Karl Schmückle and Western Marxism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Karl Schmückle and Western Marxism Revolutionary Russia ISSN: 0954-6545 (Print) 1743-7873 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/frvr20 Karl Schmückle and Western Marxism Kaan Kangal To cite this article: Kaan Kangal (2018) Karl Schmückle and Western Marxism, Revolutionary Russia, 31:1, 67-85, DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2018.1478671 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2018.1478671 Published online: 18 Jun 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 48 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=frvr20 Revolutionary Russia, 2018 Vol. 31, No. 1, 67–85, https://doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2018.1478671 Kaan Kangal KARL SCHMÜCKLE AND WESTERN MARXISM Born in 1898 in South-West Germany, the son of a lumberjack, a student of Karl Korsch in Jena, a colleague of Georg Lukács in Moscow, a militant of the Communist Part of Germany (KPD), and later a member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (VKPB), Schmückle was a prominent Marx expert, a literary critic and an editor of the first Marx- Engels-Gesamtausgabe (MEGA1). This article examines whether Schmückle can be called a Western Marxist. To this end, it first investigates the theoretic, geological and social patterns of Western Marxism and then detects similarities and differences between Schmückle and some pioneering figures of Western Marxism. My main contention is that Western Marxist historio- graphypotentiallyexcludesmuchofwhatstandsandfallswithSchmückle’s intellectual bio- graphy and political identity. The way Western Marxism would read Schmückle leads to the conclusion that Schmückle was a Westerner and a Marxist, but hardly a Western Marxist. This suggests that either Western Marxism applies to him in a very loose sense or, alternatively, the term can be empirically falsified in Schmückle’s case. How social histories are narrated depends on which concepts are employed and for what purpose. ‘Western Marxism’ is such a concept and is employed to map particular pio- neering figures in particular periods of time in particular places, but also to critically situate Western Marxism in the theoretical framework that it creates and to which it belongs. Curiously enough, Western Marxism is a negative term. It is something that is not ‘Soviet Marxism.’ In contradistinction to whatever is called ‘Soviet’ or Soviet Marxism in terms of political economy, ideology, philosophy or literature, Western Marxism rather is a protest against, or a critical attitude towards the ways in which the history of Marxism has developed. It is a reclamation of its own place. Western Marxism then is something more, or other, than a mere category of social historiography. Its ambitions go far beyond the standard tasks of any historical narrative: it attempts to reshape the narrative of the history of Marxism itself. This ambition to become a genuine subject and object of its own historical narrative has a certain novelty. But how different is this from what it desperately tries to dis- tinguish itself from – Soviet Marxism? Much of what is, or can be, said of Western Marxism with respect to its narrative ambitions also applies to its Soviet counterpart. They share a pattern in this regard. Is this because there actually is no clear-cut line between Western and Soviet Marxisms? The problem may have been misplaced from the very beginning, for it seemingly arises from an East–West binary. This binary is blurry because it requires further definitions of ‘East,’‘West’ and, of course, ‘Marxism.’ However, these terms are usually ill-defined, even though they have been employed for a long time and widely circulated by many historians of Marxism. R 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group 68 REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA Thus, we are told that these are the concepts to begin with if we are to attempt to grasp the motivating forces within the history of Marxism. Western Marxism is not, and never claimed to be, immune to critique. Quite the contrary, it presupposes an examination of its own tools. Following this lead, the present article sees its task, perhaps paradoxically, in questioning whether and to what extent the very term Western Marxism applies to a group of German scholars of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the Soviet Union, but more closely to one particular figure from that group: Karl Schmückle.1 Born in 1898 in south-western Germany, Schmückle was the son of a lumberjack, a student of Karl Korsch in Jena, a colleague of Georg Lukács in Moscow, a militant of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and later a member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (VKP(B)). He was a prominent Marxologist, a historian of European social utopias, a literary critic and novelist, and an editor of the first Marx-Engels-Gesam- tausgabe (MEGA1).2 Schmückle was politicized during the First World War, then joined the KPD and worked in different communist papers such as Rote Fahne and Die Interna- tionale. He was also one of the participants of the Erste Marxistische Arbeitswoche, a 1923 seminar organized by Felix Weil, the co-founder of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research. Aware of Schmückle’s many talents, Weil recommended him to the Marx– Engels Institute in Moscow when David Riazanov, the director of the Institute, was looking for German editors to work on his MEGA1 project. Schmückle worked at the Moscow Institute until Riazanov was charged with Menshevik conspiracy. The Insti- tute was shut down in 1931, and Schmückle, along with many others, was dismissed. Until his arrest in 1937 for Trotskyist espionage, and execution in 1938, Schmückle con- tributed to certain Soviet-based German papers such as Deutsche Zentral-Zeitung and Internationale Literatur.3 Did Schmückle fit into the category of Western Marxism? I would argue that the way Western Marxism is identified and the biographical, geographical and theoretical patterns it provides run into controversy when it comes to Schmückle. The central issue in identifying Western Marxism has consisted thus far in detecting the figures who are either originally from, and reside in, or emigrated to the West. Therefore Marxists moving in opposite directions, from West to East, comprise something of a blind spot in this narrative. Moreover, what scholarly contributions they made in the Soviet Union, and how their achievements were echoed in the West, is out of the scope of Western Marxist historiography. One of the significant, and controversial, examples is perhaps the scholarly edition of Marx and Engels’ works that caused a massive change in the ways Marx and Engels were read and interpreted in the East and West. Nevertheless, in Schmückle’s case there are some other aspects that need to be taken into account. One of the core elements of Western Marxism is its alleged scientific-theoretical system or a world outlook open to non-Marxist sources. I will show that this perfectly applies to Schmückle’s works on European intellectual history and literary criticism, which he wrote before and after he emigrated to Soviet Union, and even after he was dismissed from the Marx-Engels Institute. In this article, I will first focus on how the term Western Marxism was coined and examine to what extent it applies to Schmückle. I will then go into some of Schmückle’s own writings in order to portray a type of intellectual in the Soviet Union of the 1920s and 1930s. Some additional remarks on his trial and execution will also be helpful to understand the factual circumstances and the physical environment that might underlie KARL SCHMÜCKLE AND WESTERN MARXISM 69 his absence in the historiographies of Marxism. This study certainly challenges the Western Marxist narrative. My intention here, however, is not to bury the eponyms of Western Marxism but to use its ambivalences in a productive way. One might call this approach a fruitful paradox. What is Western Marxism? Western Marxism is commonly considered an intellectual current of ‘Marxists who were politically independent of the Soviet Union.’ Accordingly, they were ‘not con- forming to the official Soviet ideology,’ and ‘not regarding the social structures of the Soviet Union either as socialist, or as developing towards socialism.’‘Marxists,’ on the other hand, are those whose main intellectual focus consists of ‘economic and social forces’ of history, that is a ‘specific series of successive social formations’ based on a dialectical dynamic of class struggle.4 Furthermore, some biographical, geographic and theoretic traits are used in order to demarcate ‘Western Marxism’ as an integrated tradition. Almost all of the Western Marxists had a middle-class background and were radica- lized during the First World War. They were either natives or emigrants of Western Europe. Theoretically, they represented a ‘structural divorce’ from ‘political practice.’ Unlike the ‘Classical Marxism’ before the First World War that typically performed an inseparable political-intellectual function in political parties in Eastern and Western Europe, Western Marxism experienced a rupture between theory and praxis in a genera- tional context after the First World War.5 A theoretical shift from politics and economy to philosophy, culture and literature is ascribed to Western Marxists in order to distinguish them from their Soviet counterpart. The first receptions of and massive reactions to the newly published early philosophical writings of Marx in 1920s and 1930s, so the argu- ment goes, played a major role in its theoretical turn.6 But more importantly, the gulf between socialist theory and working-class practice, we are told, results from an ‘insti- tutionally widened and fixed … bureaucratization of the USSR and of the Comintern under Stalin.’7 If ‘Soviet Marxists’‘finish on top,’‘write the histories,’‘hand out the medals’ and had glorious victories on the stage of history, then ‘Western Marxists’ are those who are ‘silenced and defeated.’8 ‘The success of Soviet Marxism contributed to, and often directed, the defeat of other Marxisms.’9 Whether a dissident leftism of this sort can be called Marxism is not my topic here.10 I am, rather, interested in the patterns that this narrative provides.
Recommended publications
  • Reichman on Linden, 'Western Marxism and the Soviet Union: a Survey of Critial Theories and Debates Since 1917'
    H-Russia Reichman on Linden, 'Western Marxism and the Soviet Union: A Survey of Critial Theories and Debates since 1917' Review published on Monday, November 10, 2008 Marcel van der Linden. Western Marxism and the Soviet Union: A Survey of Critial Theories and Debates since 1917. Leiden: Brill, 2007. ix + 380 pp. $139.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-90-04-15875-7. Reviewed by Henry Reichman Published on H-Russia (November, 2008) Commissioned by Nellie H. Ohr A Fading Tradition This is a revised, corrected, updated, and expanded version of a work that began as a PhD dissertation and was originally published in Dutch in 1989 and again in German in 1992. Marcel van der Linden, a labor historian at Amsterdam University and executive editor of theInternational Review of Social History, summarizes an extraordinarily broad range of Western Marxist thinkers in an effort to understand how Marxists who were politically independent of the Soviet Union "theoretically interpreted developments in the Soviet Union" (p. 4). Noting that "in the history of ideas Marxist theories have not received the attention they deserve" (p. 2) and that "the 'Russian Question' was an absolutely central problem for Marxism in the twentieth century" (p. 1), van der Linden seeks simultaneously to shed light on both the Soviet experience and "the historical development of Marxist thought" (p. 1), succeeding perhaps more in the latter goal than the former. The book opens with a brief introduction, which postulates that the development of Western Marxist thinking about the Soviet Union was shaped by three "contextual clusters:" 1) "The general theory of the forms of society (modes of production) and their succession" adopted by differing Marxist thinkers; 2) the changing "perception of stability and dynamism of Western capitalism"; and 3) the various ways "in which the stability and dynamism of Soviet society was perceived" (pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Documentos De Trabajo
    UNIVERSIDAD DEL CEMA Buenos Aires Argentina Serie DOCUMENTOS DE TRABAJO Área: Historia y Economía THE POPULIST ECONOMIC POLICY PARADIGM: EARLY PERONISM AS AN ARCHETYPE Emilio Ocampo Junio 2020 Nro. 731 www.cema.edu.ar/publicaciones/doc_trabajo.html UCEMA: Av. Córdoba 374, C1054AAP Buenos Aires, Argentina ISSN 1668-4575 (impreso), ISSN 1668-4583 (en línea) Editor: Jorge M. Streb; asistente editorial: Valeria Dowding <[email protected]> The Populist Economic Policy Paradigm: Early Peronism as an Archetype Emilio Ocampo1 Abstract Before Hugo Chavez burst into the political scene in Venezuela, Argentina’s Juan Perón (1895- 1974) was considered the quintessential Latin American populist leader. He ruled Argentina from mid 1943 until September 1955 and between 1973 and 1974 and his political party has been in power two thirds of the time since the reestablishment of democracy in 1983. Perón’s economic policies between 1946 and 1949 are also considered archetypical. The Peronist economic policy paradigm (PEPP) emphasized income redistribution and a fiscally induced expansion of aggregate demand at the expense of productivity and allocative efficiency. Although the ideological roots of Peronism can be directly traced back to Fascism, when it came to his economic policies, Perón claimed to have been inspired by FDR’s New Deal and Keynes’s General Theory. However, in mosts respects, in their early stage, Peronist economic policies resemble more those proposed by Sir Oswald Mosley (1896-1980) in 1930. This paper describes the PEPP, its implementation and results and evaluates several hypothesis regarding its intellectual roots. Keywords: Peronism, Fascism, Economic Policy, Argentina. JEL Codes: B00, B29, E60, E65, N14, N16, O23, P40, P47.
    [Show full text]
  • Uncovering Marx's Yet Unpublished Writings
    Uncovering Marx's Yet Unpublished Writings Kevin B. Anderson Published in Critique (Glasgow), No. 30-31 (1998), pp. 179-187 [reprinted in Marx, edited by Scott Meikle (Ashgate 2002); translated into Turkish in Insancil, Istanbul, May 1997] When Lawrence Krader published his historic transcription of Marx's Ethnological Notebooks 25 years ago, a new window was opened into Marx's thought. What in published form had become 250 pages of notes by Marx on Lewis Henry Morgan and other anthropologists which he had compiled in his last years, 1880-81, showed us as never before a Marx concerned as much with gender relations and with non-Western societies such as India, pre-Colombian Mexico, and the Australian aborigines, as well as ancient Ireland, as he was with the emancipation of the industrial proletariat. As will be shown below, to this day there are a significant number of writings by Marx on these and other issues which have never been published in any language. Why this is still the case in 1997, 114 years after Marx's death, is the subject of this essay, in which I will also take up plans now in progress in Europe to publish many of these writings for the first time. The problem really begins with Engels and continues today. While Engels labored long and hard to edit and publish what he considered to be a definitive edition of Vol. I of Capital in 1890, and brought out Vols. II and III of that work in 1885 and 1894 by carefully editing and arranging Marx's draft manuscripts, Engels did not plan or even propose the publication of the whole of Marx's writings.
    [Show full text]
  • The Radical Infatuation with Western Marxism Or La Belle Dame Sans Merci?
    Canadian Journal of Social and Political Theory/Revue canadienne de theorie politique et sociale , Vol. 6, No. 3 (Fall/Automne, 1982) . THE RADICAL INFATUATION WITH WESTERN MARXISM OR LA BELLE DAME SANS MERCI? Rosaire Langlois Russell Jacoby, Dialectic of Defeat: Contours of Western Marxism, Cambridge University Press, 1981, p. X+202 One of the more striking characteristics of the re-orientation of social and political theory during the past fifteen years or so, has been the resurgence of interest in various types of Marxist theory.' Old theorists were rehabilitated- among them Lukacs and Gramsci-and new thinkers were embraced-notably, Althusser and Habermas . The old faith took on new trappings . This second coming of Marxism bore little resemblance to the old-fashioned version. The very foundations of classical Marxism-for example, the stress on the role of the economy and technology on the organization of social life-were cast aside with a corresponding exaltation of the role of the autonomous human subject . Innocent bystanders could be forgiven for wondering whether the uniqueness and perhaps even the coherence of Marxism had not been compromised altogether . The latest work of Russell Jacoby, while not intended as an encyclopaedic survey of all the theorists and issues within the "Western Marxist" tradition, attempts a partial stocktaking and affords an opportunity for a tentative assessment of the approach .z Jacoby writes as both scholar and passionate partisan. Not all, however, will share his continued enthusiasm. The Dialectic ofDefeat is, at one level, a work of intellectual history. As such, it is a quite interesting and significant effort .
    [Show full text]
  • Themes in Historical Materialism
    Chapter One Introduction: Themes in Historical Materialism By ‘modes of production’, Marx meant forms of domination and control of labour bound up with a wider set of class-relations expressive of them and of the social functions implied in them. He saw these general ‘forms’ and the class-divisions grounded in them as ‘historically created’, that is, specific to the period they belonged to, yet capable of subsuming often much earlier forms as an intrinsic part of their own (form of) development, as, for example, in ‘the connection between Roman civil law and modern production’ (Grundrisse).1 Marx also believed that these general configurations (‘totalities of produc- tion relations’) were defined by an inherent dynamic that worked itself out in the eventual dissolution of existing relations. How this happened, or could hap- pen, was, of course, best described in his description of capitalism and its general ‘laws of motion’. The essays published in this collection span a period of just over thirty years (from debates in the late s down to ) and set out first to map a general conception of modes of production as histori- cal characterisations of whole epochs, in other words, to restore a sense a historical complexity to them, and then to illustrate/explore some of that complexity in detailed studies based as far as possible on primary- source material. 1 Marx , p. ; using McLellan’s translation in McLellan , p. • Chapter One Marx himself was opposed to a ‘supra-historical’ approach that simply reduced historical characterisations to formulae. It was obvious to him that historical materialists would have to ‘study the different forms of evolu- tion’ and ‘compare them’ before a workable characterisation was available for any period.
    [Show full text]
  • Félix José Weil: Un Latinoamericano En La
    Revista Ideação, N. 41, Janeiro/Junho 2020 FÉLIX JOSÉ WEIL: UN LATINOAMERICANO EN LA FUNDACIÓN DE LA ESCUELA DE FRANKFURT TÍTULO DO ARTIGO OMAR GARCÍA CORONA1 TÍTULO DO ARTIGO RESUMEN: La primera Escuela de Frankfurt es conocida como una de las más importantes expresiones del marxismo occidental desarrollada en Europa y los Estados Unidos a lo largo el siglo XX. Autores como Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer o Herbert Marcuse son conocidos por sus investigaciones sociales y su crítica a la modernidad. No obstante, la pregunta clave en este ensayo es la siguiente: ¿Qué relación guarda América Latina con aquella primera generación de jóvenes intelectuales interesada en abrir un instituto para la investigación social? O más específicamente ¿Qué relación guarda América Latina con la primera Escuela de Frankfurt? Descubrimos en la figura de Félix José Weil, nacido en Argentina, un pensador de formación marxista de amplios alcances que jugaría un papel central para la formación, en sentido teórico y económico, de la afamada Escuela; personaje, sin embargo, marginado y casi desconocido en los estudios de la filosofía crítica. PALABRAS CLAVE: mecenas, marxismo, IFS, fundación, Argentina. ABSTRACT: The first Frankfurt School is known as one of the most important expressions of Western Marxism developed in Europe and the United States throughout the 20th century. Authors such as Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer or Herbert Marcuse are known for their social research and their criticism of modernity. However, the key question in this essay is the
    [Show full text]
  • Karl Kautsky: Early Assumptions, Preconceptions, and Prejudices
    Karl Kautsky: Early Assumptions, Preconceptions, and Prejudices GARY P. STEENSON Washington, D. C., U.S.A. ABSTRACT Analysis of one of Karl Kautsky's earliest articles, "Der Kampf um's Dasein in der Menschenwelt" (1877a), reveals a relatively subtle and sophisticated understanding of biology and Darwinian theory, but also shows many of the problematical assumptions which colored Kautsky's early work. Even more importantly, this article makes it clear that far from disregar- ding the subjective element of human behavior, Kautsky made such behavior central to his efforts to link Darwinian thought to the workers' socialist movement. FROM 1875, WHEN AT THE AGE of twenty-one he published his first contributions to the socialist presses of Germany and Austria, until shortly before his death in 1938, Karl Kautsky was one of the most prolific and eclectic writers of the international socialist movement. He wrote about medieval England and Germany, ancient Greece, modern industry, philosophy, educa- tion, economics, history, modern society, imperialism, the natural and social sciences, contemporary affairs, party politics, Russia, France, the United States, anything, in fact, which struck his fancy and seemed important to him. For over half a century he devoted himself to advancing the cause of the workers' socialist movement and, more specifically, to the advancement of Marxism. Because of his close affiliation with the German Social Democratic Party and his responsibility for Die Neue Zeit, the leading intellectual journal of socialism and Marxism from its founding in 1883 until the outbreak of the First World War, Kautsky was, after Engels, the most important Marxian theorist in the world for the thirty years from the death of Marx to the war.
    [Show full text]
  • Monthly Review Press Catalog, 2011
    PAID PAID Social Structure RIPON, WI and Forms of NON-PROFIT U.S. POSTAGE U.S. POSTAGE Consciousness ORGANIZATION ORGANIZATION PERMIT NO. 100 volume ii The Dialectic of Structure and History István Mészáros Class Dismissed WHY WE CANNOT TEACH OR LEARN OUR WAY OUT OF INEQUALITY John Marsh JOSÉ CARLOS MARIÁTEGUI an anthology MONTHLY REVIEW PRESS Harry E. Vanden and Marc Becker editors and translators the story of the center for constitutional rights How Venezuela and Cuba are Changing the World’s Conception of Health Care the people’s RevolutionaRy lawyer DOCTORS 2011 Albert Ruben Steve Brouwer WHAT EVERY ENVIRONMENTALIST NEEDS TO KNOW ABOUT CAPITALISM JOHN BELLAMY FOSTER FRED MAGDOFF monthly review press review monthly #6W 29th Street, 146 West NY 10001 New York, www.monthlyreview.org 2011 MRP catalog:TMOI.qxd 1/4/2011 3:49 PM Page 1 THE DEVIL’S MILK A Social History of Rubber JOHN TULLY From the early stages of primitivehistory accu- mulation“ to the heights of the industrial revolution and beyond, rubber is one of a handful of commodities that has played a crucial role in shaping the modern world, and yet, as John Tully shows in this remarkable book, laboring people around the globe have every reason to THE DEVIL’S MILK regard it as “the devil’s milk.” All the A S O C I A L H I S T O R Y O F R U B B E R advancements made possible by rubber have occurred against a backdrop of seemingly endless exploitation, con- quest, slavery, and war.
    [Show full text]
  • Ational Publish-Ers Voices of Revolt
    , BE I I ATIONAL PUBLISH-ERS VOICES OF REVOLT SPEECHES OF AUGUST BEBEL VOICES OF REVOLT A series of small books in which are col­ lected the outstanding utterances of world­ famous leaders in revolutionary thought and action. Each volume contains a criti­ cal introduction. The volumes already published are: I. MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRJ!i II. jEAN PAUL MARAT III. FERDINAND LASSALLE IV. KARL LIEBKNECHT V. GEORGES jACQUES DANTON: VI. AuGUST BEBEL VII. WILHELM LIEBKNECHT VIII. V. I. LENIN IX. EuGENE V. DEBS X. CHARLES E. RuTHENBERG INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS 381 Fourth Ave. New York VOICES OF REVOLT ----------:.~· d : ';-:' . ,,• VOLUME VI.· •.. * SPEECHES OF AUGUST BEBEL,. WITH A CRITICAL INTRODUCTION NEW YORK INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS ' ,.· ... ' .. ~ ' >.>' . '. ~ ~· J/-1 :( 76 t~:.3 L.f 2..-- Copyright, 11)28, by INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS CO., INC. Prifl,ted. in th6 U. 8. A. This book Is eompoaed alld prillted by ullion labor CONTENTS :PAGE FoREWORD 7 WAR ON THE PALACEs; PEAcE To THE CoTTAGEs I2 PATRIOTS AND PERCENTAGES I3 STOP THE MASS SLAUGHTER . IS THE QuESTION oF RIGHT IS THE QUEsTION OF MIGHT I7 THE PowER oF ILLEGALITY 20 POLICE, STOOL PIGEONS AND PROVOCATEURS 22 LEsT WE FoRGET 28 THE CAPITALIST CoNGREss AND ITS SoLUTION 29 THE CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE ENTREPRE· NEURS 39 THE CHURCH As A SERVANT OF THE CLAss STATE 44 WE SPEAK FOR THE MASSES 49 BACK TO THE VILLAGE • 50 THE VICTIMS OF MARCH DAYS 54 DISCIPLINE 56 THE GRANTING OF .THE BUDGET 59 A CHILDISH CONCEPTION 6 I THE SwAKP • 63 684160 vi CONTENTS l'AGII THE MoRTAL ENEMY OF BouRGEOIS SociETY 64 WILHELM'S HUNS 66 THE CMWN PRINCE SPEAKS 68 WILHELM'S RETINUE 70 THE POLITICAL MASS STRIKE 7I PACIFISM AND THE ARMAMENT INDUSTRY 83 AMERICA'S VICTORY • 85 THE GREAT CoLLAPSE 87 THE BRIGADE OF THE WAR MONGERS 90 THE BouRGEOIS REPUBLIC IS A CLASS STATE 9I WE SHALL PuT THEM DowN 93 EXPLANATORY NoTES 94 FOREWORD REPoRTS reached England in Septemb~rf 'r.rffff2 ;· i~ the effect.that Bebel had died; Marx tl(ere~~~n V~-11~<: ••.
    [Show full text]
  • Geschichte Des Instituts Für Sozialforschung Von Ludwig Von Friedeburg
    Geschichte des Instituts für Sozialforschung von Ludwig von Friedeburg 1 Vorgeschichte Abb. 1: Die Teilnehmer(innen) der "Marxistischen Arbeitswoche" in Geraberg bei Arnstadt (Thüringen) 1923, darunter auch einige Personen aus dem Umfeld des Instituts für Sozialforschung: Friedrich Pollock (oben, 2. v.l.), Georg Lukács (oben, 4. v.l.), Felix Weil (oben, 2. v.r.), Karl August Wittvogel (unten, 1. v.l.), Rose Wittvogel (unten, 2. v.l.), Christiane Sorge (unten, 4. v.l.), Karl Korsch (unten, 5. v.l.) Das Institut für Sozialforschung konnte an keiner anderen deutschen Universität entstehen als an der in Frankfurt am Main. Landesuniversität wie alle weiteren, war deren Gründung 1914 vom zuständigen Landesherren, dem preußischen König Wilhelm II., genehmigt worden, aber anders als alle anderen ohne das Plazet des für die Finanzierung zuständigen Landtages. Denn dessen kompakte konservative Mehrheit mißbilligte die Hochschulpläne der liberalen Wirt- schaftsstadt und einiger ihrer wohlhabenden Unternehmer- und Bankiersfamilien, in der von den Preußen 1866 annektierten ehemaligen freien Reichsstadt eine freie "Volksuniversität" zu gründen anstatt einer Hochschule nach preußischer Schablone. Denn die Stadt stand im Ver- dacht jüdisch-demokratischer Tendenzen. Landesmittel waren also nicht zu erwarten. Daher Ludwig von Friedeburg: Die Geschichte des Instituts für Sozialforschung 2 boten allein private Stiftungsgelder im Verein mit dem Engagement der Stadt einen Weg und zugleich die Gewähr für das liberale Konzept der neuen Hochschule. Stadt und Stifter verzichteten bewußt auf die theologischen Fakultäten, schufen statt dessen eine eigene naturwissenschaftliche und, erstmals in Deutschland, eine Wirtschafts- und Sozi- alwissenschaftliche Fakultät. In ihr wirkte die am Anfang des Jahrhunderts gegründete Aka- demie für Sozial- und Handelswissenschaften fort, für die 1907 von der Jügelstiftung ein re- präsentatives Gebäude errichtet worden war, das zum Zentrum der im Oktober 1914 eröffne- ten Universität wurde.
    [Show full text]
  • The Karl Marx
    LENIN LIBRARY VO,LUME I 000'705 THE TEA~HINGS OF KARL MARX • By V. I. LENIN FLORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY U8AARY SOCIALIST - LABOR COllEClIOK INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS 381 FOURTH AVENUE • NEW YORK .J THE TEACHINGS OF KARL MARX BY V. I. LENIN INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS I NEW YORK Copyright, 1930, by INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS CO., INC. PRINTED IN THE U. S. A. ~72 CONTENTS KARL MARX 5 MARX'S TEACHINGS 10 Philosophic Materialism 10 Dialectics 13 Materialist Conception of History 14 Class Struggle 16 Marx's Economic Doctrine . 18 Socialism 29 Tactics of the Class Struggle of the Proletariat . 32 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MARXISM 37 THE TEACHINGS OF KARL MARX By V. I. LENIN KARL MARX KARL MARX was born May 5, 1818, in the city of Trier, in the Rhine province of Prussia. His father was a lawyer-a Jew, who in 1824 adopted Protestantism. The family was well-to-do, cultured, bu~ not revolutionary. After graduating from the Gymnasium in Trier, Marx entered first the University at Bonn, later Berlin University, where he studied 'urisprudence, but devoted most of his time to history and philosop y. At th conclusion of his uni­ versity course in 1841, he submitted his doctoral dissertation on Epicure's philosophy:* Marx at that time was still an adherent of Hegel's idealism. In Berlin he belonged to the circle of "Left Hegelians" (Bruno Bauer and others) who sought to draw atheistic and revolutionary conclusions from Hegel's philosophy. After graduating from the University, Marx moved to Bonn in the expectation of becoming a professor. However, the reactionary policy of the government,-that in 1832 had deprived Ludwig Feuer­ bach of his chair and in 1836 again refused to allow him to teach, while in 1842 it forbade the Y0ung professor, Bruno Bauer, to give lectures at the University-forced Marx to abandon the idea of pursuing an academic career.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxist Historiography in the History of Education: from Colonial to Neocolonial Schooling in the United States
    Curry Malott & Pierre Orelus (2015). MARXIST HISTORIOGRAPHY Postcolonial Directions in Education, 4(2), 140-194 MARXIST HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION: FROM COLONIAL TO NEOCOLONIAL SCHOOLING IN THE UNITED STATES Curry Malott & Pierre Orelus West Chester University of Pennsylvania & New Mexico State University ABSTRACT This essay draws on Marx’s scholarly contributions to historiography to examine the history of and approach to the history of education in the United States. The primary theoretical perspective is drawn from the materialist approach outlined in The German Ideology (Marx & Engels, 1846/1996). The Marxist historiography in the history of education developed here is then employed to analyze and critique narratives of the colonial and common school eras. This work disrupts Eurocentric tendencies in Marxist history of education by returning to the work of Marx himself. Este ensayo utiliza las contribuciones eruditas de Marx a la historiografía para examinar la historia y el enfoque de la educación en los Estados Unidos. El enfoque principal teórico esta basado en el materialismo delineado en The German Ideology (Marx & Engels, 1846/1996). La historiografía Marxista en la historia de la educación es utilizada en este ensayo para analizar y criticar las narrativas educativas de épocas coloniales. Este ensayo interrumpe las tendencias eurocéntricas en la historia de la educación Marxista a través de la revisión del trabajo de Marx. Keywords: Capital, historiography, Materialism, labour, revolution, education, schooling Introduction This essay draws on Marx’s scholarly contributions to historiography to examine the history of and approach to the history of education in the United States. Before delving into a Marxist historiography, however, we review the developments within the history of education beginning with Michael Katz 140 (1975; 1987) and Bowles and Gintis (1976) focusing exclusively on the U.S., even though the goal of a Marxist pedagogy is global in nature.
    [Show full text]