt themselves.86 While disease and social Letters and Related Documents (Norman: University change brought by contact exacerbated the of Oklahoma Press, 1966), 1:252; Zebulon Pike, in demise of traditional Pawnee and Omaha Jackson, ibid., 2:42. societies, their own actions were imagined to 12. George Bird Grinnell, Pawnee Hero Stories be responsible as well. and Folk-Tales (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1961), 239. 13. John B. Dunbar, "Journal of Mission to NOTES Pawnee," Missionary Herald for 1835, vol. 31 (Boston: American Board of Commissions for 1. Elliott West, The Contested Plains: Indians, Foreign Missions, 1835),419. Goldseekers, and the Rush to (Lawrence: 14. Martha Royce Blaine, "Mythology and Folk­ University Press of Kansas, 1998), xxiv. lore: Their Possible Use in the Study of Plains 2. Alice C. Fletcher and , Caddoan Origins," Nebraska History 60 (Summer The Omaha Tribe (Lincoln: University of Nebraska 1979): 245; Ludwickson, "Historic Indian Tribes," Press, 1992), plate 21, 36, 605; John Ludwickson, 140; Robert T. Grange Jr., ''An Archeological View "Historic Indian Tribes: Ethnohistory and Archae­ of Pawnee Origins," Nebraska History 60 (Summer ology," Nebraska History 75 (Spring 1994): 137. 1979): 147. 3. Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, 70. 15. Robert T. Grange Jr., Pawnee and Lower Loup 4. Donald David Ross, "The Omaha People," Pottery (Lincoln: Nebraska State Historical Society, Indian Historian 3 (Summer 1997): 19; Dale 1969), 6-8. Rittenning, "Adaptive Patterning of Dhegiha," 16. Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 14; Pike, in Jackson, Plains Anthropologist 38 (November 1993): 261. Journals of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 2:34-35. Pike 5. John M. O'Shea and John Ludwickson, favorably compares Pawnee agricultural productiv­ Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Omaha Indians: ity to that of the powerful Osage Nation. The Big Village Site (Lincoln: University of Nebraska 17. Grange, Pawnee and Lower Loup Pottery, 6-8. Press, 1992), 2, 5; Alice C. Fletcher, Lands in 18. Donna C. Roper, "Documentary Evidence Severalty to Indians: Illustrated by Experiences with for Changes in Protohistoric and Early Historic the Omaha Tribe, Proceedings of the American Pawnee Hunting Practices," Plains Anthropologist Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 137 (1992): 354; Dunbar, "Journal of Mission to 33 (Salem, MA: Salem Press, 1885), 6, 7. Pawnee," 346, 347, 349. 6. Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, 19. Dunbar, "Journal of Mission to Pawnee," 380; 597. Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 88; Richard White, The Roots 7. O'Shea and Ludwickson, Archaeology and of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Ethnohistory, 7. Change among the , Pawnees, and 8. John M. O'Shea and John Ludwickson, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), "Omaha Chieftainship in the 19th Century," 161; David J. Wishart, An Unspeakable Sadness: Ethnohistory 39 (Summer 1992), 318-19. The Dispossession of the Nebraska Indians (Lincoln: 9. Thomas F. Schilz and Joyce L. D. Schilz, University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 19. "Beads, Bangles, and Buffalo Robes: The Rise and 20. Grinnell, Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-Tales, Fall of the Indian Fur Trade along the Missouri and 17; Douglas R. Parks, "Interpreting Pawnee Star Des Moines Rivers, 1700-1820," Annals of 49 Lore: Science or Myth?" American Indian Culture and (Summer-Fall 1987): 5. ResearchJournal9 (1985): 53; Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 287.

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21. Pekka Hiimiiliiinen, The Comanche Empire 41. O'Shea and Ludwickson, Archaeology and (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008), Ethnohistory, 24. 34-35; Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:1-3; 42. John Ludwickson, "Blackbird and Son: A Note White, Roots of Dependency, 153. concerning Late-Eighteenth and Early-Nineteenth 22. Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 37. Century Omaha Chieftainship," Ethnohistory 42 23. Thomas Frank Schilz and Donald E. Worcester, (Winter 1995): 134, 135; Fletcher and La Flesche, The "The Spread of Firearms among the Indian Tribes Omaha Tribe, 82; Carondelet to Zenon Trudeau, May of the Northern Frontier of New Spain," American 1, 1794, in Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:209. Indian Quarterly 11 (Winter 1987): 2. 43. Janis C. Thorne, "Blackbird, King of the 24. Ruth Steinberg, "Jose Jarvet, Spanish Scout Mahas," Ethnohistory 40 (Summer 1993),419. and Historical Enigma," New Mexico Historical 44. J. B. Truteau, "Journal of Truteau on the Review 67 (July 1992): 227- Missouri River, 1794-95," in Nasatir, Before Lewis 25. Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:11,27,35,56. and Clark, 1:281. 26. Hiimiiliiinen, Comanche Empire, 68-69. 45. Trudeau to Carondelet, April 24, 1794, ibid., 27. Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:60. 1:209. 28. Clamorgan's Instructions to Truteau, June 30, 46. Thorne, "Blackbird, King of the Mahars," 1794, in Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:244-46; 418. ibid., 1:83. Jaques Clamorgan was the director of the 47. O'Shea and Ludwickson, Archaeology and Company of the Upper Missouri at this time. Ethnohistory, 29-30. 29. Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:93; Cla­ 48. Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, morgan (the Governor of Louisiana) to Carondelet, 614. November 12, 1796, in Nasatir, ibid., 2:426; M. R. 49. Schilz and Schilz, "Beads, Bangles, and Montgomery, Jefferson and the Gun-Men: How the Buffalo Robes," 6, 8. West was Almost Lost (New : Crown Publishing, 50. Ludwickson, "Historic Indian Tribes," 138; 2000), 240; Jackson, Journals of Zebulon Montgomery Rittenning, "Adaptive Patterning of Dhegiha," 261. Pike,l:ix. 51. Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, 30. Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:43. 613-14. 31. Schilz and Worcester, "Spread of Firearms 52. Ibid., 615-16. among the Indian Tribes," 5; Nasatir, Before Lewis 53. Edwin James, in Thwaites, Account of an and Clark, 1:81. Expedition, 269. 32. Zenon Trudeau to Carondelet, April 30, 1795, 54. Lewis and Clark, in Reuben Gold Thwaites, in Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:322; Trudeau to ed., Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Carondelet, April, 24, 1794, ibid., 1:298. Expedition, 1804-06 (New York: Dodd, Meade, 33. Clamorgan to Carondelet, April 30, 1796, 1904), 1:110. ibid., 2:424. 55. Ibid., 6:87. 34. Carondelet to Alcudia, January 8, 1796, ibid., 56. O'Shea and Ludwickson, Archaeology and 1:396; Zenon Trudeau to Carondelet, January 15, Ethnohistory,34. 1798, ibid., 2:541. 57. LuAnn Hudson, "Protohistoric Pawnee Lithic 35. G. Calloway, First Peoples: A Docu­ Economy," Plains Anthropologist38 (November 1993): mentary Survey of American Indian History (Boston: 265. Bedford/St. Martin's, 1999), 233. 58. Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 18; Walter Prescott 36. Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, Webb, The Great Plains (Boston: Ginn and Company, 80-81. 1931), 103. 37. Ibid., 611-12. 59. , Introduction to Pawnee 38. See Richard White, The Middle Ground: Archeology (Washington, DC: GPO, 1936), 13; Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Robert R. Wiegers, "A Proposal for Indian Slave Region, 1650-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Trading in the Mississippi Valley and its Impact Press, 1991). on the Osage," Plains Anthropologist 143 (February 39. Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, 1998): 189; White, Roots of Dependency, 152. 75-76, 80; Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 82; Edwin James in 60. Father Bonnecamps, "Account of the Voyage Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., Account of an Expedition on the Beautiful River Made in 1749 under the from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains: Performed in direction of Monsieur de Celeron," in Reuben the Years 1819, 1820 (Cleveland: Arthur Clark Co., Gold Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied 1905),299. Documents, vol. 69 (Cleveland: Burrows Bros., 40. O'Shea and Ludwickson, Archaeology and 1896), 179. Ethnohistory, 23, 26; and Schilz and Schilz, "Beads, 61. Wiegers, "A Proposal for Indian Slave Bangles, and Buffalo Robes," 18. Trading," 188-90, 192; Nasatir, Before Lewis and

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Clark, 1:6; Roper, "Changes in Pawnee Hunting 73. Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 94; J. B. Truteau, Practices," 355; John R. Bozell, "Changes in the "Journal of Truteau on the Missouri River, 1794-95," Role of the Dog in Protohistoric Pawnee Culture," in Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:264. Plains Anthropologist 33 (February 1998): 95-97; 74. Lewis and Clark, in Thwaites, Original Dunbar, "Journal of Mission to Pawnee," 348; Journals, 6:86. Zebulon Pike, "Dissertation," in Jackson, Journals 75. Ruth Steinberg, "Jose Jarvet, Spanish Scout of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 2:35. and Historical Enigma," New Mexico Historical 62. Dunbar, "Journal of Mission to Pawnee," 378. Review 67 (July 1992): 241-43. 63. Pike, October 6, 1806, in Jackson, Journals of 76. Pike, in Jackson, Journals of Zebulon Mont­ Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 1:333. gomery Pike, 1:321. 64. Hamalainen, Comanche Empire, 241. 77. McDonnell to Evans, February 26, 1797, in 65. Richard White, "The Cultural Landscape Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:502. of the Pawnees," Great Plains Quarterly 2 (Winter 78. Pike, in Jackson, Journals of Zebulon Mont­ 1982): 35, 37; West, Contested Plains, 64; Roper, gomery Pike, 1:349. "Changes in Pawnee Hunting Practices," 364. 79. Zenon Trudeau to Carondelet, September 28, 66. Mark Awakuni-Swetland, University of 1793, in Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:228. Nebraska-Lincoln, conversation with author, 80. Wishart, Unspeakable Sadness, 5. October 29, 2002. 81. Douglas R. Parks, "Bands and Villages of the 67. Schilz and Worcester, "Spread of Firearms Arikara and Pawnee," Nebraska History 60 (Summer among the Indian Tribes," 2, 4, 5; Hyde, Pawnee 1979): 230; Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 292. Indians, 72; West, Contested Plains, 46. 82. Edwin James, in Thwaites, Account of an 68. Pike, "Dissertation," in Jackson, Journals of Expedition, 243. Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 1:37. 83. Pike, in Jackson, Journals of Zebulon Mont­ 69. Ludwickson, "Historic Indian Tribes," 145; gomery Pike, 1:322. Hyde, Pawnee Indians, 33, 54. 84. Lewis and Clark, in Nasatir, Before Lewis and 70. Hudson, "Protohistoric Pawnee Lithic Econ­ Clark, 6:86-87. omy," 269; Wedel, Introduction to Pawnee Archeology, 85. Parks and Wedel, "Pawnee Geography," 144; 89-90. Wishart, Unspeakable Sadness, 7, Hyde, Pawnee 71. Zenon Trudeau to Carondelet, July 4, 1795, in Indians, 52. Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark, 1:329-330. 86. Howard Wolf, Omaha elder, lecture at Uni­ 72. White, Roots of Dependency, xv. versity of Nebraska-Lincoln, December 10, 2002.

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© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln